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CONTRIBUTIONS  TOWARD 

A  HISTORY 

OF 

ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

VOLUME  IV 

PHYSIOLOGUS 
STUDIES 


By  LEO  WIENER 

PROFESSOR  OF  SLAVIC  LANGUAGES  AND  LITERATURES  AT 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY;  AUTHOR  OF  "A  COMMENTARY  TO 
THE  GERMANIC  LAWS  AND  MEDIAEVAL  DOCUMENTS." 
"CONTRIBUTIONS  TOWARD  A  HISTORY  OF  ARABICO- 
GOTHIC  CULTURE,  "HISTORY  OF  YIDDISH  LITERATURE." 
•'HISTORY  OF  THE  CONTEMPORARY  RUSSIAN  DRAMA." 
"ANTHOLOGY  OF  RUSSIAN  LITERATURE."  "INTERPRETA- 
TION OF  THE  RUSSIAN  PEOPLE;"  TRANSLATOR  OF  THE 
WORKS  OF  TOLSTOY;  CONTRIBUTOR  TO  GERMAN,  RUSSIAN 
FRENCH.  ENGLISH.  AND  AMERICAN  PHILOLOGICAL 
PERIODICALS.    ETC.,    ETC. 


INNES  &  SONS 

129-135  N.  TWELFTH  ST.,  PHILADELPHIA,  PA. 
MCMXXI 


Copyright,  1921,  by  Innes  &  Sons 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


Page 

SOURCES  QUOTED  IX-XXII 

INTRODUCTION 

1.  TO  MY  CRITICS XXIII-XXIX 

2.  GERMAN  LOAN-WORDS  AND  THE  SECOND 
SOUND  SHIFTING XXIX-XXXIX 

8.  ECONOMIC  HISTORY  AND  PHIL- 
OLOGY        XXXIX-LXXVII 

4.  CONCLUSION LXXVII-LXXXI 

1-10 

11-18 

19-39 

40-48 

49-58 

59-67 

68-74 

75-84 

85-91 

92-96 

.   97-107 

108-120 

121-128 

129-142 

143-175 

176-199 

200-209 

210-216 

217-239 

240-252 

253-286 

287-288 

289-290 

291-293 

294-299 

300-310 

311-321 

322-341 

342-356 

358-377 

378-388 


I.  THE  BUBALUS  IN  THE  BIBLE 

II.  THE  BULL  OF  PAEONIA 

III.  BUFFALO  HIDES 

IV.  THE  TRAGELAPHUS 
V.  THE  TARANDUS 

VI.  THE  ALCE 

VII.  THE  ANTHOLOPS 

VIII.  THE  URUS 

IX.  THE  MONOPS 

X.  THE  GAMMUS 

XI.  THE  BISON   . 

XII.  THE  PHILOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

XIII.  THE  PEARL  IN  GREEK  LITERATURE 

XIV.  THE  PEARL  IN  ARABIC  LITERATURE 
XV.  THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS 

XVI.  THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  . 

XVII.  UNIONES  IN  MARTIAL 

XVIII.  THE  PEARL  IN  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS 

XIX.  THE  WHALE         .... 

XX.  THE  UNICORN 

XXI.  THE  LION 

XXII.  THE  SAW 

XXIII.  THE  FIREBEARING  STONES 

XXIV.  THE  CHARADRIUS 
XXV.  THE  PELICAN     .... 

XXVI.  THE  LIZARD        .... 

XXVII.  THE  WEASEL  .... 

XXVIII.  GLAESUM 

XXIX.  THE  HERCYNIAN  FOREST 
WORD  INDEX 
SUBJECT  INDEX      . 


PEARL 


SOURCES  QUOTED 


Ad-Damlrl. 


Aelian. 

Aeneas  Sylvius. 
Aethicus. 


Ahlquist,  A. 
Ahrens,  K. 
Albertus  Magnus. 
Alcuin. 
Ambrose. 
Amelineau,  E. 

Ammianus  Marcellinus. 
Amyot,  J.  M. 

Annius,  J. 
Ansileubus. 
Anthologia  Palatina. 
Antigonus  of  Carystia. 

Apicius,  Caelius. 


Hayat  al-hayawan  (A  Zoological  Lexicon),  trans- 
lated from  the  Arabic  by  Lt.-Colonel  A.  S.  G. 
Jayakar,  vols.  I  and  IP,  London,  Bombay 
1906-1908. 

Opera  quae  extant  omnia,  Basileae  1571. 

Ethicus  et  les  ouvrages  cosmographiques  intitules 

de  ce  nom,  ed.  M.  D'Avezac,  Paris  1852. 
Die  Kosmographie  des  Istrier  Aithikos,  ed.   H. 

Wuttke,  Leipzig  1853. 
Wogulisches  Worterverzeichnis,  Helsingissa  1891. 
Das  Buch  der  Naturgegenstande,  Kiel  1892. 

See  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  C. 
See  CSEL.,  vol.  XXXII-. 

Histoire  des  monasteres  de  la  Basse-Egypte,  Paris 
1894,  in  Annales  du  Musee  Guimet,  vol.  XXV. 


Dictionnaire  tartare-mantchou  frangois,  vol. 

Paris  1789. 
Antiquitatum  variarum  volumina  XVII,  1512. 
See  Mai. 


II, 


Apollonius  Rhodius. 

Archivio  glottologico  italiano,  vol. 

Aristophanes. 

Aristotle. 


Historiarum  mirabilium  collectanea,  ed.  J.  Beck- 

mann,  Lipsiae  1791. 
De  re  coquinaria  libri  decem,  ed.  C.  T.  Schuch 

Heidelbergae  1874. 


II. 


De  animalibus  historia,  ed.  L.  Dittmeyer,  Lipsiae 

1907. 
The  Works   of   Aristotle,   trans,   and   ed.   J.   A. 

Smith  and  W.  D.  Ross,  vol.  IV,  Oxford  1910. 
Opera,  ed.  I.  Bekker,  vol.  II,  Berolini  1831. 
Arnoldus  Saxo.  See  Stange. 

Arrian.  History    of    Alexander's    Expedition,    trans,    by 

Rooke,  vol.  II,  London  1729. 
Ashburner,  W.  The  Rhodian  Sea-Law,  Oxford  1909. 

Athenaeus.  The  Deipnosophists  or  Banquet  of  the  Learned  of 

Athenaeus,  trans,  by  C.  D.  Yonge,  vols.  I  and 
II,  London  1854. 
Atti  della  Societa  Ligure  de  Storia  patria,  vol.  XXXVI,  Roma  1906. 
Augustine.  See  Migne,  P.  L.,  vols.  XXXIV  and  XXXV. 

See  CSEL.,  vols.  XXV,  XXVIII,  XXIX,  XL^. 


X 


HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Balari  y  Jovany,  J. 
Balch,  E.  G. 
Basil. 
Basset,  R. 


Beck,  L. 

Beckh,  H. 
Bede. 
Beer,  R. 

Behrend,  R. 
Bekker,  I. 
Berthelot,  M. 


Beugnot,  A.  A. 
Blancard,  L. 

Bloomfield,  M. 

Bliimner,  H. 
Bochart,  S. 


Bockh,  A. 
Bonaini,  F. 
Bradley,  H. 
Bretschneider,  E. 

Bridel,  D. 
Brisson,  B. 
Brugsch,  H. 
Budge,  E.  A.  W. 

Burner,  G. 

Burnam,  J.  M. 
Butler,  C. 


Origenes  historicos  de  Cataluna,  Barcelona  1899. 

Our  Slavic  Fellow  Citizens,  New  York  1910. 

See  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  XXX. 

Etude  sur  la  Zenatia  de  I'Ouarsenis  et  du  Maghreb 

,  Central,  Paris  1895. 

Etude  sur  la  Zenatia  de  Mzab,  de  Ouargla  et  de 

I'Oued-Rir',  Paris  1892. 
Les  noms  des  metaux  et  des  couleurs  en  berbere, 

Paris  1895. 
Die  Geschichte  des  Eisens,  vol.  I,  Braunschweig 

1884. 
Geoponica,  Lipsiae  1895. 
See  Migne,  P.  L.,  vols.  XCI  and  XCII. 
Isidori    Etymologiae,     Codex     Toletanus     (nunc 

Matritensis),  15,  8,  Lugduni  Batavorum  1909. 
Lex  salica,  Weimar  1897. 
Anecdota  graeca,  vol.  I,  Berolini  1814. 
Collection  des  anciens  alchimistes  grecs,  vol.  I, 

Paris  1887. 
La  chimie  au  moyen  age,  vol.  I,  Paris  1893. 
Assises  de  Jerusalem,  vol.  II,  Paris  1843. 
Documents  inedits  sur  le  commerce  de  Marseille 

au  moyen-age,  vol.  I,  Marseille  1884. 
Hymns  of  the  Atharva-veda,  Oxford  1897,  in  The 

Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  vol.  XLII. 
Der  Maximaltarif  des  Diocletian,  Berlin  1893. 
Hierozoicon,  sive  bipertitum  opus  de  animalibus  s. 

Scripturae,  revised  by  D.  Clodius,  vols.  I  and 

II,  Francofurti  ad  Moenum  1675. 
Die    Staatshaushaltung    der    Athener,    ed.     M. 

Frankel,  vol.  II,  Berlin  1886. 
Statuti  inediti  della  citta  di  Pisa  dal  XII  al  XIV 

secolo,  vols.  I  and  III,  Firenze  1854-1857. 
Remarks  on  the  Corpus  Glossary,  in  the  Classical 

Quarterly,  April,  1919. 
On    the    Knowledge   Possessed    by    the    Ancient 

Chinese  of  the  Arabs  and  Arabian  Colonies,  and 

other  Western  Countries  Mentioned  in  Chinese 

Books,  London  1871. 
Glossaire  du  patois  de  la  Suisse  romande,  Lausanne 

18G6. 
Opera  minora  varii  argumenti,  Lugduni  Batavorum 

1749. 
Hieroglyphisch-Demotisches  Worterbuch,  vol.  VII, 

Leipzig  1882. 
Osiris  and  the  Egyptian   Resurrection,   vol.   II, 

London  1911. 
Syrian  Anatomy,  Pathology  and  Therapeutics,  or 

"The  Book  of  Medicines,"  vol.  II,  London,  etc., 

1913. 
Oppian    und    sein    Lehrgedicht    vom    Fischfang, 

Bamberg  1912. 
Commentaire  anonyme  sur  Prudence,  Paris  1910. 
See  Palladius. 


SOURCES  QUOTED  xi 

Caesar. 

Cahier,  C.  and  Melanges  d'archeologie,  d'histoire  et  de  litterature, 

Martin,  A.  vols.  II  and  IV,  Paris  1851-1856. 

Calendar  of  State  Papers  and  Manuscripts,  Relating  to  English  Affairs, 
Existing  in  the  Archives  and  Collections  of  Venice,  vol.  I,  London  1864. 
Camera,  M.  Memorie  storico-diplomatiche  dell'  antica  citta  e 

ducato  di  Amalfi,  vol.  I,  Salerno  1876. 
Candolle,  A.  de  Origine  des  plantes  cultivees,  Paris  1883. 

Capmany  y  de  Mont-      Memorias  historicas  sobre  la  marina,  comercio  y 
palau,  A.  de  artes  de  la  antigua  ciudad  de  Barcelona,   Madrid 

1779. 
Carra  de  Vaux,  B.  L'Abrege  des  Merveilles,  Paris  1898,  in  Actes  de  la 

Societe  philologique,  vol.  XXVI. 
Cartulaire  de  Saint-Jean  d'Angely,  in  Archives  historiques  de  la  Saintonge 

et  de  I'Aunis,  vols.  XXX  and  XXXIII. 
Cassiodorus.  See  MGH.,  Auct.  ant.,  vol.  XII. 

Cerda,  J.  L.  de  la  P.  Virgilii  Maronis  Bucolica  et  Georgica,  Coloniae 

Agrippinae  1647. 
Chatelain,  E.  Les  palimpsestes  latins,  in  Annuaire  1904,  Ecole 

pratique  des  Hautes  Etudes. 
Clarke,  W.  K.  L.  See  Palladius. 

Claudianus. 
Clemens  Alexan-  See  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  VIII. 

drinus. 
Clement-Mullet.  Essai  sur  la  mineralogie  arabe,  in  Journal  asiatique, 

sixieme  serie,  vol.  XI. 
Codex  Florentinus.  Digestorum  seu  Pandectarum  Codex  Florentinus 

olim  Pisanus  phototypice  expressus,  Roma  1902. 
Codices  e  vaticanis  selecti,  phototypice  expressi  iussu  Leonis  PP.  XIII, 

vol.  II,  Romae  1902. 
Codinus.  Corpus    scriptorum    historiae    Byzantinae,    vol. 

XXXVI. 
Coleccion  de  documentos  ineditos  del  archivo  general  de  la  corona  de 

Aragon,  vol.  VIII,  Barcelona  1851. 
Coleccion  de  documentos  para  el  estudio  de  la  historia  de  Aragon,  vol.  I, 

Zaragozn  1904. 
Conington  and  See  Vergil. 

Nettleship. 
Constantinus  Por-  Corpus    scriptorum    historiae    Byzantinae,    vol. 

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Cook  A.  S.  The  Old  English  Elene,  Phoenix,  and  Physiologus, 

New  Haven,  London  1919. 
Corpus  inscriptionum  latinarum,  vols.  II  and  XIII. 
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Cataluna,  vol.  I,  Madrid  1896. 
Cruel,  R.  Die  Sprachen  und  Volker  Europas  vor  der  arischen 

Einwanderung,  Detmold  1883. 
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lection of  the  John  Rylands  Library,  Manchester, 
London  1909. 
CSEL.  Corpus    scriptorum    ecclesiasticorum    latinorum, 

vols.  XXII,  XXV,  XXVIII,  XXIX,  XXXIP, 
XXXV,  XU. 


xii      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Cunningham,  W. 


Cyprian. 
Cyril. 


The  Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce 
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See  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  IV. 

See  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  LXIX. 


Davidsohn,  R. 


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Diodorus  Siculus. 
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Forschungen   zur    Geschichte   von    Florenz,    III* 

Theil,  Berlin  1901. 
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Le   cabinet   des   manuscrits   de   la   Bibliotheque 

nationale,  vol.  IV,  Paris  1881. 
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se  trouvent  en  Angleterre,  vol.  I,  Paris  1847. 


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Dittmeyer. 
Doren,  A. 


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Doutte,  E. 
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Dozy,  R.  and  Engel- 

mann,  W.  H. 
Ducange. 

Dzi^owski,  G.  von 


De  materia  medica  libri  quinque,  ed.  M.  Wellmann, 

3  vols.,  Berolini  1907-1914. 
See  Aristotle. 
Die  Florentiner  Wollentuchindustrie  vom  vierzehn- 

ten  bis  zum  sechzehnten  Jahrhundert,  in  Studien 

aus  der  Florentiner  Wirtschaftsgeschichte,  vol. 

I,  Stuttgart  1901. 
Cartulaire  de  I'Abbaye  de  Saint-Sernin  de  Toul- 
ouse, Paris,  Toulouse  1887. 
Magie  et  religion  dans  I'Afrique  du  Nord,  Alger 

1909. 
Dictionnaire  d6taille  des  noms  des  vetements  chez 

les  Arabes,  Amsterdam  1845. 
Supplement  aux  dictionnaires  arabes,  Leyde  1881. 
Glossaire  des  mots  espagnols  et  portugais  derives 

de  1  arabe,  Leyde,  Paris  1869. 
Glossarium    mediae    et    infimae    latinitatis,    ed. 

Leopold  Favre,  Niort  1883-1887. 
Isidor  und  Ildefons  als  Litterarhistoriker,  Miinster 

i.  W.  1898. 


Ebers,  G.  Papyros  Ebers,  vol.  II,  Leipzig  1875. 

Ebert,  A.  Allgemeine  Geschichte  der  Literatur  des  Mittel- 

alters  in  Abendlande,  vol.  I,  Leipzig   1889. 
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II,  Romae  1743,  Syriace  et  latine,  vols.  I  and  II, 
Romae  1737-1740. 
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See  CSEL.,  vol.  XXXI. 


SOURCES  QUOTED 


Xlll 


Eustathius  of  Antioch. 
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See  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  XVIII. 
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Facsimiles  of  Parisinus 
Fick,  A. 

Flodoardus. 
Florio,  J. 
Fraehn,  Ch.  M. 


Fraenkel,  S. 
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Franke,  O. 

Frati,  L. 

Fredegar. 
Friedlaender,  L. 

Galenus,  Claudius. 
Gamier,  J. 
Gaudenzi,  A. 
Gennadius. 


G6raud,  H. 
Germain,  A. 


Gesner,  C. 

Gilliodts-van 
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Giry,  A. 


Gladisch,  A. 

Goetz. 

Goldstaub,  M.  and 
Wendriner,  R. 


Latin  11530,  Harvard  Library. 

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Die  aramaischen  Fremdworter  im  Arabischen, 
Leiden  1886. 

Recherches  sur  le  commerce,  la  fabrication  et 
I'usage  des  etoffes  de  soie,  d'or  et  d'argent,  et 
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Chartes  de  communes  et  d'affranchissements  en 
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Historiae  animalium  Lib.  I.  de  quadrupedibus 
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Histoire  de  la  ville  de  Saint-Omer  et  de  ses  insti- 
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xiv     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Golstunski,  K.  Th.  Mongol'sko-russki  slovar',  vol.  Ill,  S.  Peterburg 

1893. 
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Ill,  London,  New  York  1917. 
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A.  S.,  Smyly,  J.  G. 
Grial,  J. 

Griffith,  F.  LI. 

Gross,  C. 
Guigues,  P. 

Guilhiermoz,  P. 


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1599. 
Catalogue  of  the  Demotic  Papyri   in  the  John 

Rylands  Library,  vol.  II,  Manchester  1909. 
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medicina,"  Paris  1905. 
Note  sur  les  poids  du  moyen  age,  in  Bibliotheque 

de  I'ecole  des  chartes,  vol.  LXVII. 


Hahn,  J.  G.  von 
Harvard  Oriental  Series. 
Hattemer,  H. 


Heider,  G. 
Heimbach,  C.  G. 
Hepke. 


Herodianus. 
Herodotus. 

Hessels,  J.  H. 


Hesychius. 
Hilary. 

Hilliger,  B. 


Hohlbaum,  K. 

Hoffmann,  M. 

Hofman,  F. 

Holder,  A. 
Hommel,  F. 


Albanesische  Studien,  vol.  Ill,  Jena  1854. 

vol.  IV,  Cambridge  1901. 

Denkmahle  des  Mittelalters;   St.  Gallen's  altteut- 

sche  Sprachschaetze,  vol.  I,  St.  Gallen   1844- 

1849. 
Physiologus,  Wien  1851. 
Basilicorum  libri  LX,  vol.  I,  Lipsiae  1833. 
Die  kulturgeschichtlichen  Beziehungen  der  alten 

Chinesen  und  der  Hellenen,  in  Verhandlungen 

der  Gesellschaft  fur  Erdkunde  zu  Berlin,  vol.  VI. 

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r^dige  au  XII«  si^cle  par  Guimann,  Arras  1875. 

See  Cerda. 

The  Works  of  Virgil,  trans,  by  J.  Conington  and  H. 

Nettleship,  vol.  I,  London  1898. 
Middelnederlandsch  Woordenboek,  s'-Gravenhage 

1885-1912. 
Viage  literario  4  las  iglesias  de  Espafia,  vol.  IX, 

Valencia  1821. 

De  architectura  libri  decern,  ed.  F.  Krohn,  Lipsiae 

1912. 
De  architectura  libri  decern,  ed.  J.  G.  Schneider, 

vol.  Ill,  Lipsiae  1808. 


Walafrid  Strabo.  See  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  CXIV. 

Wartmann,  H.  Urkundenbuch   der  Abtei   Sanct  Gallen,  vol.   I, 

Zurich  1863. 

Weinhold,  K.  Ueber  deutsche  Dialectforschung,  Wien  1853. 

Wiedemann,  F.  Ehstnisch-deutsches  Worterbuch,  St.  Petersburg 

1893. 

Wiener,  L.  Byzantinisches,  I,  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  romanische 

Philologie,  vol.  XXXIV. 
Contributions,  vols.  I,  II,  III. 
English  Lexicography,  in  Modern  Language  Notes, 

vol.  XI. 
Materialien  zu  einer  Geschichte  der  Kleidung  im 
Mittelalter,  II,  in  Revue  de  linguistique  et  de 
philologie  comparee,  vol.  XLIV. 

Wilkinson,  J.  G.  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians, 

vol.  Ill,  London  1837. 

Winteler,  J.  Die  Kerenzer  Mundart  des  Kantons  Glarus  in 

ihren  Grundziigen  dargestellt,  Leipzig,  Heidel- 
berg 1876. 

Wright,  T.  and  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  English  Vocabularies,  vol.  I, 

Wtilcker,  R.  P.  London  1884. 


Yonge. 


See  Athenaeus. 


xxii    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Zdekauer,  L.  Statutum  potestatis  comunis  pistorii  anni   1296, 

Mediolani  1888. 
Zdrubek,  F.  B.  Zakladove  ceskeho  pravopisu  a  mluvnice,  Chicago 

1882. 
Zeitschrift  fiir  deutsche  Philologie,  vol.  IV. 
Zeitschrift  fiir  deutsche  Wortforschung,  vol.  II. 
Zeitschrift  fiir  deutsches  Alterthum,  vol.  I. 
Zoega,  G.  Catalogus  codicum  copticorum  manuscriptorum, 

Leipzig  1903, 


INTRODUCTION. 

1. 

It  has  been  my  habit,  in  my  philological  works,  not 
to  indulge  in  personalities  and  not  to  refer  to  the 
dissenting  views  of  my  predecessors  in  contemptuous 
or  scurrilous  terms.  There  is  no  reason  why  this 
science  cannot  be  kept  a  clean,  gentlemen's  intellectual 
sport,  in  which  all,  no  matter  how  diverse  in  opinion, 
are  supposed  honestly  and  strenuously  to  strive  for  the 
truth.  If  one  has  to  succumb  in  his  views,  this  must 
happen  on  the  basis  of  better  attested  facts,  not  by 
strength  of  vilification  and  vulgarity.  Similarly  I  have, 
in  my  Commentary — and  in  the  first  three  volumes  of 
my  Contributions — totally  abstained  from  controver- 
sies, and  have  treated  my  savage  critics  with  silence. 
They,  however,  have  taken  my  silence  as  a  sign  of 
weakness,  and  have  continued  vociferously  to  attack 
me,  descending  to  scientific  Billingsgate  and  low  vul- 
garity in  their  tirades.  One  could  expect  more  con- 
sideration in  an  Apache  cabaret,  than  in  the  supposedly 
high-toned  Odeon  in  which  these  gentlemen  practice 
the  gentle  art  of  kicking  off  strangers'  hats  and  make 
salti  mortali  on  the  tight  rope  of  philology  before  admir- 
ing callow  youths.  I  am,  therefore,  constrained  to 
give  a  list  of  the  critics  of  my  Commentary  and  the 
first  volume  of  my  Contributions,  in  order  that  the 
reader  may  have  them  for  easy  reference  and  may 
convince  himself  of  the  low  depths  to  which  the  old 
school  philology  has  fallen  in  the  choice  company  here 
represented. 


xxiv  HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

The  following  criticisms  of  my  Commentary  have 
come  to  my  notice:  L.  Bloomfield,  in  The  Journal  of 
English  and  Germanic  Philology,  vol.  XV  (1916),  pp. 
299-304;  Francis  A.  Wood,  in  Modern  Philology, 
vol.  XIV  (1916-1917),  p.  384;  Henry  Bradley,  in 
English  Historical  Review,  vol.  XXXI  (1916),  p.  174  f. ; 
A.  Meillet,  in  Revue  critique  d'histoire  et  de  litter ature, 
vol.  LXXXI  (1916),  p.  71  f.;  M.  G.,  in  Revue  des 
langues  romanes,  vol.  LIX  (1916-1917),  p.  418  f.;  The 
Nation,  vol.  CIV  (1917),  pp.  342-344;  R.  Priebsch,  in 
The  Modern  Language  Review,  vol.  XII  (1917),  pp. 
113-119;  W.  P.  Reeves,  in  Modern  Language  Notes, 
vol.  XXXIII  (1918),  pp.  242-246. 

The  following  criticisms  of  my  first  volume  of  Con- 
tributions are  known  to  me:  CI.  Huart,  in  Revue 
critique  d'histoire  et  de  litter  ature,  vol.  LXXXV  (1918), 
p.  181  f. ;  Henry  Bradley,  in  English  Historical  Review, 
vol.  XXXIII  (1918),  pp.  252-255. 

As  one  reads  Meillet's  attack  on  my  personality  and 
on  Harvard  University,  one  has  the  lurking  suspicion 
that  in  his  frenzy  his  only  purpose  was  to  scare  weak- 
kneed  University  Publication  boards  into  refusing  the 
printing  of  my  books.  If  any  birds  of  his  feather  have 
been  affected  by  him,  so  much  the  worse  for  them.  In 
any  case,  Harvard  University  does  not  withdraw  from 
me  the  use  of  its  motto  Veritas,  and  in  its  name  many 
a  victory  will  be  recorded  in  time.  A  youthful  philolo- 
gist of  the  Central  West,  Bloomfield,  on  whose  lips 
the  milk  of  graduate  philology  has  not  yet  dried 
and  who,  in  all  likelihood,  would  not  be  able  to  read  a 
page  of  Russian  or  Old  Bulgarian  without  a  dictionary, 
steps  out  of  his  way  to  lecture  me  on  Russian  and 
Slavic.  The  philologist  of  the  University  of  Chicago, 
Wood,  who  enlightens  the  Cimmerian  darkness  of 
philology  with  starred  forms  in  endless  profusion, 
appeals  to  the  scientists  of  the  country  to  stop  my 


INTRODUCTION  xxv 

utterances.  I  reciprocate  by  a  similar  appeal  to  the 
scientists  of  the  country  and  the  world  not  to  interfere 
with  Wood's  elucubrations,  and  beg  the  waste-paper 
periodicals  to  print  them  as  fast  as  they  are  cackled, 
because  nothing  will  bring  greater  discredit  on  the  old 
school  than  Wood's  writings,  even  though  it  is  a  pity 
that  they  lead  to  an  inanity  of  doctors'  theses  un- 
paralleled in  University  annals.  In  the  years  1915,  1916 
the  German  department  of  the  University  of  Chicago, 
of  which  Mr.  Wood  is  the  guiding  spirit,  gave  doctor's 
degrees  on  the  basis  of  the  following  dissertations: 

1.  "The  Semantic  Development  of  Words  for 
'Eating  and  Drinking'  in  the  Germanic  Dialects." 

2.  "Parts  of  the  Body  in  Older  Germanic  and 
Scandinavian." 

3.  "The  Semantic  Development  of  Words  for 
'Walk,   Run'  in  the   Germanic   Languages." 

In  the  nearly  500  pages  of  these  three  inane  disserta- 
tions, which  look  more  like  tasks  in  a  penal  institution, 
there  is  not  one  word  of  discussion,  nothing  but  words. 
The  cause  for  Mr.  Wood's  frenzy  in  the  face  of  my 
work  is  obvious:  he  knows  that  my  method  will  put  a 
stop  to  philological  work  of  the  Packing-House  variety, 
and  hence  his  appeal  to  the  scientists. 

For  the  present  I  wish  to  confine  myself  to  putting 
two  of  my  critics  in  the  pillory,  Mr.  Huart,  of  France, 
and  Mr.  Henry  Bradley,  of  England.  The  first,  in 
reviewing  my  Contributions,  makes  this  statement: 
"On  regrettera  seulement  qu'a  un  moment  oil  les 
descendants  des  Goths  ont  mene  la  conduite  que  Ton 
sait,  I'auteur  ait  cru  devoir  adapter  a  son  ouvrage,  en 
guise  d'^pigraphe,  des  vers  d'Alcuin."  What  one 
wants  to  know  is  this:  1.  What  have  my  political 
views  got  to  do  with  the  subject  matter  under  dis- 
cussion? 2.  How  am  I  making  pro-German  prop- 
aganda in  a  book  in  which  I  am  trying  to  destroy  the 


xxvi  HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

scientific  creations  of  the  Germans?  3.  If  Huart  had 
shown  the  least  amount  of  critical  acumen,  he  would 
have  inquired  into  my  political  past  and  would  have 
discovered  that  I  was  one  of  the  seven  charter  members 
of  the  Pro- Ally  Society  in  1916,  increased  a  month  later 
to  fifty,  who  by  word  and  action  spurred  America  on 
to  participation  in  the  war  on  the  side  of  the  Allies. 
A  critic  who  blunders  so  egregiously  on  matters  of 
good  taste,  common  sense,  and  primary  facts,  is,  indeed, 
not  qualified  to  be  a  critic  of  a  book  of  which  he  under- 
stands neither  the  contents  nor  the  purpose.  It  would 
seem  that  stupidity  could  not  go  any  further,  but  it 
actually  outdid  itself  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Henry  Bradley. 

Mr.  Bradley,  the  guardian  angel  of  the  Oxford 
Dictionary,  is  a  gentleman  of  the  blunderbussing  type. 
In  an  article  which  I  wrote  in  1896,  entitled  English 
Lexicography,^  I  directed  attention  to  the  reckless  way 
in  which  the  editors  of  the  Oxford  Dictionary  had  treated 
the  old  word  books  and  dictionaries,  and  pointed  out 
more  than  600  blunders  and  omissions  in  the  first  three 
or  four  volumes,  finishing  up  with  the  sentence:  **It 
is  to  be  sorely  regretted  that  the  Oxford  Dictionary 
does  not  incorporate  the  results  of  a  thorough  study  of 
the  old  dictionaries,  cyclopedias,  and  word  books." 

As  the  work  proceeded,  the  wretched  etymologies 
contained  in  the  Oxford  Dictionary,  which  are  of  the 
* '  you  -  pay  -  your  -  money  -  and  -  you  -  take  -  your  -  choice ' ' 
variety,  convinced  me  that  Mr.  Bradley,  who  is  more 
than  anyone  else  responsible  for  them,  was  tempera- 
mentally unfit  to  handle  so  delicate  a  subject.  In  1911, 
therefore,  I  spoke  of  the  Oxford  Dictionary  as  "that 
great  repository  of  quotations  and  etymological  blun- 
ders."^ A  few  years  later  I  was  obliged  to  characterize 
Mr.  Bradley  et  al.,  not  as  philologists,  that  is,  as  lovers 

'  Modern  Language  Notes,  vol.  XI,  col.  352  flf. 
*  See  p.  xlvi. 


INTRODUCTION  xxvii 

of  the  word,   of  truth,   but  as    philanderers,   that  is, 

lovers  of  men,  of  authorities,  who  could  not,  if  they 

tried,  quote  facts  correctly.    Indeed,  I  chose  the  word 

philanderer  on  the  basis  of  the  etymology  given  for 

philander  by  the  Oxford  Dictionary,  where  we  read: 

**A  name  given  to  certain  marsupial  animals,  from 

the  name  of  Philander  de  Bruyn,  who  saw  in  1711  in 

the   garden   of   the   Dutch   governor   of   Batavia   the 

species  named  after  him,  being  the  first  member  of  the 

family  known  to  Europeans  (Morris  Austral  Eng.).'* 

Even  the  most  primitive  caution,  the  inspection  of  a 

library  catalogue,  would  have  shown  the  writer  or  the 

editor  that  de  Bruin's  first  name  was  Cornelis,  and  not 

Philander.       A  secondary  caution,   the  inspection  of 

the  book  itself,  would  have  shown  him  that  Filander 

is   there   mentioned   as   a   native   name.      A   tertiary 

caution,  the  inspection  of  a  Malay  dictionary  and  other 

works  dealing  with  the  Malays,  would  have  shown  him 

that  the  Malay  name  of  the  animal  is  pelandok  or 

pelandu.     But  this  is  exactly  what  Mr.  Bradley  does 

not  know  how  to  do.     He  abhors  facts,  and  prefers  to 

traffic  in   theories   and   to   depend   on   "authorities." 

Morris's    Austral    English    is    an    authority,    so    that 

settles  it.    I  am  unable  to  find  in  the  Oxford  Dictionary 

the  use  of  first  sources.    Everything  is  at  second  hand 

and  very  frequently  of  the  philander  type  of  precision. 

It  is  clear  that  Mr.  Bradley's  frenzy  is  due  to  the 

panicky  condition  in  which  my  discoveries  leave  him. 

If  even  a  small  part  of  them  is  correct,  all  his  superb, 

second-rate   philology   goes   to   smash,    and   his   life's 

work  is  a  failure.     From  this  there  is  an  escape,  by 

discrediting    my    work    through    an    enormous    and 

uncalled-for  vulgarity.     Mr.  Bradley  canonizes  himself 

a  saint  in  philology,  and,  to  give  himself  a  semblance 

of  fairness,  he  patronizingly  admits  that  my  treatment 

of  Vergil  Maro  the  Grammarian  is  correct.     Here  is 


xxviii     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

the  way  he  ends  his  review  of  my  Contributions:  "The 
volume  is  extremely  amusing,  not  less  by  its  cleverness 
than  by  its  absurdities,  and  it  contains  some  quota- 
tions and  references  that  may  be  found  useful.  The 
chapter  on  'Virgilius  Maro'  is,  as  we  have  gladly 
acknowledged,  not  destitute  of  value,  and  possibly 
there  may  be  a  few  other  instances  in  which  Professor 
Wiener's  unquestionable  acuteness  and  industry  have 
not  been  misapplied.  But  as  a  whole  the  work  is  a 
mass  of  wild  extravagance,  compared  with  which  the 
writings  of  Mr.  Ignatius  Donnelly  are  models  of  sane 
and  judicious  reasoning.  Happily  for  the  credit  of 
American  scholarship  this  book  is  not,  as  was  the 
author's  former  volume,  published  by  the  Harvard 
University  Press." 

Now  Mr.  Bradley's  blunderbussing  never  abandons 
him.  In  the  very  reviews  in  which  he  takes  me  to  task 
for  typographical  errors,  he  spells  my  adopted  state 
"Massachussets,"  indeed  a  venial  offence,  except 
that  gentlemen  who  live  in  glass  houses,  etc.  The 
most  pathetic  case  of  blunderbussing  that  he  has 
committed  of  late  appears  in  a  number  of  the  Classical 
Quarterly  for  April,  1919,  where  his  article,  Remarks  on 
the  Corpus  Glossary,  ends  with  the  following  postscript: 
"Since  the  above  was  in  type,  and  too  late  for  any 
extensive  corrections  to  be  made,  I  have  become  con- 
vinced by  evidence  kindly  furnished  to  me  by  Pro- 
fessor W.  M.  Lindsay  of  the  unsoundness  of  the  argu- 
ment on  which  I  principally  relied  as  proving  that  the 
archetypal  glossary  (as  distinguished  from  the  additions 
made  by  the  redactor  of  Corpus)  contained  a  large 
number  of  Aldhelm  glosses,"  etc.  According  to  the 
school  of  philology  to  which  Mr.  Bradley  belongs,  the 
same  subject  may  be  accepted  or  rejected,  provided 
it  is  all  done  in  the  approved  lingo  of  philology.     The 


INTRODUCTION  xxix 

truth  counts  for  little,  theories  for  everything.  Again 
and  again  Mr.  Bradley  remains  true  to  his  tempera- 
mental blunderbussing. 

In  spite  of  his  obvious  incapacity  I  should  have 
left  Mr.  Bradley  to  oblivion,  for  the  sake  of  the  little 
good  he  may  have  done  in  life,  had  he  not  been  signifi- 
cantly devoid  of  the  basic  elements  of  an  English  gentle- 
man, those  of  fair  play.  As  it  is,  he  has  himself  to 
blame  for  my  record  of  his  quarter  of  a  century  of 
blundering,  which  makes  his  acting  as  a  critic  of  my 
works  impossible.    "Si  tacuisses,  philologus  mansisses!" 


GERMAN    LOAN-WORDS    AND    THE    SECOND 
SOUND  SHIFTING.^ 

It  is  well  established  that  at  different  times,  from  the 
beginning  of  the  OHGerman  period  up  to  the  late 
Middle  Ages,  certain  consonant  changes  have  taken 
place  in  the  Upper  German  dialects.  These  changes 
are  collectively  known  as  the  Second  Sound  Shifting, 
although  not  all  consonants  have  permutated  simul- 
taneously throughout  the  whole  linguistic  area.  It  is 
rightly  assumed  that  barring  peculiar  irreducible  con- 
sonant groups  and  crossing  influences,  this  change  took 
place  uniformly  within  the  whole  language,  and  that 
Modern  High  German  represents  the  group  of  the 
Second  Sound  Shifting. 

German  philologists  are  accustomed  to  subject 
loan-words  to  the  test  of  native  words  and  to  judge  of 
the  approximate  age  of  their  introduction  by  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  permutations  have  taken  place.  They 
seem  to  forget  that  what  is  true  of  changes  within  the 
languages  is  not  eo  ipso  true  of  changes  in  newcomers 

'  Modern  Language  Notes,  vol.  X,  col.  10  ff. 


XXX    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

whose  foreign  garb  marks  them  as  belonging  to  a 
special  class.  As  far  as  I  know,  no  one  has  as  yet 
attempted  to  investigate  German  loan-words  properly, 
for  Kluge's  etymologies  cannot  be  regarded  in  this 
light.  His  methods  of  putting  foreign  words  to  the 
test  of  the  sound  mutation  leads  him  to  some  strange 
and  amusing  results. 

Kluge^  regards  the  affricata  p/  as  the  surest  sign  of 
an  early  borrowing,  and  to  this  -pf  we  shall  mainly 
devote  our  attention.  Under  Pfalz  we  find:  "As  the 
permutation  of  L.  G.  p  to  H.  G.  pf  indicates,  the  word 
must  have  been  naturalized  in  G.  as  early  as  the  be- 
ginning of  the  eighth  century."  Hence  he  argues  that 
Pfahl,  Pfosten,  Pflanze  had  been  introduced  before  the 
OHGerman  period.  But  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the 
same  OHGerman  has  the  words  Paar,  Pacht,  Palme, 
Pech,  PetersiUe  and  many  other  words  with  unmutated 
p,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  think  that  these  are  of 
a  younger  date  than  the  former.  Under  Treppe  he 
gives  a  form  Trepfe  for  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries.  Are  we  to  suppose  two  distinct  borrowings 
from  the  North  for  it,  one  before  and  one  after  these 
two  centuries?  And  how  did  the  sound  all  of  a  sudden 
shift  so  late?  Under  P/orfe  we  find:  " Borrowed  in  the 
O.  H.  G.  period  in  the  eighth  century,  from  Latin 
porta,  hence  the  absence  of  the  permutation  of  t  to  2, 
which  had  been  accomplished  even  in  the  seventh 
century."  But  we  have  learned  above  that  the  change 
to  pf  had  been  accomplished  before  the  beginning  of 
the  eighth  century,  so  that  there  is  left  only  the  un- 
comfortable narrow  limit  between  the  seventh  and  the 
beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  in  which  to  slip  porta 
into  the  language. 

'  Kluge's  Etymological  Dictionary,  fourth  edition,  London  1891.  Since 
writing  this  I  have  consulted  the  fifth  edition;  there  is  no  improvement 
there  in  the  treatment  of  loan-words. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxi 

And  now,  since  t  has  changed  to  z  before  the  seventh 
century,  Kluge  places  Ziegel  in  the  fifth  or  sixth  century. 
Tafel,  says  he,  is  borrowed  in  the  OHGerman  period; 
Zabel,  of  course,  to  suit  his  theory,  is  older  than  OHGer- 
man. But  what  reason  is  there  to  suppose  that  Ziegel, 
like  all  other  architectural  terms,  is  older  than  Turm, 
OHG.  turri,  turra?  And  what  are  we  to  do  with  Ketzer 
from  xadaQog  in  the  eleventh  century  (0"  at  that  time 
could  have  come  in  only  through  the  medium  of  Lat. 
th  or  t),  which  shows  a  shifting  at  such  a  late  time? 

Words  introduced  by  the  Church  into  Germany, 
Kluge  says,  show  no  mutation;  yet  Christianity  was 
known  and  generally  accepted  in  Upper  Germany  long 
before  the  eighth  century,  before  p  had  gone  over  to 
pf,  and  he  can  adduce  no  good  reason  why  Pfaffe 
should  be  older  than  Papst  and  Pfarrer  than  predigen. 

These  few  examples  illustrate  the  improper  treat- 
ment of  loan-words.  The  first  mistake  made  by  philol- 
ogists in  dealing  with  them  arises  from  a  misconception 
of  the  manner  in  which  sound  changes  take  place  and 
perpetuate  themselves.  Winteler^  says  by  implication 
that  Upper  German  consonantism  differs  from  Northern 
consonantism  in  that  it  distinguishes  quantity  of  ex- 
plosive sounds  and  not  quality:  6  and  p,  g  and  k,  d 
and  t  difi'er  only  by  a  greater  or  lesser  pressure  of  the 
respective  organs,  and  are  all  voiceless.  HG.  p,  k,  t, 
when  used  in  words  which  the  Swiss  hear  for  the  first 
time,  are  reproduced  by  them  in  an  aspirated  or 
affricated  form,  namely,  ph,  kh  or  kx,  th.  The  main 
features  of  the  second  sound  shifting  are  greatly  due 
to  this  UGerman  aspiration.  This,  doubtless,  has  been 
a  characteristic  of  UGerman  speech  upwards  of  ten 
centuries,  and  the  OHGerman  and  MHGerman  graphic 
signs  ph,  ch,  th  merely  mark  the  first  steps  towards  a 

^  Die  Kerenzer  Mundart  des  Kantons  Glarus  in  ihren  Grundzugen  dargestellt, 
Leipzig  and  Heidelberg  1876. 


xxxii    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

stronger  enunciation  resulting  in  affricatae  in  two  of 
the  three  sounds.  The  second  sound  shifting  owes  its 
origin  primarily  to  a  particular  locality  and  a  particu- 
lar people,  not  to  a  particular  time.  At  a  later  time, 
when  the  art  of  writing  becomes  general,  this  native 
change  may  be  retarded  and  it  may  even  retrograde, 
but  of  this  I  shall  speak  later.  This  affrication  is 
going  on  to-day  as  much  as  in  the  time  of  the  Carlovin- 
gians,  and  will  go  on  as  long  as  books  and  a  closer  in- 
tercourse with  the  learned  do  not  exert  a  corrective 
influence. 

Before  entering  upon  a  further  discussion  of  the 
Germanic  sound  shifting,  I  shall  illustrate  the  working 
and  persistency  of  sound  substitution  in  some  Russian 
loan-words.  In  Russian,  as  well  as  other  Slavic 
idioms,  /  exists  only  in  foreign  words.  In  native  words 
the  voiced  dentolabial  spirant  frequently  becomes 
voiceless  before  consonants  and  finally,  so  that  in 
reality  /  is  not  an  impossible  sound  to  a  Russian. 
Ever  since  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  Gr.  ^  has 
been  pronounced  as  f  in  Russian,  hence  Afiny,  Korinf, 
Fomd  (Thomas).  And  even  today  a  Slav's  first  attempt 
to  pronounce  /  think  is  sure  to  result  in  /  fink.  In 
White  Russian,  /  is  preserved  in  all  such  foreign  words 
as  the  White  Russian  continually  hears  pronounced 
by  Germans  and  Poles  living  in  his  midst,  but  he  invari- 
ably at  first  hearing  will  change  all  his  /'s  of  foreign 
words  to  /y  or  even  x-  So,  while  we  find  in  WRussian 
Jura,  figura,  fefer,  faVS,  other  foreign  words,  for 
example,  fonar,  fest,  fortuna,  fartuk,  oficer  become 
Xvonar,  x^^^U  X'^^'''^'^'^^^  X^^^^^^»  axvicer;  and  the 
Graeco-Russian  names  Oeodosij,  Oeodor  become  Xvedds, 
Xvjddor  or  even  Xados,  Xaddr.  Now  /y  has  been  for 
many  centuries  a  distinctive  Russian  combination,  and 
in  two   out    of   six  OSlavonic  words   with   initial  x^ 


INTRODUCTION  xxxiii 

recorded  by  Miklosich,  Russian  influence  is  suspected.^ 
We  see  here  a  process  of  sound  mutation  in  operation 
for  many  centuries  and  one  not  likely  soon  to  cease. 

In  Silesian  dialects  the  initial  affricata  pf  has  ad- 
vanced to  simple  /,  while  medial  and  final  p/  or  /  have 
retrograded  to  p,^  but  owing  to  book  influence  p/  is 
still  felt  as  a  legitimate  correspondent  to  LGerman 
or  foreign  p;^  hence  we  find  the  forms  Supfe,  Trepfe, 
Klapfer,  Klumpfen,  and  what  is  still  stranger,  Polish 
pieniadze  has  undergone  sound  shifting  and  has  be- 
come Phinunse}  Another  example  of  aspiration  is 
Tobich  for  Tabak,^  which  is  certainly  a  modern  word. 
More  frequently,  however,  the  reverse  process  of  soften- 
ing has  taken  place  in  consequence  of  the  checking 
influence  of  books. ^ 

In  the  Kerenz  dialect  initial  pf  corresponds  to  UG. 
p/.'  Loan-words  introduced  through  Modern  German 
change  their  initial  p  to  ph,  while  those  that  came  in 
through  MHGerman  (book-language)  show  unmutated 
p  or  even  b.     Now  ph  is  the  nearest  approach  to  pf: 

1  Franz  Miklosich,  Vergleichende  Grammatik  der  slavischen  Sprachen,  Wien 
1879,  vol.  I,  p.  239. 

'  Karl  Weinhold,  Ueber  deutsche  Dialedforschung,  Wien  1853,  p.  73. 

'  "Meines  Wiszens  wird  nur  (ausz  religioser  Scheu)  in  Schepfer  creator 
das  pf  rein  gesprochen;  das  Gefasz  zum  Schepfen  heiszt  Schepper.  Formen 
wie  Supfe,  Trepfe  sind  wol  ausz  missverstandener  Sucht  recht  rein  zu 
sprechen  zu  deuten,  oder  sind  sie  die  streng  hochdeutschen  Formen?"  ibid. 

*  "Das  polnische  Wort  pieniadze  Geld  (ausz  dem  deutschen  Pfennig 
entlehnt)  hat  bei  der  Riickaufname  in  das  deutschschlesische  die  Lautver- 
schiebung  ergriffen:    Phinunse  (Trebnitz),"  ibid.,  p.  74. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  85. 

«  The  softening  of  p  to  b,k  to  g,  t  to  d,  so  common  in  MHGerman,  and  the 
reverse  process  of  hardening,  no  doubt  arise  from  the  absence  of  a  quantita- 
tive difference  between  the  mediae  and  tenues  in  the  Upper  German  dialects. 
While  the  sandhi  rules  of  Notker's  canon  may  have  had  sound  foundations  in 
actual  differentiation,  yet  on  the  whole  the  interchange  of  mediae  with 
tenues,  or,  to  speak  with  Winteler,  of  fortes  with  lenes,  is  rather  arbitrary 
in  MHGerman.  The  Silesian  dialects  distinguish  between  mediae  and 
tenues,  but  evidently  owing  to  book  influence  foreign  words  appear  in 
the  MHGerman  form.  "Diese  Neigung  des  deutschen,  fremde  Labialtenuis 
zu  erweichen,  wo  sie  nicht  aspiriert  wurde,  erscheint  bekantlich  mhd.  in 
auszgedenter  Weise,"  Weinhold,  op.  cit.,  p.  72. 

'  Winteler,  op.  cit.,  p.  44. 


xxxiv  HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Phak  Pack,  phur  pur,  Phersu  Person,  Phauli  Paul,  "ein 
in  Bauernfamilien  noch  fremder  Name."^  So,  too, 
Goth,  k  has  become  x,  while  MHG.  k  invariably 
sounds  kx  (k),  and  in  other  Swiss  dialects  kx  corre- 
sponds to  organic  Goth,  k.^ 

When  we  say  that  in  Upper  German  the  permutation 
pf  for  p  was  accomplished  in  the  seventh  century,  we 
merely  mean  that  it  was  then  universally  accomplished 
for  native  words;  but  the  change  in  newly  introduced 
foreign  words  may  take  place  for  many  centuries 
later  and  is  not  excluded  even  to-day  in  cases  where 
book  influence  is  not  possible. 

Another  error  is  to  suppose  that  all  foreign  words 
adopted  before  the  seventh  century  must  have  under- 
gone sound  change  together  with  native  words.  If 
the  origin  of  the  word  is  not  transparent  and  it  offers 
no  strange  combinations,  then  naturally  it  is  subjected 
to  the  same  treatment  as  German  words.  The  word, 
however,  may  have  originated  in  Latin  books  and  its 
origin  may  long  be  present  in  the  mind  of  the  speaker, 
or  it  may  be  a  Romance  word  for  some  commodity  or 
luxury  accessible  only  to  the  upper  classes,  who  are 
aware  of  its  foreign  origin  or  even  are  conversant  with 
the  foreign  language.  In  this  case  a  word  may  with- 
stand the  sound  shifting  for  an  indefinite  time,  or,  at 
some  later  time,  it  may  become  the  common  property 
of  the  lower  classes  and  it  may  undergo  the  sound 
change. 

Words  referring  to  Church  and  religion  form  a  large 
group  of  book  words  whose  Latin  origin  was  continually 
before  the  eyes  of  priests  and  communicants,  and  it  is 

^  "In  Uebereinstimmung  mit  dem  mhd.  erscheint  b  fiir  welsches  p,  meist 
im  Anlaut,  z.  B.:  balme,  etc.  .  .  .  doch  haben  andere  die  Fortis  behalten, 
z.  B.  par  .  .  .  wahrend  noch  andere,  offenbar  durch  das  Hochdeutsche  ver- 
mittelte,  die  Aspirata  aufweisen,"  ibid.,  p.  56. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  50  and  52.  A  curious  case  of  a  loss  of  a  supposed  UGerman 
sound  mutation  is  seen  in  Ger.  Zins,  Lat.  census,  which  in  OSaxon  became 
tins. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxv 

not  to  be  wondered  at  that  Priester,  Papst,  Dom,  Pein, 
Plage  J  predigen,  Kreuz,  Altar  should  show  no  sound 
shifting,  and  yet  we  find  phtne,  pfldge,  pfioge  (Lexer). 
Where,  however,  the  corrective  of  the  Latin  book- 
language  was  absent  and  the  word  was  diffused  among 
the  masses,  the  sound  change  could  have  taken  place 
even  at  a  later  period.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
the  origin  of  Pfaffe  from  LLat.  papa  and  Pfarre  from 
parrochia.  What  Kluge  gives  under  Pfaffe  is  no 
proof  at  all  of  Greek  influence  in  the  German  Church. 
Or.  jiajidg  is  first  mentioned  in  the  fourth  Oecumenical 
Council  (A.  D.  451);^  in  the  following  centuries  it 
occurs  in  the  plural  form  papades  in  the  Roman  church 
and  not  before  we  reach  the  twelfth  or  the  thirteenth 
century  does  papa  become  general  in  the  sense  of  cleri- 
cus}  As  this  word  is  not  found  in  books  of  prayer 
or  ritual,  it  is  natural  that  it  should  become  the  full 
possession  of  the  people  in  a  true  Germanic  form. 
Precisely  the  same  is  to  be  said  of  parrochia,^  which 
being  also  a  Greek  word  became  Latinized  at  a  rela- 
tively late  time;  not  being  found  in  the  Bible  and  the 
prayerbook  there  was  nothing  in  its  way  of  becoming 
naturalized.  Kluge  objects  to  the  loss  of  the  last 
syllable,  but  such  losses  are  not  rare  in  German. 

^  E.  A.  Sophocles,  Greek  Lexicon  of  the  Roman  and  Byzantine  Periods, 
Boston  1870.  He  gives  also  irdxTat  as  an  equivalent  for  xawat;  and  since 
a  corresponding  word  for  clericus  does  not  occur  in  the  Romance  languages, 
the  possibility  of  Pfaffe  being  merely  a  popular  form  of  Papst  is  not  excluded. 

*  To  judge  from  Ducange,  the  word  was  first  introduced  into  the  Roman 
church  by  pope  Zacharias  who  was  by  birth  a  Greek  (eighth  century). 
The  nearest  examples  following  this  first  quotation  are  all  from  bulls  and 
chartularies  of  the  time  of  Innocent  III  (end  of  twelfth  century). 

^  Ducange  gives  parofia  as  a  variation  for  LLat.  parochia,  and  we  find 
this  in  the  form  parafia  as  the  common  word  for  parish  in  Polish,  and  paropi, 

Earopia,  parrofia,  parrofi,  parofi,,  perofia  in  the  Provencal  dialects  (Mistral), 
fo  doubt  parofia  existed  in  MHGerman,  and  it  is  this  form  that  must  have 
given  rise  to  MHG.  pharrhof  (see  Lexer,  pharrehof)  in  which  there  is  an 
attempt  at  popular  etymology  and  which  means  no  more  and  no  less  than 
merely  pfarre.  Now  pfarre  must  naturally  result  out  of  this  combination. 
This  becomes  more  probable  when  we  consider  the  other  popular  etymology 
pharreherre  for  pharraere  by  the  side  of  it:  "ausdeutend  entstellt  aua 
pharraere,  Wack,"  (Lexer). 


xxxvi  HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

So  it  is  by  no  means  strange  that  Teppich  should 
show  no  sound  changes,  although  it  is  found  already 
in  the  OHGerman  period.  Yet  it  would  have  been 
but  fair  for  Kluge  to  quote  Lexer  in  toto  and  not  to 
avoid  forms  which  would  work  against  his  pet  theory 
of  precisely  locating  the  borrowing  of  a  word.  Now  we 
find  the  forms  tepit,  teppit,  teppet,  tept,  tepich,  teppich, 
tepech,  teppech,  tepch,  deppich,  tehich,  tewich,  toppich, 
teppit,  tapit,  tapet,  tapeiz,  and  last,  but  not  least,  zeppet} 
So,  after  all,  a  partial  sound  change  occurs,  and  Kluge 
would  be  compelled  to  place  the  origin  of  the  word 
before  the  seventh  instead  of  into  the  eighth  century. 
But  it  is  really  immaterial  what  the  form  of  the  word  is, 
for  the  different  approximations  found  in  MHGerman 
are  precisely  what  we  should  expect  without  being 
driven  to  as  many  new  derivations  as  there  are  forms. 

The  Germans  are  supposed  to  have  borrowed  a 
number  of  architectural  terms  from  the  Romans,  and 
if  there  is  any  structural  form  with  which  the  Germans 
were  acquainted  earlier  than  any  other  it  is  certainly  the 
tower,  Lat.  turris.  And  yet  this  word  has  persisted 
as  turri,  turrain  OHGerman,  turm,  turn  in  MHGerman 
and  Mod.  H German.  What  is  Kluge  to  do  with  this 
obstinacy?  He  simply  passes  it  over  in  silence.  As  a 
matter  of  course,  the  Latin  word  stayed  with  them  as 
an  ever  present  reminder  of  Roman  power,  and  is  no 
doubt  as  old  as  Tiegel,  Pfahl  and  Pfosten. 

The  tendency  of  ascribing  culture  and  cultivation 
of  plants  to  Rome,  I  am  afraid,  has  gone  too  far.  De 
Candolle    shows    conclusively    that    certain    kinds    of 

1  Here  are  a  few  more  examples  from  Lexer:  panzier,  panzer.  .  im  16. 
jh.  bei  Erasm.  Alberus  auch  lautverschoben  pfanzer;  pdr,  par  .  .  phar; 
patene,  paten,  phatene,  phaten;  phahte,  phaht,  md.  phacht,  pacht,  phdt,  packt; 
phlanzen,  planzen{\);  pldge,  pfldge,  pfloge;  tambUr,  tambHre,  tanbUr,  tabUr, 
tapUr,  tdmbur,  tamber,  zambilr{l]);  timil,  dimit,  zimit.  We  certainly  could 
not  regard  zarnbUr,  from  Fr.  tambour,  as  introduced  before  the  seventh 
century. 


INTRODUCTION  xxxvii 

plums^  are  indigenous  to  the  central  European  plain, 
and  that  the  cherry-  and  the  pear^  had  been  cultivated 
in  Germany  from  time  immemorial.  We  should  not 
assume  a  Roman  origin  except  where  it  can  be  proved 
historically  that  the  first  importation  came  from  Italy. 
A  coincidence  of  sounds  with  the  serviceable  second 
sound  shifting  can  at  best  be  only  adduced  as  a  proof 
of  common  possession.'^ 

Although  Pfirsich  exhibits  the  permutations  com- 
pletely, it  is  very  doubtful  whether  it  was  known  in 
Germany  before  the  MH German  period,  and  its 
absence  from  OHGerman  is  not  at  all  so  strange.  The 
earliest  example  in  Littr^  under  peche  is  of  the  thir- 
teenth century  and  the  Eng.  peach  shows  that  it  is  a 
late  French  importation.  Rettig,  according  to  Kluge, 
comes  directly  from  Lat.  radicem  before  the  OHGerman 
period,  on  account  of  its  final  guttural.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  radix  received  the  particular  meaning  of  ra- 
phanus  on  French  soil,  as  raditz,  rais,  etc.,  in  Provencal 
and  radis  in  French  indicate,  hence  it  is  more  likely 
that  the  radish  became  known  as  an  edible  root  from 
France.  Altogether,  French  importations  have  been 
placed  by  several  centuries  too  late,  and  many  of  the 
southern  fruits  were  more  likely  introduced  from 
France,  such  as  the  fig  and  the  peach. ^ 

The  Spanish  boot  of  the  second  sound  shifting  has 
been  rigorously  applied  by  Kluge  to  the  ending  of 
words  and  with  disastrous  results.     When  a  foreign 

1  Origine  des  plantes  cultivees,  Paris  1883,  p.  170. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  165. 
5  Ibid.,  p.  183. 

*  Even  if  the  word  be  taken  from  Latin  there  is  not  sufficient  ground  to 
assume  an  importation  of  the  plant  from  Rome.  The  horseradish  is  known 
throughout  Germany  as  Meerrettig,  but  in  some  parts  of  Austria  the  Slavic 
form  Kren  has  survived.  This  in  itself  is  not  a  proof  that  the  plant  has  been 
imported  from  Russia. 

*  It  will  be  noticed  that  Feige,  Dattel,  Zwiebel  resemble  much  more  the 
French  words  figue,  daite  (Ital.  dattilo),  ciboule  than  Lat.  ficus,  dadylus, 
eaepulla.    The  latter  would  have  given  quite  different  results. 


xxxviii  HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

word  is  introduced  into  the  native  language  with  a 
different  sound  system,  the  tendency  will  be  to  so 
transform  it  as  to  give  it  a  native  appearance.  The 
sound  mutation  is  a  powerful  agent  in  this  direction, 
but  it  affects  only  the  first  part  of  the  word,  which  in 
German  corresponds  to  the  accented  root  syllable  of 
the  word.^  In  the  following  unaccented  syllables  the 
sound  mutation  according  to  the  strict  law  does  not 
always  produce  the  desired  effect,  and  more  convenient 
transformations  which  follow  the  law  of  least  resistance 
take  place.  Strange  syllables  receive  the  native  garb, 
and  dialectically  patata  becomes  Patak,^  Appetit, 
Apetlk^  and  Tabak,  Tohich}  The  more  a  word  be- 
comes the  possession  of  the  people  at  large,  the  greater 
the  change  must  be  if  it  departs  too  much  from  the 
native  form. 

For  the  change  of  endings  native  syllabic  combina- 
tions must  be  kept  in  mind.  The  MHG.  and  Mod.  HG. 
-ig,  -ich  (ch  after  liquids)  is  a  syllable  of  least  resistance, 
and  foreign  -ic,  -it,  -ec,  -et,  -ac,  -at,  -j,  etc.,  are  liable 
to  take  this  ending,  hence  such  forms  as  Rettig,  Pfirsich, 
Essig,  Monch,  Ketch,  Teppich,  predigen,  Kdfig.^ 

Unusual  combinations  may  be  transformed.  The 
change  of  turr  to  Turm  (;  Sturm,  Wurm)  is  such  an 
instance.  Frequently  all  the  changes  combined  are 
not  sufficient  to  produce  the  desired  result,  and  then 
popular  etymology  comes  into  play  and  still  further 
transforms  the  combination.  Such  attempts  are  seen 
for  example  in  MHG.  pforzich,  which  we  find  as  phor- 
zeich,  vorzich,  forzaichen,  furzog. 

When  we  deal  with  loan-words  in  Modern  German, 
all  these  facts  must  be  considered.    Besides,  as  is  often 

1  Hence  generally  the  accent  is  drawn  back  to  the  first  syllable. 
^  Kluge,  Etymological  Dictionary,  sub  Kartoffel. 
'  Winteler,  op.  cit.,  p.  56. 
*  Weinhold,  op.  cit.,  p.  85. 

'  Other    MHGerman    words    are    prisilig    for    prisilje    "brasilienholz," 
bederich  for  pheteraere  "petraria,"  phorzich,  phorzeich  "porticus." 


INTRODUCTION  xxxix 

the  case,  peculiar  dialectic  forms  may  survive,  and  it 
is  not  necessary  to  resort  to  the  second  sound  shifting 
to  locate  the  word.  Phonetic  studies  are  not  the  end 
of  etymological  investigation  of  these  words,  but  merely 
an  assistance  in  the  chronological  data  of  sources. 
Loan-words  must  mainly  be  studied  historically,  and 
the  second  sound  shifting  must  not  be  juggled  with. 

3. 

ECONOMIC    HISTORY    AND    PHILOLOGY.^ 

In  dealing  with  origins  the  writers  of  economic  and 
historical  subjects  are  wont  to  proceed  from  the  data 
of  the  philologist,  tacitly  assuming  that  the  science  of 
words  is  based  on  immutable  foundations  and  that 
they  cannot  take  upon  themselves  the  responsibility  of 
an  empiric  investigation  where  etymology  has  once  for 
all  determined  the  facts  by  philosophic  deductions  and 
mechanical  laws.  But,  by  making  light  of  the  chrono- 
logical element  and  by  creating  the  somewhat  arbitrary 
divisions  of  families  of  languages,  philology  is  led  to 
underrate  the  importance  of  the  great  trade  routes, 
the  geographic  advance  of  civilization,  the  constant  and 
endless  interaction  of  custom,  tale,  and  invention, 
which  run  counter  to  the  families  of  languages  and  know 
not  of  individual  tongues;  and  hence  it  has  not  fur- 
nished the  proper  material  for  the  history  of  the  econo- 
mic development  and  cannot  serve  as  a  check  on  the 
historic  method. 

Philological  activity  has  reduced  itself  to  a  number 
of  specialized  fields  which,  though  useful  from  the 
standpoint  of  mere  classification,  are  contrary  to 
historic  facts.  We  may  speak  of  Germanic,  Romance, 
Classical,    Indo-Germanic   languages,    but   these   sub- 

'  The  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics,  vol.  XXV,  p.  239  S. 


xl       HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

divisions  exclude  conditions  which  find  no  place  in  the 
narrowed  compass  and,  on  the  other  hand,  accentuate 
resemblances  which  are  either  accidental  or  have 
entered  from  without.  There  never  was  a  Germanic, 
or  Indo-Germanic,  or  Romance  community  or  civili- 
zation. The  historic  evolution  of  Spain  is  quite  different 
from  that  of  Italy  or  Roumania,  and  there  never  was  a 
time  when  the  linguistic  stock  of  these  three  was  one 
and  undivided.  From  the  very  start  there  were  enor- 
mous differences,  and  if  we  proceed  from  the  common 
Latin,  we  no  longer  have  the  substratum  of  Spain, 
Italy,  or  Roumania,  but  only  a  faint  background  on 
which  the  Iberian  and  Goth,  Roman  and  Langobard, 
Dacian  and  Slav,  have  independently  evolved  them- 
selves; and  an  entirely  unrelated  language,  such  as 
Hungarian,  may  as  much  represent  the  influence  of 
the  Roman  civilization  as  does  Latin  Roumanian. 

What  has  happened  within  historic  times  happened 
in  prehistoric.  Through  the  mixture  of  an  original 
Indo-Germanic  language  at  very  different  periods  with 
very  different  linguistic  stocks  have  arisen  the  many 
tongues  which,  by  courtesy,  we  still  denominate  Indo- 
Germanic,  even  as,  by  discourtesy,  an  octaroon,  who 
has  but  one-eighth  of  negro  blood  in  him,  is  called  a 
negro.  Hence  it  is  absurd  to  predicate  an  Indo-Ger- 
manic or  even  a  Germanic  civilization,  any  more  than 
one  would  think  of  establishing  an  "Urgeschichte"  of 
Romance.  It  is  only  because  the  former  are  removed 
from  documentary  control  that  philologists  have  ven- 
tured on  voluminous  "Prehistoric  Histories,"  while 
their  statements  in  regard  to  historic  times  upon  proper 
investigation  as  often  prove  wrong  as  right. 

Philology  cannot  dissociate  itself  from  the  history 
of  civilization  in  the  treatment  of  the  origin  of  words, 
for  words  are  carried  along  roads  of  communication 
with  the  things  which  they  represent,  and  it  is  idle  to 


INTRODUCTION  xli 

speculate  on  any  prehistoric  history  until  all  the  roads 
of  communication  have  been  traced  and  mapped  out. 
These  prehistoric  histories  base  their  conclusions  on 
the  universality  of  certain  words  in  a  linguistic  group, 
but  this  is  no  more  indicative  of  the  presence  of  the 
things  represented  by  these  words  in  the  original  stock 
from  which  the  group  is  derived  than  the  universal 
use  of  the  word  "automobile"  is  indicative  that  the 
aborigines  of  Europe  had  invented  this  machine,  just 
as  the  absence  of  a  common  word  for  "hand"  cannot 
lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Indo-Germanic  primi- 
tive man  had  not  yet  emerged  from  the  quadruped 
stage. 

I  will  illustrate  the  topsy-turviness  of  the  philological 
method,  as  commonly  practiced,^  by  a  few  words  of 
economic  import  which  have,  like  all  such  words, 
emanated  from  great  trade  centers  and  have  travelled 
along  the  customary  trade  routes,  with  little  heed  to 
linguistic  affinities.  The  name  of  such  words  is  legion, 
but  the  few  treated  here  will  suffice  to  indicate  the  path 
along  which  philology  must  walk,  if  it  is  to  save 
itself  from  inanity,  and  to  accentuate  the  close  union 
which  must  subsist  between  philology  and  economic 
history.   The  two  are  inseparable  wherever  they  overlap. 

Relations  with  China. 

Schrader^  gives  a  list  of  names  for  "steel"  related  to 
Pers.  yuldd;  Syr.  pld;  Kurd,  pila,  pola,  pulad;  Pehl. 
poldwat;  Armen.  polovat;  Turk,  pala;  Russ.  bulat; 
Mizdzhegan  polad,  bolat;  Mongol,  holot,  huldt,  huridt. 
He  is  unable  to  suggest  an  origin  for  these  words. 
Fr.  Mliller^  pointed  out  that  the  Pehlevi  and  Armenian 

1  The  publication  of  a  new  periodical,  Worter  und  Sachen,  by  Meringer, 
Meyer-Liibke,  and  others,  is  a  ray  of  light  in  a  field  of  darkness. 
*  Sprachvergleichung  und  Urgeschichte,  Jena  1883,  p.  287. 
5  Wiener  Zeitschrift  fiir  die  Kunde  des  Morgenlandes,  vol.  V  (1891),  p.  18G. 


xlii     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

should  be  polapat  and  suggested  Gr.  jioA-vjiaxa^  "much- 
beaten"  as  the  original  word.  A  number  of  mistakes 
were  thus  committed.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  not 
right  to  limit  the  words  to  their  Indo-Germanic  form 
and,  therefore,  suggest  a  Greek  root-word.  Secondly, 
noXvjiaxoE,  could  not  under  any  conditions  be  connected 
with  steel,  because  steel  is  the  result  of  the  carboni- 
zation of  iron,  and  the  much-beating  is  later  applied 
to  it  as  much  as  to  copper,  iron,  gold,  etc. ;  and,  chiefly, 
because  there  is  not  a  particle  of  evidence  that  the 
Greeks  ever  used  the  word  as  a  designation  for  steel. 
Thirdly,  not  all  the  countries  of  Asia  had  been  exhausted 
in  search  for  similar  names,  and  so  the  possible  center 
of  issue  was  dislocated.  For,  by  adding  Tibetan 
p'olad,  Sulu  bdlan,  Tagalog  patalim,  Uocano  paslip, 
we  at  once  see  that  the  origin  of  the  word  may  lie 
further  to  the  east.  Naturally  one  thinks  of  China  as 
the  possible  point  of  issue,  for  there  steel  was  known 
in  the  third  millenium  before  our  era  and  we  have  the 
positive  reference  to  steel  in  a  Chinese  writer  of  the 
fifth  century  B.  C.^  However,  a  perusal  of  the  Chinese 
dictionary  fails  to  furnish  the  word  needed,  for  kang 
cannot  lie  at  the  foundation  of  puldd.  The  difficulty 
is  at  once  removed  by  inquiring  into  the  chief  use  of 
steel  in  China.  We  learn  that  the  most  important 
article  made  from  it  is  the  flintsteel,  which  "every 
Chinaman,  as  a  true  Mongol,  always  carries  with  him."^ 
Now  flintsteel  is  in  Chinese  hwo-liem,  in  the  Cantonese 
dialect  fo-lim,  literally  "fire-sickle."  The  ancient 
pronunciation  can  only  be  guessed  at.  Though  given 
as  ho-liem,  ha-liem,  hwo-liem,  the  final  consonant  may 
have  been  less  sonant  and  understood  by  hearers  as 
a  6  or  p;  hence,  while  this  fo-lim  is  rendered  in  Tagalog 
as  patalim,  in  Sulu  as  bdlan,  Ilocano  gives  it  as  paslip. 

'  L.  Beck,  Die  Geschichte  des  Eisens,  Braunschweig  1884,  vol.  I,  p.  294  S. 
» Ibid.,  p.  299. 


INTRODUCTION  xliii 

The  variant  rendering  of  the  first  part  is  due  to  the 
wide,  open  pronunciation  of  Jo. 

I  have  no  hesitancy  in  adding  Gr.  i^oXvy^,  yoXv^hioy 
"steel"  to  this  group.  The  assumption,  already 
expressed  by  the  Greeks,  that  yoXv^  was  so  called 
from  the  XdA,D6eg,  the  nation  near  the  Pontus,  who 
mined  iron  and  from  whom  the  iron  for  their  steel 
was  obtained,  only  indicates  an  attempt  to  explain  the 
origin  of  the  word,  in  the  light  of  the  fact  that  their 
iron  was  received  from  the  East;  or,  what  is  also 
probable,  the  name  of  the  Eastern  nation  from  whom 
they  received  their  iron  was  so  changed  as  to  bring  it  in 
harmony  with  the  ^oXv^,  which  originally  was  derived 
from  China,  even  as  the  Greeks  named  the  Chinese 
2fiQ8g,  from  af|Q  "the  silk-worm,"  which  is  from  Chin. 
sze  "silk."  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippine 
Islands  and  the  Mongols  should  have  derived  their 
flintsteel  from  China  is  natural  enough,  and,  indeed,  life 
in  the  Mongolian  steppes  would  have  been  impossible 
without  this  manner  of  striking  fire,  which  had  been 
in  practice  in  China  since  the  most  remote  antiquity, 
because  of  the  absence  of  firewood.  But  it  does  not 
follow  that  all  the  words  adduced  by  Schrader  are 
directly  to  be  derived  from  the  Chinese.  The  Armenian 
and  Pehlevi  polapat  go  back  to  the  ninth  century  and 
are  older  than  pilldd,  or  rather  fuldd,  the  Persian 
form,  to  which  most  of  the  derivatives  are  related. 
The  steel  from  Khorassan  was  famous  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  it  is,  therefore,  possible  that  the  Mongolian 
and  Tibetan  words  are  formed  from  the  Persian;  but 
the  Armenian  and  Pehlevi  words,  which  may  go  back 
to  an  older  folapt,  bear  such  a  striking  resemblance  to 
Gr.  xa^^^Siov  that  it  is  difficult  without  more  evidence 
to  say  whether  the  Greeks  derived  the  word  from  the 
immediate  East  or  vice  versa.  At  the  same  time  Gr. 
XaA,v6-  in  pronunciation   so  much   resembles   OChin. 


xliv    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

ha-liem  that  one  feels  inclined  to  assign  to  it  a  priority. 
Judgment  must  here  be  suspended  until  the  investi- 
gation by  sinologues  may  cast  some  new  light  on  the 
early  relations  of  China  with  the  West.^ 

Meanwhile  I  shall  attempt  to  trace  a  few  more 
commercial  products  to  China.  The  steelyard  and 
balance  had  been  in  use  in  China  milleniums  ago,  but 
unfortunately  I  know  of  no  treatment  by  modern 
writers  which  would  explain  the  use  of  the  various 
weighing  machines  mentioned  in  the  Chinese  diction- 
aries. Such  a  treatise,  I  am  sure,  would  clear  up  many 
complex  problems  of  mediaeval  European  trade.  What 
I  offer  here  is  only  tentative,  a  mere  exposition  of 
method,  and  not  a  final  solution.  The  Chinese  name 
for  the  balance  is  teen-ping,  which  appears  in  Anna- 
mese  thien-binh,  Japanese  tern-pin,  tembin,  Malay  and 
Sulu  timbdng,  Tagalog  timbang;  that  is,  it  is  known  to 
the  whole  extreme  East.  The  Annamese  has  also  the 
form  can-thang-bang,  generally  applied  to  the  steel- 
yard, where  can  is  identical  with  Chin,  kin  "a  utensil 
for  determining  the  weight  of  a  thing,"  thang  is  Chin. 
tdng  "small  steelyard  for  weighing  money,"  bang  is 
the  same  as  Chin,  ping  in  teen-ping.  An  older  shorter 
can-thang  must  be  assumed  by  the  side  of  Chin,  le-tdng 
"a  balance  for  weighing  money,"  and  this  is  unquestion- 
ably the  origin  of  Hindustani  kantd  "small  goldsmith's 
scale."  This  Hind,  kdntd  cannot  be  derived  from 
Arab,  qantdr,  on  account  of  the  difference  in  spelling, 
and  Arab.,  Turk,  qantdr  (Gr.  xavrctQi,  Albanian 
kandar  "the  large  steelyard")  has  apparently  arisen 

'■  There  is  nothing  new  in  the  assumption  of  Greek  relations  with  China. 
They  have  been  pointed  out  by  A.  Gladisch  (Die  Hyperboreer  und  die  alien 
Schinesen,  Leipzig  1866)  and  Hepke  (Die  kulturgeschichtlichen  Beziehungen 
der  alien  Chinesen  und  der  Hellenen,  in  Verhandlungen  der  Gesellschaft  filr 
Erdkunde  zu  Berlin,  vol.  VI,  pp.  171-186),  and  B.  Laufer  {Die  Sage  von  den 
goldgrahenden  Ameisen,  in  T'oung  Pao,  serie  II,  vol.  IX,  pp.  429-452)  has 
shown  that  the  gold-digging  ants  of  Herodotus  are  not  a  mere  myth,  but 
point  to  a  commercial  relation  between  Greece  and  the  extreme  East. 


INTRODUCTION  xlv 

from  a  confusion  of  the  Eastern  term  with  LLat. 
centenarius ,  Gr.  xevtavaQiov  "a  hundredweight."^ 
There  is  in  Chinese  an  older  name  for  the  steelyard, 
the  classical  keuen-hdng,  from  keuen  "poise"  and  hang 
"the  beam  placed  transversely,"  and  a  later  one, 
heng-ping,  which  in  the  older  pronunciation  sounded 
very  nearly  keng-pang.  One  of  these  forms  is  respon- 
sible for  Pers,  kapdn,  whence  it  was  taken  into  Arab. 
qabban  "steelyard,"  and  Gr.  xoc^iJiavog  "steelyard," 
which  is  for  the  first  time  mentioned  in  the  fourth 
century.  It  thus  seems  that  the  oldest  dissemination 
of  the  word  and  thing  was  by  the  way  of  Persia,  a 
somewhat  later  one  by  the  way  of  India,  and  a  more 
modern  one  in  the  extreme  East. 

That  silk  and  silk  wares  were  exported  from  Asia 
to  Europe  and  that  the  Chinese  traded  with  the  West 
at  least  1000  B.  C.  are  well  established  facts,  and  it 
can  be  shown  that  at  least  one  product  of  the  European 
looms  of  the  twelfth  century  originated — who  knows 
how  far  back? — in  Central  Asia,  whither  it  was  at  a 
still  earlier  date  brought  from  China.  In  the  Middle 
Ages  there  was  known  in  Europe  a  cloth  tiretaine, 
which  with  the  hurel  and  burnet  belonged  to  the  most 
popular  products  of  West-European  manufacture.  Let 
us  see  what  information  one  can  gain  on  the  matter 

'  There  are  other  Arabic  words  which  are  ultimately  derived  from  Chinese 
One  of  the  most  important  Arabic  words  introduced  into  mediaeval  trade 
is  samsar  "broker,"  generally  known  in  the  Italicized  form  sensal.  It  has 
been  pointed  out  that  this  Arabic  word  is  originally  Persian,  but  it  cannot 
be  explained  from  any  Persian  root-word.  Besides,  we  have  no  record  of 
any  advanced  commercial  enterprise  originating  in  Persia,  which  only 
acted  as  an  intermediary  between  the  East  and  West.  This  Pers.  samsar 
is  nothing  but  Chin,  chincjchi  "broker,"  from  ching  (king)  "a  person 
through  whose  hands  an  affair  passes"  and  chi  (ki)  "to  record."  The 
Arabs  began  to  trade  with  China  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century 
(A.  von  Kremer,  Culturgeschichte  des  Orients  unter  den  Chalifen,  Wien  1S77, 
vol.  II,  p.  280),  hence  it  is  not  unlikely  that  many  Arabic  words  of  Chinese 
origin  were  directly  derived  from  China.  On  the  relations  between  the 
Arabs  and  the  Chinese,  see  E.  Bretschneider,  On  the  Knowledge  Possessed  by 
the  Ancient  Chinese  of  the  Arabs  and  Arabian  Colonies,  and  other  Western 
Countries  Mentioned  in  Chinese  Books,  London  1871. 


xlvi    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

from  the  most  approved  and  scientific  dictionaries. 
Hatzf eld  and  Darmesteter,  in  their  French  Dictionary, 
inform  us  that  it  seems  to  be  derived  from  Fr.  tirer 
"to  pull,"  and  that  it  was  a  kind  of  cloth,  half  linen, 
half  cotton.  Monlau^  thinks  Span,  tiritana  is  older 
than  Fr.  tiretaine  and  that  it  is  derived  from  the  verb 
tiritar  "to  tremble  with  cold,"  on  account  of  the 
rustling  sound  which  it  makes,  or  from  Eng.  tartan. 
These  are  the  kind  of  etymologies  that  my  janitor 
indulged  in  when  he  looked  at  the  radiator  and  called 
it  a  "ready  heater."  We  turn  to  the  Oxford  English 
Dictionary,  the  great  repository  of  quotations  and 
etymological  blunders,  and  find  under  tartan:  "It  has 
been  conjectured  to  a.  F.  tiretaine  (1247  in  Godef. 
Compl.)  'a  kind  of  cloth,  half  wool,  half  linen  or  cotton,* 
for  which  a  variant  tertaine  is  quoted  by  Godefroy  of 
date  1487.  .  .  Another  conjecture  would  identify  the 
cloth  with  that  called  tartar  or  tartarin,  of  which  the 
16th  c.  forms  tartarne,  tarterne,  somewhat  approach 
tartane.  But  the  quotations  for  tartar  and  tartarin 
point  to  a  richer  and  more  costly  stuff."  Under 
tartar  we  read:  "OF.  tartare,  tartaire  (c.  1300  in  Gode- 
froy), Med.  L.  tartarium,  tartareus  (pannus)  'cloth  of 
Tartary,'  a  rich  kind  of  cloth,  probably  silk,  used  in 
15th  and  16th  centuries.  .  .  tartariums.  Colonel  Yule 
believes,  were  so  called  'not  because  they  were  made 
in  Tartary,  but  because  they  were  brought  from  China 
through  the  Tartar  dominions.'" 

Absolutely  no  conception  can  be  formed  of  what  the 
mysterious  cloth  was,  where  it  came  from,  or  of  what 
economic  import  it  may  have  been.  We  seek  for 
information  in  Francisque-Michel,^  but  with  little 
more  success.  To  judge  from  the  quotations  given  by 
him,   tartare  or  tartaine,  tartar  a,  tartariscus,  etc.,  was 

'  Diccionario  etimoldgico  de  la  lengua  castellana,  Madrid  1881. 
'  Recherches  sur  le  commerce,  la  fabrication  et  I'usage  des  itoffes  de  sole, 
d'or  et  d' argent,  et  autres  tissus  precieux,  Paris  1854,  vol.11. 


INTRODUCTION  xlvii 

some  kind  of  striped  material,  of  which  silk  was  the 
main  ingredient,  and  which  was  sometimes  worked 
with  gold,  and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  announce  that 
tartare  may  have  been  applied  in  the  European  factories 
to  an  inferior  article,  on  account  of  the  sensation  pro- 
duced by  the  silk  product.^  Francisque- Michel  almost 
guessed  correctly,  and  had  he  proceeded  to  expand  his 
investigations  to  the  whole  of  Europe,  he  undoubtedly 
would  have  ascertained  the  true  state  of  affairs.  The 
exclusive  treatment  of  a  word  as  French  or  Spanish 
cannot  lead  to  the  truth,  and  even  the  history  of  the 
thing  can  lead  to  no  results  so  long  as  the  historian  is 
satisfied  with  the  philologist's  method  of  drawing  his 
conclusions  chiefly  from  literary  references.  The  fact 
is  reversed.  Only  after  a  word  has  had  its  run  in  the 
mercantile,  industrial,  and  civic  life  does  it  enter 
literature,  and  the  treatment  of  the  same  by  poets  and 
historians  reflects  only  what  it  was  thought  to  be  at 
the  period  of  such  mention,  not  what  it  originally  was 
or  even  continued  to  be  in  every-day  use.  To  ascer- 
tain the  origin  and  meaning  of  tiretaine  and  its  possible 
relation  to  tartan,  tarletan,  tartarin,  we  must  first  of  all 
discover  from  a  vast  number  of  references  what  the 
underlying  chief  connotation  of  tiretaine  was.  Only 
then  shall  we  be  entitled  to  philological  and  economic 
assumptions.  For  purpose  of  geographical  convenience 
I  shall  proceed  from  the  west  to  the  east. 

In  Portugal  tiritana  or  tricana  is  a  coarse  woolen 
overcoat  worn  by  peasants  of  Coimbra,  but  some  give 
it  as  a  kind  of  petticoat,  also  a  countrywoman;  whereas 
in  Spain  tiritana,  tiritaina  is  a  kind  of  silk,  but  tiritaina 
also  means  "a  thing  of  little  value."  Cotgrave  says 
of  Fr.  tiretaine  "  linsie-woolsie,  or  a  kind  thereof, 
worne  ordinarily  by  the  French  peasants."  In  1253 
there  is   mention  of  a  manufacturer  of  tiretaines  as 

» Ibid.,  p.  167  flf. 


xlviii    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

tiretier}  It  is  generally  mentioned  together  with 
galehrun,"^  of  which  it  was  some  kind  of  variety.  In 
the  Vaudois  country  tredaina  is  a  coarse  cloth  made  of 
native  wool,^  in  Geneva  it  is  tredaina,  trepelanna,  and  at 
Lausanne  tredon,  tredan  means  "noise,  tumult."  In  the 
Languedoc  we  find  tirintin,  throughout  the  Provence 
tirantHno,  tirlanteino,  tirlinteino,  tirangeino,  tinteino, 
tiratagno  in  the  sense  of  tiretaine  or  cloth  of  a  poor 
quality,  tarlatano,  tarlantano  "tarlatan,  cloth  of  poor 
quality,"  tridagno,  tridaino,  trideino  "cloth  of  poor 
quality,  rags."^  In  Italy,  mezzalana  "any  woolsie,  or 
linsie-woolsie  stuff e,  half  wool  and  silke,  or  linnen,"^ 
seems  exactly  to  correspond  to  our  tiretaine,  and  the 
term  seems  to  have  taken  the  place,  as  a  popular  and 
correct  rendering,  of  what  was  called  tuttalana.  This 
tuttalana,^  sometimes  called  tuttalana  bassetta,  was  no 
more  of  pure  wool  than  some  of  our  ' '  all-wool ' '  products, 
and  is  in  all  probability  a  corruption  of  some  such 
word  as  turtuna,  even  as  tredaina  has  in  Geneva  been 
corrupted  into  trepelanna,  as  tiritana  has  in  Portugal 
been  changed  into  tricana,  and,  as  I  suspect,  Fr.  tricot, 
for  the  first  time  mentioned  by  Cotgrave  as  a  term  at 
Orleans,  is  but  a  corruption  of  the  same  tiretaine.  To 
this  aspect  of  the  word  I  hope  to  return  at  some  future 
time. 

In  Holland  tiereteyn,  dierteyn  is  given  as  an  equivalent 
for  burel.^  In  High  German  it  is  recorded  from  the 
fifteenth   century   on   as   dirdenday,   diradey,    dirledey, 

1  "Et  se  tiretier  tissoit  tiretaine  ki  ne  fust  boine  et  loials  et  ri  n'eust  deux 
aunes  de  largece  en  ros."  (Bans  des  tiretaines,  de  1253),  in  Jaubert,  Gloss- 
aire  du  Centre  de  la  France,  Paris  1864,  sub  tiretier. 

2  Lespinasse  and  Bonnardot,  Le  livre  des  metiers  d'Etienne  Boileau,  in 
Les  metiers  et  corporations  de  la  ville  de  Paris,  Paris  1879,  p.  274. 

'  D.  Bridel,  Glossaire  du  patois  de  la  Suisse  romande,  Lausanne  1866. 

*  Mistral,  Dictionnaire  provengal-frangais. 

*  Florio,  Queen  Anna's  New  World  of  Words,  London  1611. 

«  "15  brachia  tuctalani  Florent.  coloris  Persi,"  R.  Davidsohn,  Forschungen 
zur  Geschichte  von  Florenz,  IIL  Theil,  Berlin  1901,  p.  73. 

'  "Vestis  lino  et  lana  confecta  .  .  burellum,"  Kilian,  Etymologicum  teutoni- 
cae  linguae,  Traiecti  Batavorum  1777. 


INTRODUCTION  xlix 

dirmadey,  dermentey,  dirdumdey,  dirtmedey,  dilmedey 
"coarse  cloth,  half  flax,  half  wool,  a  mixture  of  corn 
and  barley,  hodge-podge,"^  but  in  Lower  Germany  it 
is  recorded  from  the  fourteenth  century  on  as  tirletei, 
derdendei,  trittendei,  tirumtei,  and  in  Ulm  durendei  is 
the  nickname  for  an  awkward  fellow.^  Amazing  is  the 
effect  of  this  word  upon  the  Russian  language.  It 
does  not  seem  to  be  recorded  as  an  appellation  for  cloth, 
but  has  become  the  foundation  for  the  common  desig- 
nation of  "fool"  and  "bad."  The  popular  forms  under 
which  the  word  for  "fool"  occurs  in  Russia  show  that 
they  owe  their  origin  to  the  German  traders  in  the 
north.  These  popular  forms  are:  duraley,  duranday, 
durandas,  durynda,  durasman,  duren\  and  the  last  is 
also  the  common  word  for  "fool"  in  Polish.  Out  of 
these  variant  forms  have  arisen  the  literary  words 
durak  "fool"  and  durnoy  "bad."  No  other  Slavic 
languages  have  any  derivatives  from  this  stem. 

All  the  above-mentioned  words  obviously  arise  from 
one  ground  form  which  must  be  able  to  produce  the 
following  meanings:  (1)  striped  cloth,  (2)  linsie-woolsie, 
and  silk,  (3)  mixture,  hodge-podge,  racket,  nonsense. 
As  the  tendency  in  the  manufacture  of  the  Middle 
Ages  usually  was  towards  the  deterioration  of  goods, 
a  striped  mixture  of  silk  with  some  other  substance 
would  be  the  material  which  would  satisfy  all  the  above- 
mentioned  conditions.  This  we  find  in  Manchu  turtun 
"^toffe  cr^p^e,"^  Mongol  turtum  "a  stuff  woven  from 
silk  and  camel  hair,"^  and  these  are  from  Chin. 
cKe-tseu,    literally    "silk-gauze   or   silk-hemp."^      The 

'  Schmeller,  Bayerisches  Worterbuch. 

2  Schiller  and  Lubben,  Mittelniederdeutsches  Worterbuch. 

'  Amyot,  Didionnaire  tartare-mantchou  frangois,  Paris  1789,  vol.  II, 
p.  325. 

*  K.  Th.  Golstunski,  Mongol' sko-russki  slovar',  S.  Peterburg  1893,  vol. 
Ill,  p.  165. 

'  For  a  fuller  treatment  of  burels  see  my  article,  Materialien  zu  einer 
Geschichte  der  Kleidung  im  Mittelalter,  II,  in  Revue  de  linguistique,  vol.  XLIV 
(1911). 


1         HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

deterioration  to  a  linsie-woolsie  at  once  connects  Port. 
tiritana  with  Scotch  tartan,  which  is  the  same  kind  of 
striped  goods,  and  it  will  be  observed  in  the  costumes 
of  the  Middle  Ages  that  peasants  are  frequently  repre- 
sented in  checkered  garments.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
mixture  of  silk  and  wool  or  silk  and  hemp  accounts  for 
the  muslin  of  poor  quality  called  tarlatan.  In  its 
capacity  of  striped  silk  goods  of  a  better  quality  it 
became  responsible  for  the  silks  striped  with  gold 
which  are  several  times  mentioned  in  Francisque- 
Michel's  quotations. 

We  must  still  account  for  the  presence  of  an  origi- 
nally Eastern  manufacture  in  the  European  factories  of 
the  thirteenth  century  or  even  earlier.  Tiretaine 
formed  so  important  a  part  of  Cologne  manufacture  in 
the  fourteenth  century  that  the  manufacturers,  called, 
as  in  the  French  of  the  thirteenth  century,  tyrteyer, 
maintained  a  guildhall  of  their  own  known  as  tirtey- 
huyss,^  and  it  was,  in  all  probability,  produced  in 
Mayence  in  the  twelfth  century,  to  judge  from  its 
association  with  galehrun,  which  certainly  was  a  pro- 
duct of  Mayence  looms  at  that  time.  It  was,  in  the 
twelfth  century,  imported  into  Montpellier  under  the 
name  of  tiretum  and  taxed  like  cendatum}  But  May- 
ence must  have  been  in  close  relations  with  Turkestan 
even  earlier  than  the  eleventh  century,  to  judge  from 
the  large  number  of  Samarkand  silver  coins  of  the 
early  part  of  the  tenth  century  and  the  many  Eastern 
wares  found  there  by  an  Arab  traveller.^ 

*  W.  Stein,  Akten  zur  Geschichte  der  Verfassung  und  Verwaltung  der 
Stadt  Koln  im.  I4.  und  15.  Jahrhundert,  Bonn  1895,  vol.  II,  in  the 
Vocabulary. 

'  "De  tireto  et  cendato,  II  den.,"  Liber  instrumentorum  memorialium, 
Montpellier  1884-86,  pp.  408  and  438. 

'  Ch.  M.  Fraehn,  Beleuchtung  der  merkwiirdigen  Notiz  eines  Arabers  aus 
dem  XI.  Jahrhundert  Uber  die  Stadt  Maynz,  in  Memoires  de  I'academie  im- 
periale  des  sciences  de  Saint-Petersbourg,  VI.  s6rie.  Sciences  politiques,  histoire 
et  philologie,  vol.  II,  p.  87  ff. 


INTRODUCTION  li 

Garbo  Wool. 

*'In  antiquarian  and  topographic  works  on  the 
history  of  Florence,"  says  Doren/  "and  in  general 
philological  discussions  the  word  garho  has  played  an 
important  part,  especially  in  the  Florentine  literature 
of  the  sixteenth  century:  a  mass  of  sagacity  and  learn- 
ing, but  also  much  fancifulness  and  arbitrary  comment- 
ing has  been  wasted  on  its  explanation  and  on  its 
vicissitudes.  Like  a  red  thread  there  passes  the  same 
error  through  all  these  expositions,  and  this  error  is 
closely  connected  with  the  history  of  our  industry.  .  .  . 
If  one  goes  back  far  enough,  garbo  is  the  Italian  desig- 
nation for  the  Sultanate  Algarve  in  the  west  of  modern 
Portugal,  from  which,  as  we  saw  before,  the  finest  of 
cloths,  manufactured  by  the  Arabs,  was  in  early  times 
imported  to  Italy:  a  small  street  even  then  received 
its  name  from  the  sale  of  this  cloth,  and  a  family  was 
named  del  Garbo  from  this  street  or,  perhaps,  because 
it  chiefly  busied  itself  with  the  importation  of  these 
stuffs.  Finally,  the  name  Algarve  clearly  is  derived 
from  Arab,  garbi  'western,'  since  that  Sultanate 
designated  the  extreme  west  of  all  the  Arabian  realms 
of  the  Mediterranean." 

That  "as  we  saw  before"  is  not  based  on  any  historic 
proof,  but  only  on  a  reference  to  Davidsohn.^  If  we 
now  turn  to  Davidsohn,^  we  find  the  following: 
"How  extensive  the  Florentine  trade  with  Algarvia 
cloth  was  in  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century 
is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  the  street  where  it  was 
located  was  called  the  Garbo  even  then,  it  having 
preserved  the  name  until  recent  times,  and  that  among 

'  Die  Florentiner  Wollentuchindustrie  vom  vierzehnten  bis  zum  sechzehnten 
Jahrhundert,  in  Studien  aus  der  Florentiner  Wirtschaftsgeschichie,  Stuttgart 
1901,  vol.  I,  p.  65  f. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  22. 

'  Geschichte  von  Florenz,  Berlin  1896,  vol.  I,  p.  793. 


Hi       HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

the  customers  of  a  banker,  of  whose  ledgers  of  the  year 
1211  chance  has  saved  for  us  a  few  pages,  no  branch 
of  business  is  more  frequently  mentioned  than  that  of 
the  merchants  of  the  Garho.'"  Thus  we  move  in  a 
vicious  circle:  "The  cloth  came  from  Algarve,  con- 
sequently it  was  called  de  Garho,''  and  "the  wool  was 
called  de  Garbo,  consequently  it  came  from  Algarve." 
The  confusion  is  increased  by  Schulte,^  who  identifies 
Garbo  with  barbaresca  and  has  it  come  from  northwest 
Africa.  Thereupon  Davidsohn  took  Doren's  part^  and 
tried  to  prove  that  Garb  originally  referred  to  southern 
Portugal,  and  Schaube^  thought  he  had  settled  the 
whole  matter  by  pointing  out  the  highly  developed 
cloth  industry  of  the  Mussulmans  in  northern  Africa. 
Thus  philologists  and  historians  have  gyrated  about 
the  zero  point  without  making  the  slightest  advance 
in  any  direction.  It  is  the  old  trick  of  excluding  from 
consideration  such  matters  as  might  widen  their  hori- 
zon, on  the  stereotyped  plea  that  they  are  foreign  to 
their  specialized  departments,  whereas  such  specializa- 
tion is  generally  suicidal  and  invariably  increases  the 
difficulty  of  a  thorough  investigation. 

The  amazing  thing  is  that  nowhere  outside  of  Tuscany 
do  we  ever  hear  of  Garbo  wool  and  Garbo  cloth,  although 
Garb,  which  the  Arabic  scholars  identify  with  western 
Algeria  and  eastern  Morocco.*  was  well  known  to 
the  Latin  peoples,  and  occasionally  was  visited  by 
them  for  commercial  purposes.^     In  vain  one  would 

1  Garbo  und  Florenz,  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  die  gesamme  Staatswissenschaft, 
vol.  LVIII,  p.  39  S. 

^  Garbowolle  und  Garbotuche,  in  Historische  Vierteljahrschriff,  vol.  VII, 
p.  385  ff . 

'  Handelsgeschichte  der  romanischen  Volker  des  Mittelmeergebiets  bis  zum 
Ende  der  Kreuzziige,  Mtinchen  and  Berlin  1906,  p.  780. 

*  Schulte,  op.  cit.,  p.  41  f. 

^  "In  itinere  Cecilie,  in  bucio  nave  Sancti  Nicholai,  et  inde  ubicumque 
Dens  ei  ordinabit,  causa  negotiandi,  in  Garbum  vel  in  Ispaniam,"  L.  Blan- 
card,  Documents  inedits  sur  le  commerce  de  Marseille  au  moyen-dge,  Marseille 
1884,  vol.  I,  p.  101. 


INTRODUCTION  liii 

look  in  Portuguese,  Spanish,  Catalan,  Provengal  docu- 
ments for  such  a  mention.  Even  in  Tuscany  there  is 
an  enormous  difference  between  Garho  wool  and  wool 
imported  from  Garb.  In  Siena  lana  di  garho  is  apparent- 
ly placed  far  above  all  other  kinds  of  wool,  whereas  in 
Pisa,  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  lana 
di  garho  is  considered  of  about  the  same  quality  as 
francesca  or  francigena.  Doren^  has  shown  that  under 
the  latter  name  English  wool  is  to  be  understood  and 
that,  furthermore,  the  lana  francesca  continued  to  rise 
in  value,  while  garho  occupied  a  secondary  position. 
But  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  garho  was 
unquestionably  the  finest  kind  of  wool  or  cloth,  as  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  at  Bologna  lana  de  garho  alone 
could  be  dyed,^  whereas  at  a  later  time  English  wool 
shared  this  privilege  to  an  even  higher  degree.  Doren 
has  pointed  out  the  great  confusion  that  later  developed 
in  connection  with  the  term  garho,  but  with  that  we 
have  no  concern  here.  We  wish  only  to  ascertain  the 
original  meaning  of  the  expression  and  to  point  out  the 
reason  for  a  possible  later  confusion.  In  1315  lana  de 
garho  is  quoted  in  relation  of  50  to  65,  as  compared 
with  English  wool,^  whereas  in  a  tariff  list  of  1307  wool 
from  Garbo  is  almost  the  lowest  in  the  list.^  Whereas  a 
salma  of  English,  Scotch,  and  Burgundy  wool  is  quoted 
at  15s.,  and  a  salma  of  wool  from  Catalonia  and  the 
Provence  at  10s.,  lane  sucide  de  Tunis,  Bugea  et  Garho 
is  given  at  2s.  Qd.,  that  is,  the  proportion  is  here  10  to 
60,  as  against  50  to  65  before.     There  is  here  a  con- 

'  Op.  cit.,  p.  68. 

'  "Item  statuimus  quod  nulla  lana  debeat  habere  tinturam  nisi  fuerit 
lana  de  garbo  vel  etiam  varia,  et  si  lana  aliqua  vel  pannum  inveniretur  que 
tinta  esset  et  non  nuaria  vel  de  garbo  auferratur  ab  eo  et  comburatur  in 
curia  comunis,"  L.  Frati,  Statuti  di  Bologna  dalV  anno  1245  all' anno  1267, 
Bologna  1869,  vol.  II,  p.  72.    What  varia,  nuaria  is,  is  not  clear. 

'  "Entschadigung  zu  zahlen  pro  qualibet  salma  lane  lavate  de  Garbo  50  fl. 
aur.  et  lane  Fragigine  65  fl.  auri,"  R.  Davidsohn,  Forschungen  zur  Geschichte 
von  Florenz,  III.  Theil,  p.  132. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  102. 


liv      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

temporary  confusion  which  cannot  be  explained  on  any 
theory  of  deterioration  in  the  product,  a  confusion  which, 
as  we  shall  see,  was  universal  along  the  Mediterranean. 

In  a  tariff  of  Perpignan  of  1284  and  1295  we  have  a 
reference  to  "teles  de  Garp:''  "teles  del  garp''  {de  Garp), 
e  vintenes,  e  canabas,  e  totes  autres  teles, "^  while  in 
the  Leudaire  de  Saverdun  (1327)^  ''carte  filat  o  non 
filat"  follows  after  lana  and  li.  In  Raynouard's 
Provencal  Dictionary  carbe=  "canabe,  hemp,"  and  this 
exactly  suits  the  sense  in  the  Leudaire,  for  after  wool 
and  flax  one  can  think  only  of  a  hemp  product;  con- 
sequently the  del  Garp  of  Perpignan  cannot  be  identical 
with  carhe  of  Saverdun,  since  after  del  Garp  comes 
canabes  which  is  the  same  as  carhe.  What  vintenes  is 
I  do  not  know;  vintenas  and  cannabas,  however,  occur 
already  in  a  Marseille  tariff  of  1228,^  and  in  a  list  of 
1190  at  Genoa,^  but  instead  of  being  preceded  by  teles 
del  Garp,  they  are  preceded  by  telas  primas}  Ob- 
viously del  Garp  corresponds  to  primas  and  to  English 
Al,  but  tela  can  only  mean  cloth  made  from  flax,  hemp, 
or  cotton;  consequently  del  Garp  was  in  the  thirteenth 
century  in  the  Provence,  as  in  Tuscany,  a  commercial 
expression  of  excellence,  referring,  however,  not  to  wool 
or  cloth,  but  to  a  textile  fabric  of  either  hemp  or  cotton. 
Since  tela  de  Garp  and  tela  de  Rems  pay  a  duty  of  Idr., 
whereas  "totes  autres  teles,  o  de  Campayna,  o  d'Ala- 
mayna,  o  d'autra  terra  "^  pay  2dr.,  it  is  reasonable  to 

1  Revue  des  langues  romanes,  vol.  IV,  p.  371,  vol.  V,  p.  85.  The  editor, 
A.  Alart,  says:  "Ce  mot  ce  retrouve  encore  dans  le  tarif  de  1295,  et  nous 
sommes  porte  a  le  faire  venir  de  I'arabe  el  garb  (le  couchant).  II  s'agirait 
done,  dans  ce  sens,  des  toiles  de  I'ouest  de  la  France?" 

2  Ibid.,  vol.  XVI,  p.  108. 

'  L.  M6ry  and  F.  Guindon,  Histoire  analytique  et  chronologique  des  actes 
et  des  deliberations  du  corps  et  du  conseil  de  la  municipalite  de  Marseille, 
Marseille  1841,  vol.  I,  p.  346. 

*  Historiae  patriae  monumenta,  vol.  VII,  col.  361. 

*  M6ry  and  Guindon,  op.  cit.,  p.  345. 

*  Revue  des  langues  romanes,  vol.  IV,  p.  372. 


INTRODUCTION  Iv 

suppose  that  tela  de  Garp  was  a  native  product  and  so 
was  favored  as  against  Champagne,  German,  or  other 
foreign  goods. 

In  the  Statutes  of  Bologna  of  the  thirteenth  century 
we  have  a  prohibition  against  the  notary's  use  of  paper 
de  garbo^  or  garhitta}  That  this  is  not  a  prohibition 
against  the  use  of  paper  made  of  cotton  fibre  is  evi- 
denced by  another  statement  of  the  tariff  for  paper  in  a 
Bologna  MS.  of  the  year  1289,  where  cotton  paper  is 
mentioned  by  the  side  of  garbexa  paper. ^  Nor  is  there 
the  slightest  reason  for  the  derivation  of  the  word,  with 
Frati,  from  Lat.  carhasus  "fine  linen."  Garbo,  garbitta, 
garbexa,  garbesa  represent  some  North  Italian  dialec- 
tic words  meaning  "goat,  kid,"  as  can  be  shown  by  a 
number  of  regulations  in  regard  to  the  use  of  wool  in 
the  manufacture  of  cloth.  In  Bologna  no  one  was  per- 
mitted to  mix  wool  of  the  ox,  goat,  ass,  or  hare  with 
that  of  the  sheep,  unless  it  was  to  be  used  in  the  manu- 
facture of  a  coarse  kind  of  cloth  known  as  mezzalano."* 
Venice  was  equally  opposed  to  the  use  of  goat's  hair, 


^  "Notarii  qui  presunt  statutis  pro  illo  officio  habeant  bonas  cartas 
pecorinas  et  non  de  garbo  a  comuni  pro  v.  statutis  scribendis,"  Frati,  op.  cit., 
vol.  Ill,  p.  164. 

2  "Et  si  sum  notarius  massarii  .  .  in  bonis  cartis  seribam  et  non  in  gar- 
bittis,"  ibid.,  vol.  I,  p.  147. 

^  "De  salma  cartarum  de  Garbexe  et  pecudum; — de  salma  cartarum  de 
banbaxe,"  ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  663,  and  repeated  in  a  Florentine  tariff  of  the 
year  1320:  "cartarum  de  Garbese  et  pecudum,  pro  salma  4s.  Bon.,  cartarum 
de  bambagia  48.,"  Davidsohn,  Forschungen,  III.  Theil,  p.  146. 

*  "Statuimus  et  ordinamus  quod  aliquis  de  dicta  societate  non  debeat 
emere  .  .nee  habere,  nee  tenere  in  domo  pilum  bovis  vel  capricii  vel  asini 
aut  leporis,  filatum  vel  non  filatum,  tinctum  vel  non  tinctum.  .  et  si  fila- 
tus  vel  mistus  cum  alia  lana  fuerit,  aut  de  ea  laboraverit,  vel  laborari  aut 
poni  fecerit  in  panno  bixello  vel  agnello,  condempnetur,  .  .  .  item  dicimus 
quod  licitum  sit  omnibus  de  dicta  societate  facientibus  pannos  megalanos 
habere  et  tenere  de  lanis  prohibitis  .  .  .  causa  ponendi  et  laborandi  in  pannis 
megalanis,"  A.  Gaudenzi,  Staiuti  delle  society,  del  vo-polo  di  Bologna,  Roma 
1896,  vol.  II,  p.  370  f. 


Ivi      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

which  is  here  called  garheta}   and  still  clearer  is  the 
prohibition  at  Brescia  in  1248.^ 

The  dialectic  words  garho,  garbexa,  garbitta  are  in  all 
likelihood  adaptations  of  Provenyal  or  Catalan  words, 
for  in  Marseille  and  Barcelona  there  was  a  very  active 
commerce  in  kid  skins  and  fleeces  in  the  beginning  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  the  Prov.  cabritz,  Catal.  cab- 
rits,  cabrites  at  once  explain  the  endings  exa,  itta  in  the 
Italian  words.  We  read  in  the  Marseille  tariff  for  1228: 
"agnel  e  cabritz  doni  lo  pareils — 1  obola,"^  and  at 
Barcelona  we  often  hear  of  kid  skins,  of  "centum  de 
cabrites''  (1221)  and  "bala  grossa  de  cabrits.'"^  How- 
ever, the  forms  capretto,^  craueto^  are  also  recorded  for 
Italian  cities.  So,  too,  the  form  garbo  goes  back  to  a 
Catalan  word,  which  is  given  in  the  Latinized  form 
cabru,  cabrum,  "tota  bestia  de  lana,  o  de  cabru,  tota 
carrega  de  pells  aynines  o  cabrum,"'^  where  the  Leuda  de 
Tortosa^  and  the  tariff  of  Marseilles^  have  faixs  day- 
nines  0  de  cabritz,  agnel  e  cabritz.  The  fluffy  hair  of  the 
goat  was  employed  in  the  manufacture  of  rugs,  and, 

•  "Statuimus  et  ordinamus  quod  pelliparii  artis  de  agnellinis  non  audeat 
miscere  agnellinas  cum  garbetis,  nee  etiam  audeat  cum  dictis  agnelinis 
pelles  edorum  miscere,  nisi  tantummodo  in  listis"  (1265),  G.  Monticolo,  / 
capitolari  delle  arti  veneziane,  Roma  1905,  vol.  II',  p.  108. 

2  "Item  statuunt  corectores  quod  pilum  bovis  vel  capre  non  conducatur 
in  civitatem  Brixie  .  .  et  nullus  debeat  in  civitate  vel  extra  in  tota  nostra 
virtute  verberare  nee  texere  neque  filare  neque  tingere  aut  aliquo  modo 
in  panno  ponere  vel  poni  facere.  .  Item  addunt  correctores  quod  nequis 
audeat  vel  presumat  ponere  vel  poni  facere  lanam  grossam  capre  in  panno," 
HPM.,  vol.  XVI,  col.  1584  (139). 

'  Mery  and  Guindon,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  348.  Also  in  the  Leuda  de  Tortosa 
(1249),  cabritz,  in  Revue  des  langues  romanes,  vol.  IV,  p.  254,  and  at  Perpignan 
(1284),  ibid.,  p.  371. 

■•  A.  de  Capmany  y  de  Montpalau,  Memorias  historicas  sobre  la  marina, 
eornercio  y  artes  de  la  antigua  ciudad  de  Barcelona,  Madrid  1779,  vol.  II, 
pp.  6  and  20. 

»  At  Chiesa  (1327),  in  HPM.,  vol.  XVII,  col.  130;  in  Staiuta  Casalis 
(14.  cen.),  ibid.,  vol.  II,  col.  101.3;  in  Bonaini,  Statuti  inediti  della  cittd  di 
Pisa  dal  XII  al  XIV  secolo,  Firenze  1857,  vol.  Ill,  p.  1004. 

*  In  Statuta  Casalis,  op.  cit.,  col.  960. 

'  Leudes  de  Puigcerda  et  de  la  Vail  de  Querol  (1288),  in  Revue  des  langues 
romanes,  vol.  IV,  p.  507. 
8  Ibid.,  p.  254. 
'  M6ry  and  Guindon,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  348. 


INTRODUCTION  Ivii 

since  it  was  almost  exclusively  Catalonia  and  the 
Provence  that  raised  goats,  we  read  in  the  Pisan  tariff 
of  Catalan  and  Proven9al  carpitas}  This  carpita, 
literally  goat's  (cloth),  is  the  origin  of  Eng.  carpet."^ 
It  is,  therefore,  obvious  that  in  prohibiting  the  use 
of  carta  de  Garbo,  the  prohibition  was  directed  against 
the  use  of  kid  or  goat  parchment.  It  will  now  be  easy 
to  ascertain  what  was  meant  by  lana  di  Garho,  panno 
di  Garho.  Aeneas  Sylvius^  tells  us  that  in  the  island  of 
Cyprus  a  woolen  cloth,  called  zambelotto,  our  modern 
camlet,  was  made  from  the  wool  of  goats,  and  Gesner^ 
quotes  A.  Alpagus,  called  Bellunensis,  a  translator  of 
Avicenna's  works,  to  the  effect  that  camlet  and  other 
delicate  stuffs  were  made  from  lana  merhazi,  which,  in 
another  exposition  of  Avicenna,  is  called  mathahaze. 
This  is  Arab.  marHza,  mar'izza  "fine  goat-hair  beneath 
the  coarser  one."  FraenkeP  thinks  that  this  is  from 
Aramaic  'amr  Hza,  literally  "lana  capri"  (which 
Fraenkel  incorrectly  translates  by  "Schaafwolle"),  but 
in  Spain  lana  de  cahras  was  translated  into  Arabic  by 
guabra,^  which  is  from  Arab,  wabar  "soft  hair  of  camels, 
goats,  hares,"  etc.  This  guabra,  which  by  a  strange 
coincidence  sounds  very  much  like  the  derivatives  from 
Lat.  capra  "goat,"  like  merhazi,  which  by  another  rare 
coincidence  can  hardly  be  distinguished  from  ma'azi 
"de  capra,"  represented  the  finest  wool  used  in  the 

'  "De  duabus  carditis  provincialis,  de  una  carpita  Catalogue, "  Bonaini, 
op.  cit.,  p.   114. 

2  Prov.  carp  "fluffy"  is,  no  doubt,  derived  from  it.  In  the  Regula 
Templariorum,  cap.  70,  we  read,  "carpitam  habeat  in  lecto,  qui  sacco, 
culcitra  vel  coopertorio  carebit,"  (Ducange,  sub  carpia),  and  in  a  list  of 
articles  for  the  year  11.56  in  Genoa,  we  read  of  a  pillow  made  of  "what 
is  called"  carpet-wool,  "duos  cosinos  unus  de  corre,  et  alius  de  carpita  dicitur 
lana,"  HPM.,  vol.  VI,  col.  310. 

'  Aeneae  Sylvii  Piccolominei  Senensis  .  .  .  Opera,  Basileae  1571,  p.  377. 

*  Conradi  Gesneri  medici  Tigurini,  Historiae  animalium  Lib.  I.  de  quad- 
ru'pedibus  uiuiparis,  Tiguri  1551,  vol.  I,  p.  280. 

*  Die  aramdischen  Fremdioorter  im  Arabischen,  Leiden  1886,  p.  41  f. 

*  P.  de  Lagarde,  Petri  Hispani  De  lingua  arabica  libri  duo,  Gottingae 
1883,  p.  289. 


Iviii    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

manufacture  of  camlets  and  similar  delicate  textures. 
Apparently  the  Provengals  and  Catalonians  continued 
to  manufacture  camlets,  and  camelot  or  camellot  de  lana 
even  in  the  fourteenth  century  was  considered  far 
superior  to  cloth  from  sheep  wool.  In  a  franchise  of 
the  year  1277  given  by  Philippe  le  Hardi  to  Italian 
merchants  carrying  goods  from  Montpellier  to  Nimes, 
camlets  pay  double  the  duty  of  other  cloths.^  In  a 
Catalan  sumptuary  law  of  1306  camlet  is  denominated 
drap  de  lana,^  and  in  another  similar  law  for  Barcelona, 
of  the  year  1330,  permission  is  granted  to  women  to 
wear  garments  of  camellot  de  lana.^ 

Merhazi  was  the  Arabic  mercantile  expression  for 
Al  in  the  manufacture  of  cloth  and  in  wool.  Now,  the 
goats  were  in  the  Middle  Ages  abhorred  in  the  central 
and  southern  countries,^  though  the  Provence  and 
Catalonia  never  stopped  raising  them.  When  Bologna, 
in  1222  or  1232,  invited  certain  strangers  to  come  to 
that  city  and  establish  cloth  factories,  they  were  granted 
immunities  from  all  public  duties,  but  they  were 
requested  under  no  condition  to  use  other  wool  in  the 
manufacture  of  cloth  than  that  of  the  sheep  or  lamb.^ 
But,  while  the  Tuscans  prohibited  the  use  of  kid  parch- 

1  A.  Germain,  Histoire  du  commerce  de  Montpellier,  Montpellier  1861, 
vol.  I,  p.  279.  There  is  probably  some  significance  in  the  fact  that  at 
Saint  Vaast  d'Arras  goats  were  listed  in  the  same  category  with  gold  and 
slaves:  "Omnis  homo  sive  liber  sive  non,  si  emerit  aut  vendiderit  aurum, 
vel  servum  vel  ancillam  vel  capram,  Theloneum  debet,"  Van  Drival, 
Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  de  Saini-Vaast  d'Arras,  redige  au  XI I^  sidcle  par 
Guimann,  Arras  1875,  p.  172,  and  similarly  on  p.  176. 

2  Revue  des  langues  romanes,  vol.  VII,  p.  55. 

^  Coleccion  de  documentos  ineditos  del  archive  general  de  la  corona  de  Aragon, 
vol.  VIII,  p.  179. 

*  See  my  article  on  Fr.  boucher,  in  Byzantinisches,  in  Zeitschrift  fUr 
romanische  Philologie,  vol.  XXXIV,  p.  664  ff. 

*  "Statutum  est  a  conscilio  comunis  bon.  quod  illi  qui  venerunt  et  nunc 
sunt  jn  Civitate  ista  et  nunc  ad  faciendum  pannum  lane  sive  pignolatum 
sint  jnmunes  a  publicis  factionibus  per  XX  annos  a  tempore  quo  venerunt 
jn  bon.  ex  causa  predicta,  quod  statutum  cepit  habere  locum  M.  CC.  xxij 
et  factores  panni  lane  teneantur  et  debeant  facere  fieri  bonum  pannum  de 
bona  lana  et  pura  torta  et  proventa  de  pecudibus  et  agnis,  et  de  non  aliis 
animalibus,"  Frati,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  494. 


INTRODUCTION  lix 

ment,  they  were  unable  to  oust  the  expression  de  garbo, 
a  translation  of  the  Arab,  mar'izd'  and  guabra  from  the 
commercial  vocabulary;  and,  as  francigena  became  the 
term  even  for  English  wool,  so  by  a  popular  transfor- 
mation de  garbo  was  made  de  Garbo,  "from  a  distant 
western  land."  Whether  this  de  garbo  represented  the 
fine  goat  hair,  from  the  Provence  and  Catalonia 
surreptitiously  used,  or  a  peculiar  kind  of  sheep  hair,  I 
am  not  prepared  to  say.  Di  garbo  became  in  Italian 
the  equivalent  for  "especial  refinement,"  hence  uomo 
di  garbo  "a  man  of  fine  bearing."  On  the  relation  of 
Eng.  garb  and  similar  words  in  the  Romance  languages 
I  now  need  no  longer  dwell — they  have  nothing  what- 
soever to  do  with  the  commonly  accepted  derivations. 
That  the  manufacture  of  camlets  and  hence  the  use  of 
the  fine  goat  wool  in  their  production  was  due  to  East- 
ern influence  is  evidenced  by  the  presence  in  Paris  of 
Saracen  carpet  makers,  that  is,  of  makers  of  carpets 
in  the  Eastern  fashion,^  and  Smirke^  is  probably  right 
when  he  identifies  the  ustil  turs  of  the  Winchester 
Consuetudinary  with  a  Turkish  loom.  When,  however, 
Italy  and  other  countries  pressed  the  use  of  sheep  wool 
in  the  manufacture  of  their  cloths,  the  old  Eastern 
industrial  expressions  became  unintelligible  and  were 
often  confused.  This  has  happened  with  tiretaine,  of 
whose  vicissitudes  from  Central  Asia  to  Europe  I  have 
dealt  before,  and  to  this,  no  doubt,  is  due  the  confusion 
of  garbo  "wool, "  that  is,  fine  goat  wool,  with  wool  from 
Garbo,  a  coarse  product,  which  played  an  insignificant 
part  in  the  importation  of  wool. 

*  Le  livre  des  metiers,  p.  102  ff. 

'  Ancient  Consuetudinary  of  the  City  of  Winchester,  in  The  Archaeological 
Journal,  vol.  IX,  p.  85. 


Ix       HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 
The  English  Grocer. 

Gross^  defines  the  grocer  as  a  wholesale  dealer  whose 
dealings  probably  by  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth 
century  became  limited  to  grocery  as  now  understood. 
The  Oxford  English  Dictionary  assumes  a  similar  devel- 
opment of  the  word,  and  relates  the  two  senses  by 
stating  that  "  the  company  of  Grocers,  said  to  have  been 
incorporated  in  1344,  consisted  of  wholesale  dealers  in 
spices  and  foreign  produce;  hence  probably  the  later 
sense  2."  Not  less  confusing  is  the  history  of  the 
grocer  as  understood  by  Cunningham i^  "  The  pepperers 
had  a  leading  share  in  nominating  the  officials  who 
were  admitted  to  the  office  of  weighing  aver-du-pois, 
and  in  1316  they  made  ordinances  for  weighing.  Some 
of  the  leading  men  among  them  appear  to  have  been  of 
Italian  origin,  and  they  certainly  dealt  in  spices  and 
other  goods  which  reached  England  from  the  south  of 
Europe;  in  1315,  they  united  with  the  spicerers  in 
forming  the  Grocers'  company — a  body  which  exercised 
a  predominating  influence  on  London  affairs  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century.  They  may  have 
derived  their  name  from  the  popular  com.plaint  against 
them  as  engrossers,  but  it  seems  possible  that  they 
assumed  it  from  their  wholesale  transactions,  en  gros, 
or  even  from  their  dignified  office  of  weighing  by  the 
peso  grosso;  they  came  to  have  charge  both  of  the 
King's  and  the  wool  beam — the  statera  and  the  trone." 

The  business  of  the  grocer  as  such  is  of  a  purely 
English  origin,  but  as  the  word  is  primarily  French,  we 
must  first  become  acquainted  with  its  application  in 
France.      In  Le  livre  des  metiers  a  grossier  is  mentioned 


1  The  Gild  Merchant,  Oxford  1890,  vol.  I,  p.  128. 

2  The  Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce  during  the  Early  and 
Middle  Ages,  Cambridge  1905,  vol.  I,  p.  323  f. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixi 

among  various  workers  in  iron^  and  once  as  some  kind 
of  carpenter.^  It  stands  to  reason  that  neither  artisan 
produced  anything  at  wholesale,  which  is  precluded  by 
the  very  enumeration  of  the  workers,  who  are  not 
classed  as  retail  workers  as  against  the  grossier.  The 
conception  of  what  in  the  Middle  Ages  constituted 
retail  and  wholesale  is  so  variable  among  economic 
historians^  that  it  becomes  necessary  first  to  establish 
the  exact  connotations  and  uses  of  these  words.  The 
earliest  mention  known  to  me  of  ad  detallium  is  of  the 
year  1207,"*  where  the  older  chart,  of  the  year  1199, 
reads,  "eas  pacifice  vendant  ad  destallagium.'*^  At 
about  the  same  time  we  get  ad  tallium  in  the  south  of 
France  and  later  in  Lucca  and  Siena. ^  The  more 
common  expression  in  Italy  is  ritaglio,  which  in  Eng- 
land, where  very  many  commercial  terms  owe  their  origin, 

*  "Marischax,  Greifiers,  Hiaumiers,  Veilliers,  Grossiers,"  p.  38;  "Fevre, 
Marischal,  Grossier  et  Greifier  et  Hiaumiers  pueent  ovrer  de  nuiz  s'il  leur 
plaist,"  p.  39;  "Fevres,  Marissaus,  Seruriers,  Grayfiers  de  fier,  Veilliers, 
Heaumiers,   Grossiers,   Couteliers,"  p.  254. 

^  "Item,  ne  ne  pevent  ouvrer  li  Charpentier  grossier  ne  Huchier  Tie 
Huissier,  de  nuiz,"  p.  87. 

'  See  F.  Keutgen,  Der  Grosshandel  im  Mittelalter,  in  Hansische  Geschichts- 
blatter,  Jahrgang  1901,  Leipzig  1902,  p.  67  ff. 

*  "Preterea,  predicti  cives  cum  mercaturis  suis  quecumque  fuerint, 
venientes  in  domaniis  nostris,  poterunt  eas  licite  vendere  ad  detallium  vel 
alio  modo,"  A.  Giry,  Les  etablissements  de  Rouen,  Paris  1885,  vol.  II,  p.  59. 

^  Other  early  cases  of  d  detail:  "A  eels  qui  vendent  d  detail,  comme  cil  que 
achatent  por  revendre"  (1229),  J.  Gamier,  Charles  de  communes  et  d'affran- 
chissements  en  Bourgogne,  Dijon  1868,  vol.  II,  p.  29;  "Ne  puisse  estre 
vendue  au  gros  pour  revendre  a  detail"  (1307),  Memoires  de  la  sociite  de 
I'histoire  de  Paris  et  de  I'lle-de-France,  Paris  1876,  vol.  II,  p.  136  f. 

*  "Nee  quis  extraneus  pannos  aliquos  in  hac  villa  vendere  debet  ad 
tallium,  nisi  eos  quos  ad  coUum  portaverit  per  villam"  (1204),  Consue- 
tudines  villae  Montispessulani.  in  Layettes  du  Tresor  des  chartes,  Paris  1863, 
vol.  I,  p.  263;  "Panni  venduti  a  tallio"  (1292),  F-L.  Polidori,  Statuti  senesi 
scritti  in  volgare  ne'  secoli  XIII  e  XIV,  Bologna  1863,  vol.  I,  p.  289,  p.  226; 
"Ne  mercatorum  utilitas  ad  extraneos  dividatur,  decernimus  statuentes 
quod  nullus  forensis  undecumque  sit  .  .  possit,  audeat  vel  presumat  vendere 
vel  vendi  facere  per  se  vel  aliam  personam,  directe  vel  per  obliquum,  aliquam 
mercadantiam  videlicet  setam,  filugellum,  sendada,  aurum,  orpellos  vel 
arginpellos,  ad  tallium  vel  ad  minutum  vel  minutatim,  vel  alias  mercationes 
ad  niinutum  vel  minutatim,  et  maxime  illas  mercationes  et  merces  quas 
emerit  in  Civitate  Lucana,  districtu  vel  fortia,  directe  vel  per  obliquum" 
(1308),  G.  Tommasi,  Sommario  delta  storia  di  Lucca,  in  Archivio  storico 
italiano,  serie  prima,  vol.  X,  Firenze  1847,  Documenti,  p.  62. 


Ixii     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

with  the  commerce  in  which  they  are  used,  to  Italy,  and 
not  to  France,  produced  the  word  retail.^  It  is  obvious 
that  the  expression  ad  retaglum  arose  in  the  cloth  trade 
and  referred  to  the  sale  of  pieces  cut  off  from  the  roll,^ 
and  the  laws  quoted  show  that  the  foreign  traders 
were  jealously  kept  from  the  far  more  profitable  and 
desirable  "retailing"  of  goods,  which  was  the  special 
privilege  of  the  native  merchant;  hence  in  Pistoja  they 
opposed  a  retail  cloth  dealer  to  one  from  France.^  But 
in  many  places  the  tagliatori  were  identical  with  the 
German  Gewandschneider,  as,  for  example,  in  Ber- 
gamo* and  in  Chiesa.^  We  find  an  excellent  illustra- 
tion of  the  jealously  guarded  retail  trade  in  a  letter  of 
Margaret  of  Flanders  of  the  year  1268,  in  which  she 
asserts  the  rights  of  the  merchants  of  Hamburg  to 
keep  the  Flemings  out  of  the  retail  trade. ^  In  Parma 
foreigners  could   sell  cloth   at  wholesale   or  retail   at 


1  "Nullus  de  padua  vendat  drapos  novos  ad  retaium  in  platea  comunis" 
(1239),  Staiuti  del  comune  di  Padova  dal  secolo  XII  all'  anno  1285,  Padova 
1873,  p.  272;  "Statuimus  quod  mercatores  teneantur  non  emere  nee  emi 
facere  ab  aliquo  forense  qui  venderet  vel  vendi  faceret  pannos  aliquos  in 
Bononia  ad  retaglum  .  .  non  obstante  quod  forenses  in  feris  valeant  retag- 
lare"  (1264-72),  A.  Gaudenzi,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II,  p.  121;  "Fuit  capta  pars 
quod  nullus  de  cetero  audeat  vendere  pannos  ad  retaglum  in  aliqua  parte  in 
Veneciis,  nisi  in  stacionibus  comunis  de  subtus  ubi  venduntur  panni  ad 
retaglum,"  G.  Monticolo,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  187.  This  latter  law  was 
revoked  in  1304  (ibid.,  p.  193.) 

j^  "Et  ut  non  vendant  vel  vendi  faciant  aut  consentiant,  per  se  vel  per 
alium,  ullo  modo,  aliquem,  scampulum  vel  ritallium  seu  cantum  alicuius 
panni,"  F.  Bonaini,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II,  p.  40. 

'  "Tende  apotecarum  mercatorum  pannorum,  tarn  de  francia,  quam  de 
ritallio,"  L.  Zdekauer,  Statutum  potestatis  comunis  pistorii  anni  1296, 
Mediolani  1888,  p  193. 

'  HPM.,  vol.  XVI,  col.  2002  ff. 

<>  Ibid.,  vol.  XVII,  col.  171  f. 

*  "Preterea  mercatores  nostri  Flandrenses  apud  Hamburg  vina  afforare 
non  poterint  nee  ibidem  ea  vendere  per  amphoras  seu  mensuras,  nee  pannos 
scindendo  eos  per  ulnas,  neque  bona  alia  vendere  particulariter  per  nume- 
ratas  denariatas,  nisi  hoc  de  civium  et  mercatorum  Hamburgensium  procesa- 
erit  voluntaie,"  L.  Gilliodts-van  Severen,  Cartulaire  de  I'ancienne  estaple  de 
Bruges,  Bruges  1904,  vol.  I,  p.  53  f. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixiii 

certain  fairs/  and  later  this  privilege  was  extended  to 
all  goods  and  for  any  time,  in  order  to  draw  the  foreign 
merchants  to  the  city.^ 

One  would  think  that  the  expression  in  grosso  et 
minuto  corresponded  to  our  "wholesale  and  retail," 
but  that  would  be  far  from  the  mark.  Leaving  out  of 
consideration  the  meanings  for  grossus  such  as  "big, 
coarse,"  minutus  "small,  fine,"^  we  shall  confine  our- 
selves to  the  definition  of  meanings  that  can  throw  a 
light  upon  the  meaning  of  gross  in  "grocer."  At 
Brescia,  in  1251,  long  wool  was  considered  a  minute 
mercery,  while  fine  wool  and  cotton  were  gross  mercer- 
ies.* In  a  fourteenth  century  law  of  Palermo,  cheese, 
meat,  wool,  flax,  hemp,  cotton  are  considered  gross 
goods. ^  In  Venice  they  distinguished  between  specie 
grosse,  which  included  ginger,  cinnamon,  pepper,  cloves, 
nutmegs,  cassia,  sandal-wood,  etc.,  and  specie  menude, 
such  as  scammony,   rhubarb,   manna,   aloes,   turbith, 

1  "Et  Potestas  teneatur  operam  dare  bona  fide  sine  fraude  quod  Flamenghi 
et  Francigenes  veniant  in  civitatem  Parmae,  et  drapes  vendant  in  grosso 
et  in  minuto  quomodo  volueiint  in  Parma"  (1226),  Statute  communis 
Parmae  digesta  anno  1256,  Parmae  1856,  p.  61. 

2  "Item  omnes  mercadanciae,  cujuscumque  conditionis  fuerint,  possint 
duel  ad  civitatem  Parmae,  et  ibi  vendi  in  grossum  et  in  minutum  per  quamli- 
bet  personam  volentem  vendere,  non  obstantibus  aliquibus  capitulis  vel 
Statutis,  ut  major  ubertas  et  melior  numata  possit  haberi  in  civitate 
Parmae,"  Statuta  communis  Parmae  ab  anno  1266  ad  annum  circiter  1S04, 
Parmae  1857,  p.  68  f. 

'  "Vendens  animal  grossum,  dabit  obolum  Tolose  pro  leuda,  de  porco  vel 
sue  pictam,  de  animalibus  minutis  nihil  solvet"  (1241),  Ordonnances  des 
Rois  de  France,  Paris  1811,  vol.  XV,  p.  424;  "Quod  nullus  magister  vel 
filacanipus,  de  opera  grossa  vel  de  suptile,  audeat  conparare,  canipum  cum 
restibus  occasione  ipsum  revendendi,"  Monticolo,  op.  cil.,  vol.  I,  p.  102; 
"denarios  crossos  vel  minutos,"  Bonaini,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  291;  "moneta 
minuta.  .  .  .  monetam  vero  crossam,"  ibid.,  p.  292;  "monetam  falsam,  minu- 
tam  vel  grossam,"  ibid.,  p.  378. 

*  "Quod  mercathendia  minuta  intelligitur  comuniter  galetum,  vel  lana 
grossa,  et  his  similia.  Mercathendia  grossa  intelligitur  lana  subtilis  panni, 
et  bambucium,  et  his  similia,"  HPM.,  vol.  XVI,  col.  1584  (109).  In  the 
law  of  1313  "cuminum"  is  added  among  the  "minuta  mercathendia," 
ibid.,  col.  1716. 

*  "Licet  omnibus,  et  singulis  Civibus  Panhormi  ponderare,  vendere,  et 
emere  caseum,  carnes,  lanam,  linum,  canapem,  cuttonem,  et  quaecumque 
mercimonia  grossa,  ad  pondus,  quod  dicitur  quartaronus,"  A.  Todaro, 
Constitutiones  regni  Siciliae,  vol.  I',  Palermo  [1887-88],  p.  53  f. 


Ixiv    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

terebenthina,  etc.;^  and  early  in  the  fourteenth  century 
the  two  kinds  could  not  be  sold  by  the  same  person,^ 
and  a  similar  provision  was  made  at  Florence.^ 

In  France,  too,  en  gros  and  a  detail  have  not  the 
same  meaning  as  "wholesale"  and  "retail."  The 
chanevacier  "canvas-seller"  paid  no  customs  for  cloth 
sold  in  his  stall  or  in  the  King's  market  at  Paris  at 
retail,  except  the  usual  stall  duties,  but  had  to  pay  an 
obole  for  every  piece  bought  or  sold,  if  it  contained 
more  than  five  ells.  To  protect  the  native  dealers,  the 
stranger  merchants  from  Normandy  could  not  cut  the 
pieces  at  all,  but  had  to  sell  them  whole,  that  is,  they 
were  not  allowed  to  sell  d  detail  "cut-off  pieces,"  but 
had  to  sell  en  gros  "in  the  bulk."^ 

The  transition  from  the  idea  of  bulkiness  and  detach- 
ed pieces  to  that  of  wholesale  and  retail  is  a  perfectly 
natural  one,  and  this  change  has  taken  place,  now  in 
one  trade,  now  in  another,  according  to  its  very 
essence;  but  it  will  not  be  hard  to  show  that  even 
through  the  fourteenth  century  the  old  conception  of 
relative  bulk  predominated.  For  this  purpose  we  shall 
analyze  the  Ordinance  of  the  Fishmongers  at  Amiens, 
which   belongs   to   the  second  half   of  that  century.^ 

^  Calendar  of  State  Papers  and  Manuscripts,  Relating  to  English  Affairs, 
Existing  in  the  Archives  and  Collections  of  Venice,  London  1864,  vol.  I,  p. 
CXXXVII  fif. 

*  "Salvo  quod  ille  persone  que  habent  bulletam  vendendi  ad  minutum, 
possint  vendere  res  contentas  in  sua  bulleta  solumodo  et  non  alias  res  que 
pertineant  ad  speciariam,"  Monticolo,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  168. 

'  "Et  quod  nullus  mercator  crossus  vel  alia  persona  teneat  in  sua  apotheca 
nee  vendat  vel  vendi  faciat  piperem  minutum,"  ibid.,  in  note. 

*  "Li  home  forein  de  Normandie  et  d'ailleurs,  qui  ameinent  toilles  a 
cheval  a  Paris  pour  vendre,  il  ne  pueent  ne  ne  doivent  vendre  ou  marchie  de 
par  le  Roy  a  detail;  et  se  il  le  font,  il  perdent  toute  la  toile  qui  est  detailliee. 
Et  ce  ont  ordene  li  preud'omme  du  mestier,  pour  ce  que  li  Roys  i  perdoit 
sa  coustume;  quar  li  home  forein  doivent  de  chacune  toile  que  il  vendent 
en  gros  obole  de  coustume,  et  de  tout  ce  que  Ten  vent  o  detail  ou  marchie 
le  Roy  Ten  ne  doit  que  obole  de  coustume  de  toute  la  journee:  par  coi  li 
Rois  seroit  deceu  de  sa  coustume,  se  li  home  forain  detailloient,"  Le  livre 
des  metiers,  p.  121. 

^  A.  Thierry,  Recueil  des  monuments  inedits  de  Vhistoire  du  Tiers  Etai, 
premiere  s6rie,  vol.  II,  Paris  1853,  p.  139  ff. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixv 

Strangers  who  brought  fish  to  Amiens  could  sell  it 
themselves,  either  en  gros  or  a  detail,  by  paying  a 
certain  tax  for  the  hire  of  a  stall  (art.  1).  Fish  sent 
in  by  outsiders  was  consigned  to  the  grassier,  who  sold 
it  en  gros  for  the  stated  fee  of  2  sous  per  somme  (2). 
Before  anyone  else  could  provide  himself  with  fish, 
each  grassier  received  2  sommes,  and  if  there  was  a 
greater  abundance  brought  in,  the  surplus  was  divided 
out  equally  among  all  the  grassier s  (3,  4).  There  were 
similar  provisions  of  mutual  aid  among  grassiers,  in 
case  of  scarcity  of  fish  (5).  The  paniers  of  fish  sold 
en  gros  were,  as  to  full  measure,  bought  at  the  risk  of 
the  detail  merchants,  or  of  those  who  otherwise  bought 
them  ("ou  par  autrez  qui  acheter  les  volront")  (7). 
No  fish  could  be  kept  over  to  the  next  day  in  summer 
or  two  days  in  winter  (9-12).  There  were  to  be  in 
Amiens  14  sellers  of  fish  en  gros  and  no  more  (18). 
Similarly  there  were  to  be  but  24  venders  d  detail  (19). 
The  en  gros  price  was  by  the  hundred,  but  the  merchant 
had  to  sell  the  fish  at  the  same  price  by  the  demicent, 
the  quarteron,  or  the  demi-quarteron  (22).  There  was 
still  a  third  way  of  trading,  which  in  the  Ordinance  is 
denominated  a  loyer.  Apparently  the  grossiers  or  the 
importing  fishmongers  sent  out  men  to  sell  for  them 
for  a  stated  wage  or  salary.  There  is  a  provision  that 
a  taverner,  a  cook,  or  any  private  person  could  neither 
buy  nor  sell  d  detail  or  a  loyer  (28,  30).  A  fishmonger, 
poissonier,  could  sell  only  2  paniers  a  day,  unless  there 
was  a  great  abundance  in  the  market  (31).  Foreigners 
and  grossiers  could  sell  their  fish  en  gros  until  the  second 
bell,  after  which  they  had  to  give  them  d  loyer  to  venders 
who  sold  them  d  detail  (36). 

From  the  above  we  see  that  the  grossier  was  not  a 
wholesale  dealer,  but  more  nearly  a  commission 
merchant,  whose  chief  function  was  the  equitable 
distribution  of  the  fish  among  venders  and  others  who 


Ixvi    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

purchased  directly  from  him.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
foreign  merchant  who  brought  the  fish  to  Amiens  was 
privileged  to  sell  either  en  gros  or  d  detail.  Wherever 
the  outsider  was  restricted  to  sales  en  gros,  he  felt  it 
as  a  distinct  discrimination  against  him,  as  the  advan- 
tage to  every  mediaeval  merchant  was  entirely  on  the 
side  of  the  retail  trade.  In  the  case  of  such  perishable 
goods  as  fish,  which  at  the  end  of  the  day  had  to  be 
thrown  away,^  it  was  more  profitable  for  the  importing 
fishmonger  to  dispose  of  it  at  once  through  the  inter- 
mediary grossier.  This  arrangement  proved  insufficient, 
for  beginning  with  art.  28  we  have  what  apparently  is 
a  later  addition.  A  second  link  was  added  between 
the  importing  fishmonger  and  the  retailer,  that  of  the 
vender  selling  for  the  fishmonger  or  grossier  for  a  stated 
wage.  The  retailer  sold  in  small  quantities  or  even  by 
the  pound,  chopping  up  the  fish.  At  the  end  of  the 
thirteenth  century  the  fishvender  a  detail  was  dis- 
tinctly one  who  cut  up  the  fish.^  He  merely  reached 
the  poorer  people,  and  was  more  like  our  modern 
hawker.  That  all  the  fish  did  not  reach  the  consumer 
through  the  retailer  is  evident  from  the  abnormal 
relation  of  the  number  of  retailers  to  grossiers.  As 
each  retailer  could  sell  but  two  paniers^  a  day,  and  the 
average  amount  handled  by  a  grossier  was  two  horse- 
loads,  three  or  four  grossiers  would  have  supplied  all 
the  twenty-four  venders  with  fish.  Consequently  the 
vast  amount  of  fish  on  hand  with  the  remaining 
grossiers  was  either  sold  by  means  of  the  venders  d 
loyer  or  directly  to  restaurant-keepers,  taverners,  and 
hostelries,  and  many  a  private  person  must  have  avail- 

1  Ibid.,  art.  49. 

^  "Chil  ki  vent  porpois  d  detail  doit  taillier  le  eras  avoec  le  maigre," 
Giry,  Histoire  de  la  ville  de  Saint-Omer  et  de  ses  institutions  jusqu'au  XIV^ 
siicle,  Paris  1877,  p.  507. 

^  In  Paris  a  panier  held  from  50-60  fresh  mackerels,  according  to  R.  de 
Lespinasse,  Ordonnances  generates;  metiers  de  V alimentation,  in  Les  metiers 
et  corporations  de  la  ville  de  Paris,  Paris  1886,  vol.  I,  p.  411. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixvii 

ed  himself  of  purchasing  by  the  quarteron  or  demi- 
quarteron,  that  is,  by  the  smaller  measures  or  quanti- 
ties. 

It  can  be  shown  from  a  variety  of  sources  that  the 
grossier  was  frequently  dispensed  with  as  an  inter- 
mediary of  trade.  Thus  Philippe-le-Bel  in  1305  provided 
that  the  people  should  be  able  to  purchase  their 
victuals  at  the  same  price  as  offered  to  the  grossiers} 
In  Le  role  de  la  taille  imposee  sur  les  habitants  de  Paris 
en  1292,'^  the  grossier s  are  not  mentioned  at  all,  ob- 
viously because  they  did  not  yet  form  a  distinct  class, 
even  as  they  are  absent,  but  for  the  carpenter  and 
smith  grossier s,  from  the  Livre  des  metiers.  In  1320 
we  find  for  the  first  time  grossier  and  detailleur  fish- 
mongers at  Paris,^  and  their  exact  meaning  is  ascer- 
tainable from  an  ordinance  of  the  year  1324,  where  a 
grossier  is  held  to  be  one  who  sells  in  the  name  of  a 
foreign  merchant,  while  those  who  sell  on  their  own 
account,  by  the  hundred,  the  demicent,  the  quarteron, 
or  two,  three,  or  four  herrings  at  a  time  are  held 
to  be  detailleurs}  Here  en  gros  means  the  undivided 
mass,  as  received  in  commission  from  the  foreign 
merchant,  and  the  privilege  granted  to  the  detailleur  to 
sell  by  the  hundredweight  only  accentuates  the  fsict 
that  the  relation  between  the  two  is  not  the  same  as 
that  between  the  wholesaler  and  the  retailer,  as  we 
understand  it  today.  When,  therefore,  a  law  of 
Edward  II  of  the  year  1311  permits  no  grosser  of  wine 

1  "Item  nous  voulons  et  ordenons  que  de  toutes  denrr^es  venans  a  Paris, 
puis  que  elles  seront  afeur^es,  tout  le  commun  en  puisse  avoir  par  un  tel 
pris  comme  li  grossier  les  acheteront,"  ibid.,  p.  198. 

*  H.  G6raud,  Paris  sous  Philippe-le-Bel,  Paris  1837. 

'  "Item  que  nuls  ne  puist  estre  grossier  et  detailleur  de  la  meisme  mar- 
chandise  dudit  mestier,  sus  painne  de  I'amende,"  De  Lespinasse,  Ordon- 
nances  generates,  p.  414. 

*  "Item  que  tous  ceus  doudit  mestier  qui  vendent  ou  nom  des  marcheans 
forains  sont  et  seront  tenus  pour  grossiers,  tant  seulement,  et  ceuls  qui 
vendent  par  cens,  par  demi  cens  et  par  quarterns  et  par  deux  trois  ou 
quatre  harens,  ou  nom  d'eulz  et  par  euls,  sont  et  seront  tenus  pour  detailleurs," 
ibid.,  p.  416. 


Ixviii    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

to  be  taverner  and  vice  versa,  the  grosser  is  not  to  be 
taken  as  a  wholesale  merchant,  but  only  as  a  foreign 
trader  who  sold  first  to  all  "goodmen,"  and  only  later 
to  any  one  who  might  wish  to  buy.^  We  thus  find  in 
England  the  same  conditions  as  regards  the  conception 
of  what  constituted  the  gross  and  retail  as  on  the  conti- 
nent, and  the  law  just  quoted  precludes  the  assump- 
tions of  the  economic  writers  that  the  grosser  was  at 
the  start  a  wholesale  dealer,  and  the  explanation  given 
as  to  the  origin  of  the  grocer  falls  to  the  ground. 

We  shall  now  try  constructively  to  establish  the 
genesis  of  the  English  grocer.  One  of  the  most  fre- 
quently recurring  sets  of  laws  in  Italy  in  the  thirteenth 
century  is  that  which  deals  with  the  manner  of  weighing 
goods,  and  the  investigation  of  this  subject  alone  will 
demand  much  time  and  labor.  I  shall,  therefore,  confine 
myself  here  to  the  treatment  of  the  same  laws  in  the 
North.  That  they  are  derived  from  the  Italian  laws 
will  appear  from  philological  considerations  alone.^ 
In  1280  Count  Guido  of  Flanders  gave  the  merchants 
of  Spain  and  Germany  who  visited  Aardenburg  a 
franchise  in  which  the  first  reference  to  precise  weighing 
is  found  in  the  North. ^     The  demand  that  the  hand 

'  "Et  avant  ceo  q'il  soyent  herbergiez,  soit  chescon  tonel,  merche  al  un 
bout  et  al  autre,  du  merke  du  gauge,  issint  que  I'achatour  puisse  aperte- 
ment  veer  la  defaute  du  tonel.  Et  apres  ceo  qe  les  vyns  seront  herbergez, 
demoergent  en  pees  par  trois  jours,  issint  q'il  ne  soyent  mustrez  ne  mys 
a  vente  dedens  les  troys  jours,  s'il  ne  soit  as  grantz  seignurfe  et  as  autres 
bones  gentz,  pur  lur  estor  ou  pur  lur  user.  Et  apres  les  troys  jours  vendent 
as  totes  gentz  qi  achatier  les  vodront  et  deveront  solonc  ceo  qe  annciene- 
ment  soloyent  faire.  Et  que  nul  grossour  de  vyn  ne  soit  taverner,  ne  nul 
taverner  ne  soit  grossour,"  J.  Delpit,  Collection  generate  des  documents 
franqais  qui  se  trouvent  en  Angleterre,  Paris  1847,  vol.  I,  p.  45. 

2  The  first  mention  of  just  weighing,  from  which  all  the  later  ones  are 
derived,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Theodosian  Code  (Mommsen's  ed.,  p.  722  f.) : 
"nee  pondera  deprimant  nullo  examinis  libramento  servato,  nee  aequis  ac 
paribus  suspense  statere  momentis." 

'  "Ke  li  marchant  aient  pois  de  balanches  et  ke  li  peseres  poise  tout  en 
fin  et  ke  il  oste  ses  mains  dou  pois  et  ke  li  marehans  u  autres  fire  les  ba- 
lanches de  le  main  en  la  moienne  de  la  balance,  parquoi  ele  ne  voise  plus 
dune  part  ke  dautre,  et  ke  li  marehans  puet  contredire  le  peseur  sans  riens 
mesfaire,"  K.  Hohlbaum,  Hansisches  Urkundenbuch,  Halle  1876,  vol.  I,  p.  296. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixix 

be  not  placed  on  the  weighing  side  of  the  scales  was 
in  1303  repeated  word  for  word  in  a  franchise  granted 
to  German  and  other  foreign  merchants  in  England  by 
Edward  I.^ 

This  was  so  novel  a  departure  for  England  that 
Edward  I  next  year  repeated  the  injunction  literally 
in  a  letter  to  the  mayor  and  aldermen  of  London, 
insisting  that  the  privilege  of  equitable  weighing  be 
granted  to  the  foreign  merchants,  or  cause  be  shown 
why  the  City  of  London  did  not  comply  with  his 
demand.  To  this  the  answer  came  that  from  time 
immemorial  it  had  been  the  custom  to  weigh  in  favor 
of  the  purchaser  and  that  the  new  law  would  discrim- 
inate against  the  citizens  of  London.^  But  the  King 
was  persistent  and  a  month  later  repeated  the  law  and 
called  the  mayor  and  aldermen  of  London  to  account.^ 

1  "Item  volumus,  ordinamus  et  statuimus,  quod  in  qualibet  villa  mer- 
catoria  et  feria  regni  nostri  predicti  et  alibi  infra  potestatem  nostram 
pondus  nostrum  in  certo  loco  ponatur  et  ante  ponderacionem  statera  in 
presencia  emptoris  et  venditoris  vacua  videatur  et  quod  brachia  sint  equalia, 
et  extunc  ponderator  ponderet  in  equali,  et  cum  stateram  pofeuerit  in  equali, 
statim  amoveat  manus  suas,  ita  quod  remaneat  in  equali,  quodque  per 
totum  regnum  et  potestatem  nostram  unum  sit  pondus  et  una  mensura  et 
signo  standardi  nostri  signentur,"  ibid.,  vol.  II,  p.  16. 

'^  "Modus  ponderandi  averia  ad  civitatem  Londoniensem  venientia,  a 
tempore  quo  non  extat  memoria  talis  extitit  et  adhuc  existit,  quod  statera 
trahat  versus  meliorem,  hoc  est,  versus  rem  emptam  et  eodem  modo  ven- 
duntur  dicta  averia  archiepiscopis,  episcopis,  comitibus,  baronibus  et  aliis 
quibuscumque  in  dicta  civitate,  hujusmodi  averia  ementibus,  et  ista  con- 
suetudine  et  modo  ponderandi  antecessores  nostri  usi  fuerunt  et  nos  hactenus 
usi  sumus  ac  dominus  rex  noster  libertates  et  liberas  co-nsuetudines  nostras, 
quas  ex  concessione  progenitorum  suorum  regum  Anglie  habemus  et  quibus 
hue  usque  usi  sumus,  nobis  per  cartam  suam  confirmaverit,  per  quod, 
consuetudines  civitatis  sue  usitatas  et  approbatas  per  concessionem  ex- 
traneis  mercatoribus  nunc  factam  in  dampnum  et  prejudicium  civium 
suorum  et  etiam  magnatum  nee  non  communitatis  regni  sui  mutare  non 
possimus  nee  debemus:  presertim,  cum  in  carta  eis  facta  contineatur, 
quod  ponderatio,  in  forma  in  dicta  carta  contenta,  fiat  ubi  contra  dominum 
loci  aut  libertatem  per  ipsum  dominum  regem  vel  antecessores  suos  con- 
cessam  illud  non  fuerit,  sive  contra  villarum  et  feriarum  consuetudinem 
hactenus  approbatam,"  Delpit,  op.  cit.,  p.  40.  A  translation  of  this  is  to 
be  found  in  R.  R.  Sharpe,  Calendar  of  Letter-Books,  Letter-Book  C,  London 
1901,  p.  128. 

»  Ibid. 


Ixx     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

The  dispute  between  the  King  and  the  City  of  Lon- 
don lasted  until  the  year  1309,  when  an  amicable 
arrangement  was  made:  "Whereas  frequently  afore- 
time many  and  divers  contentions  used  to  arise  between 
foreign  merchants  selling  and  free  merchants  (mer- 
catores  privatos)  buying  divers  goods  of  weight 
(averia  ponderis)  and  spices  which  used  to  be  weighed 
as  well  by  the  great  balance  as  by  the  small,  inas- 
much as  there  was  uncertainty  in  the  draft  of  weight 
(super  tractu  ponderacionis),  for  that  the  weigher  gave 
to  some  more  and  to  some  less  as  was  reported;  for 
avoiding  and  removing  which  contentions  in  future  it 
was  agreed  the  day,  etc.,  by  Thomas  Romayn,  the 
Mayor  and  the  Aldermen,  and  with  the  assent  of  Luke 
de  Haverynge,  William  de  Bydik,  Ralph  le  Balauncer, 
Peter  Adrian,  William  le  Barber,  John  Godelmynge, 
Richard  de  Dorsete,  Richard  de  Spain,  citizens  and 
merchants  of  London,  and  John  le  Lung,  Hildebrand 
de  Nova  Curia,  James  Fisshe,  John  Pope,  Richard 
Sware,  Bertram  de  Coloigne,  John  de  Sterneberwe, 
Henry  de  Colon',  Lambekyn  Heved,  Roland  de  Colonia, 
Henekin  atte  Nwe,  merchants  of  Almaine,  and  John 
de  Pitleacre,  Francis  de  Gene,  Antonin  de  Gene,  John 
de  Cotesawe,  Nicholas  de  la  Spade,  Bartholomew 
Lespicer,  John  de  Perem,  Ymbert  de  Luka,  Peter  le 
Rous,  and  Chonel  de  Luka,  merchants  of  Lombardy 
and  Provence,  that  all  merchandise  of  weight  (mer- 
candise  averii  ponderis),  as  of  wax,  almonds,  rices 
(riseis),  copper,  tin,  and  the  like,  which  are  weighed  by 
the  balance,  shall  for  the  future  be  weighed  evenly; 
that  the  weigher  remove  his  hands  therefrom,  so  that 
the  weigher  when  he  weighs,  in  weighing  place  the  bal- 
ance even  and  remove  his  hands  therefrom,  so  that 
neither  to  the  seller  not  to  the  buyer  he  shall  appear 
to  give  or  take  anything  but  what  is  fair  in  any  way; 
and  that  each  hundred  of  such  grosses  (grossis)  of  aver 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxi 

de  pois  (averii  ponderis)  shall  contain  112  pounds,  and 
each  hundred  of  small  spices,  viz.,  ginger,  saffron, 
sugar,  maces  (mazis),  and  others  of  the  kind  which  are 
sold  by  the  pound  (per  libram),  shall  contain  104 
pounds.  And  the  weigher  was  enjoined  not  to  weigh 
otherwise  under  penalty  of  imprisonment,  etc.  And 
further  it  was  forbidden  that  any  merchant,  stranger 
or  free  (privatus),  should  sell  or  buy  otherwise  than  by 
the  balance,  and  not  by  retail  (ad  detail'),  under 
penalty,  etc.  Saving  always  the  estate  of  the  lord  the 
King  and  of  his  Wardrobe  when  they  wish  to  weigh  that 
they  weigh  as  before  has  been  accustomed,  if  they 
please,  until  it  be  ordained  otherwise  by  the  King  him- 
self and  his  Council,  etc.  And  this  ordinance  was  made 
on  Monday  the  eve  of  St.  Martin  [11  Nov.],  the  third 
year  of  the  reign  of  King  Edward,  son  of  King  Edward 
[A.  D.  1309]."^ 

It  is  clear  enough  that  the  grocers  were  those  who 
sold  the  grosses,  as  mentioned  above,  and  that,  at  least 
popularly,  they  were  so  named  from  the  law  of  1309. 
Indeed,  the  first  mention  of  a  grocer  is  from  the  year 
1310:  "John  Gut',  grosser  (^rossarius)  of  Sopereslane."^ 
Formerly  they  were  called  pepperers;  now  the  name 
of  grocers  slowly  supersedes  the  older  appellation.  In 
1312  pepperers,  corders,  iron-mongers,  apothecaries, 
and  others  are  included  among  those  who  busy  them- 
selves with  aver  de  pois  (se  intromittunt  de  averio 
ponderis.)^  In  1345  the  Mistery  of  the  aver  de  pois 
(mester'  averii  ponderis)  apparently  included  all  the 
above-mentioned  ones,  though  Sharpe  speaks  of  them 
as  pepperers.^  In  1319  Thomas  de  Enefeld  is  called  a 
pepperer,^  in   1328  he  is  chosen  into  the  Mistery  of 

'  Letter-Book  D,  p.  209  f. 
2  Letter-Book  B,  p.  250. 
'  Letter-Book  D,  p.  296. 
*  Letter-Book  F,  p.  127. 
^  Letter-Book  E,  p.  116. 


Ixxii     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Grocers;^  and  in  the  place  of  the  spicerers  we  at  the 
same  time  hear  of  apothecaries;  and  again,  in  1376, 
London  had  a  mayor  who  was  a  pepperer,  and  a 
sheriff,  a  grocer.^ 

The  forestalling  of  commodities  is,  of  course,  older 
than  the  origin  of  the  grocers,  so,  for  example,  the  City 
of  Lincoln  in  1315  asked  for  a  remedy  against  the 
merchants  who  bought  up  fish  and  other  eatables  and 
wares  and  then  sold  them  to  the  people  at  an  enor- 
mously increased  price. ^  In  1363  the  same  complaint 
is  directed  against  the  merchants  called  grocers  because 
of  their  engrossing  all  kinds  of  vendable  goods  (les 
Marchantz  nomez  Grossers  engrossent  toutes  maneres 
de  March andies  vendables),^  but  it  is  absurd  to 
assume,  as  has  been  done  by  philologists  and  econo- 
mists, that  the  grocers  were  called  so  from  their  en- 
grossing wares.  The  opposite  supposition  would  have 
been  nearer  the  truth;  but  in  reality  the  relation 
between  grocer  and  engross  is  as  real  as  that  between 
"broker"  and  "break,"  or  "broker"  and  hroc  "the 
tap,"  as  has  been  suggested  by  the  Oxford  English 
Dictionary.  My  task  is  done  as  far  as  the  ascertainment 
of  the  origin  of  the  word  grocer  is  concerned,  and  the 
subsequent  history  of  the  grocer  belongs  to  economic 
history  proper.^  But  I  still  have  the  important  prob- 
lem before  me  of  elucidating  the  origin  of  the  grocer's 
trade  and  of  explaining  a  number  of  terms  connected 
with  it,  such  as  avoir  de  pois,  stater  a,  grossum,  for  which 
one  would  in  vain  look  for  proper  treatment  in  diction- 
aries and  economic  histories. 

1  Ibid.,  p.  232.  But  all  these  names  should  be  verified,  as  it  is  not  clear 
from  Sharpe's  use  of  the  words  what  the  original  may  have  been. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  288. 

3  Rolls  of  Parliament,  vol.  I,  p.  290. 
« Ibid.,  vol.  II,  p.  277. 

'  J.  A.  Kingdon,  in  his  Facsimile  of  First  Volume  of  MS.  Archives  of  the 
Worshipful  Company  of  Grocers  of  the  City  of  London,  [London]  1886,  part 
I,  p.  XIV,  completely  overlooks  the  laws  of  1303,  1305,  and  1309,  and  so 
distorts  the  origin  of  the  grocers. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxiii 

At  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  Leo  the  Wise  of 
Byzantium  published  an  edict  on  the  corporations  of 
Constantinople,^  which  is  a  precious  relic  by  which  the 
origins  of  mediaeval  trades  may  be  ascertained.  The 
chapter  on  the  regraters  {oaXbayidQiOiY  runs  as  follows: 
"  The  regraters  shall  open  shops  (eQyo'-^'^^lQ^ot)^  through- 
out the  city,  in  the  streets  and  villages,  so  as  to  make  it 
easy  to  find  those  things  which  are  needed  for  the  susten- 
ance of  life.  Let  them  sell  meat,  dried  fish,  flour,  cheese, 
honey,  oil,  every  kind  of  vegetables,  butter,  dry  and 
liquid  pitch,  resin,  hemp,  flax,  gypsum,  vessels,  tubs, 
nails,  and  all  other  things  which  are  sold  by  the  steel- 
yard (xa|iJiavoig)  and  not  by  the  balance  (^uyoig). 
They  are  not  permitted  to  deal  in  other  goods,  of  the 
spicerers  (|XVQ8ipi>tr]v),  soapchandlers,  linendrapers.  tav- 
erners,  or  butchers,  in  any  shape  or  manner.  .  .  If  a 
regrater  be  caught  playing  a  trick  in  selling,  or  increas- 
ing the  established  price,  let  him  be  fined  ten  nomis- 
mata.  .  .  The  regraters  should  watch  the  imported 
wares,  such  as  appertain  to  them,  so  that  one  not 
belonging  to  their  corporation  who  may  store  them  up 
against  a  time  of  scarcity  be  pointed  out  to  the  prefect 
and  punished  by  him.  Regraters  should  sell  their 
wares  at  retail  (/l£:rtTo^ieQcog)  in  such  a  way  as  to  gain 
no  more  than  two  miliarisia  on  each  nomisma.  If, 
however,  upon  examination  of  their  weights,  it  be 
found  that  they  have  gained  more,  they  should  be 
beaten  and  shaved  and  forbidden  to  ply  their  trade." 

The  regulation  of  the  spicerers'  trade  is  as  follows:^ 
"Every  spicerer  should  have  his  own  place,  without 
tricking  his  neighbor.  Let  them  so  treat  one  another 
that  the  goods  be  not  lowered  in  price  or  too  much 

1  Le  livre  du  prefet,  public  par  J.  Nicole,  Geneve  1893,  in  Memoires  de 
I'Institut  national  genevois,  vol.  XVIII. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  47  f. 

'  On  the  relation  of  this  word  to  regrater,  see  my  Byzantinisches,  I,  in 
Zeitschrift  fUr  romanische  Philologie,  vol.  XXXIV,  p.  651  ff. 
*  Le  livre  du  prefet,  p.  41. 


Ixxiv    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

divided  up  by  some.  Let  them  not  have  any  regrater's 
or  other  vile  wares  in  their  shops,  for  there  is  no  union 
between  ill-smelling  and  well-smelling  things.  Let  them 
sell  pepper,  spikenard,  cinnamon,  lignaloe,  amber, 
musk,  incense,  myrrh,  balsam,  and  all  other  things 
which  pertain  to  the  spicerer's  and  dyer's  trade.  .  . 
Let  them  not  accumulate  the  wares  for  the  sake  of 
making  profit  in  time  of  dearth,  nor  immoderately 
increase  the  price.  Nor  may  the  merchants  who  import 
them  stay  longer  than  three  months,  but  they  must 
return  home  as  quickly  as  they  have  sold  their  wares. ^ 
.  .  None  of  them  is  permitted  to  buy  steelyard  or 
regrater's  wares (xa^jiavixov  f|  aaA,6a|iaQix6v  8I805),  but 
only  those  which  are  bought  by  the  balance."^ 

Species  makes  its  appearance  in  Late  Latin  in  the 
sense  of  "goldware,"  "clothes,"  and  "spices."  In  all 
of  these  meanings  it  is  the  translation  of  Gr.  ^lboq, 
which  is  frequently  met  with  in  the  papyri  from  the 
second  century  on,  and  in  the  sense  of  "spices"  it  is 
recorded  by  Stephanus  from  Hippocrates,  in  the  fifth 
century  B.  C.  I  suspect  that  in  this  latter  sense  it  is 
an  Eastern  trade  word,  either  a  translation  or  adapta- 
tion of  some  foreign  word,  and  I  tentatively  suggest 
Chin,  weilei,  lit.  "the  smelling  kind,  aromatica  species," 
the  common  word  for  spices,  as  the  basis  for  £i8oc. 
This  8i8og  refers  in  our  Byzantine  source  to  the  wares 

^  This  restriction  against  the  foreign  merchant  is  universal  throughout 
the  early  Middle  Ages,  hence  the  origin  of  the  Hare  de  drap.  Here  is  one 
striking  case  of  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  in  England:  "It  petunt 
quod  Rex  appon'  remedium  de  eo  quod  alienigene  Mercator'  dominantur 
et  ditantur  de  Mercandisis  in  Civitat'  et  Gives  depauperantur,  qui  onera 
sustinent  quotiens  necesse  est:  non  enim  consueverant  morar'  ultra  quad- 
raginta  dies,  infra  quos  solebant  vendere  aliis  de  regno,  qui  de  lucro  vive- 
bant,  Et  nunc  extranei  illud  lucrum  asportaverunt.  Rex  intend'  quod 
Mercatores  extranei  sunt  ydonei,  et  util'  Magnatibus,  et  non  habet  con- 
silium eos  expellendi"  (1290),  Rolls  of  Parliament,  vol.  I,  p.  55. 

*  The  chandlers,  soapchandlers,  and  hog  merchants  also  used  steelyards. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxv 

of  the  spicerer  as  well  as  the  regrater;^  but,  as  in  the 
East,  so  in  Byzantium,  the  first,  being  precious,  were 
weighed  with  a  more  delicate  balance,  whereas  the 
latter  were  weighed  by  the  less  precise  beam  of  un- 
equal arms,  hence  the  Venetian  division  of  Eastern 
goods,  more  particularly  spices,  into  specie  grosse  and 
specie  menude,  and  thus  grossum  came  to  be  identified 
with  the  less  costly  spices  and  victuals. 

The  name  of  aver  de  pois  applied  to  such  spices  and 
victuals  has  arisen  through  a  series  of  translations  or, 
rather,  mistranslations.  Recent  studies  on  the  weights 
of  the  Middle  Ages^  contain  some  serious  oversights  on 
account  of  the  misconception  of  what  constituted  a 
pondus.  While  it  is  quite  true  that  in  Carlovingian 
times  a  pondus  became  in  some  way  identified  with 
the  libra  "the  pound,"  this  was  not  universally  the 
case.  It  either  preserved  the  classical  meaning  of 
"weight,  burden,"  or  more  often  became  identified  with 
the  weighing  machine  and  its  system  of  relative 
weights.  When  a  charter  of  the  year  1185  says, 
"  tres  librae  cerae  ad  parvum  Pondus,  vel  una  ad  magnum 
Pondus,''^  it  is  obvious  that  the  large  and  small  beams 
are  meant,  and  that  the  large  beam  in  this  case  had 
its  arms  in  proportion  of  1  to  3.  So,  too,  pondus  means 
the  great  beam  in  "et  etiam  pondus  nostrum  de  Antissi- 
odoro  (in  perpetuum  et  gratis  donamus)."'*  At  Mont- 
pellier  the  lowest  weight  of  the  pondus  was  8I/2  lbs., 
"unum    certum    pondus,    ponderans    octo    libras    et 

1  In  the  Rhodian  Law  (W.  Ashburner,  The  Rhodian  Sea-Law,  Oxford 
1909,  p.  35),  eiSos  has  the  meaning  of  goods  transported  by  a  ship;  in 
the  Basilica,  lib.  XI,  tit.  II  (ed.  Heimbach,  vol.  I,  p.  681),  Tp6<pifxa  el5r)  is 
translated  by  "species  ad  victum  necessariae." 

2  B.  Hilliger,  Studien  zu  mittelalterlichen  Massen  und  Gewichten,  in  His- 
torische  Vierteljahrschrift,  vol.  Ill  (1900),  p.  161  ff.;  P.  Guilhiermoz,  Note 
sur  les  poids  du  moyen  dge,  in  Bibliotheque  de  I'ecole  des  chartes,  vol.  LXVII 
(1906),  p.  161  ff. 

3  Ducange,  sub  pondus. 

*  Gallia  Christiana,  vol.  IV,  Instrumenta,  col.  102. 


Ixxvi    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

dimidiam."^  The  same  meaning  was  given  in  Sicily 
to  pondus,^  with  which  cheese,  meat,  wool,  flax,  hemp, 
cotton,  and  all  other  gross  wares  were  to  be  weighed. 
This  pondus  was  there  also  called  quartaronus,  qua- 
ranteno,^  cantaro.  But  the  cantaro  is  not,  as  is  generally 
supposed,  identical  with  the  centenarius.  In  Genoa 
some  things  were  early  in  the  twelfth  century  weighed 
by  the  cantarius,  and  other,  apparently  grosser 
goods,  by  the  centenarius,  or  hundredweight.^  Accord- 
ing to  a  tariff  of  the  year  1204  a  threefold  distinction 
is  made,  for  some  goods  are  sold  by  the  cantarius, 
others  by  the  centenarius,  others  again  by  the  pound. ^ 
In  addition,  there  are  also  other  names  for  the  beam, 
rubus,^  spola,"^  crista,^  and  the  French  and  English 
trone,  which  need  to  be  investigated.  The  usual 
equivalent  for  pondus  was  pensum,  so  that  averium 
ponderis,  which  is  an  exact  translation  of  the  KaymaviKOV 
8I805  of  the  Edict,  is  rendered  in  French  as  aver  de 
pois,  Ital.  avere  di  peso;  that  is,  what  originally  meant 
"the  goods  of  the  beam"  came  to  be  identified  with 
their  manner  of  weighing.  A  far  more  common  name 
for  the  beam  was  Lat.  statera,  Ital.  stadera,  from  which, 
no  doubt.  Middle  Eng.  stillere,  stellere,  Eng.  steelyardy 
is  derived.  Thus,  the  history  of  grocer,  retail,  steel- 
yard^   shows   that   the   grocer's   trade   in   England   is 

»  Germain,  op.  cit.,  p.  300  (1296). 
2  See  above,  p.  LI,  note  1. 

2  G.  Rezasco,  Dizionario  del  linguaggio  italiano  storieo  ed  amministrativo, 
Firenze  1881,  sub  cantarata. 

*  HPM.,  vol.  VII,  cols.  71,  72,  513. 

^  "De  omnibus  mercibus  que  renduntur  ad  pensum  eantarii  et  centanarii, 
de  omnibus  mercibus  et  speciebus  que  uenduntur  ad  pensum  libre,"  ibid., 
col.  521.  For  various  weight  values  of  cantarius  and  centenarius  see 
Schaube,  op.  cit.,  p.  814  flf. 

« Ibid.,  cols.  68,  71,  vol.  XVI,  col.  2001. 

'  Ibid.,  vol.  XVI,  col.  2001. 

8  Ibid.,  vol.  VII,  col.  202. 

•  See  also  the  history  of  the  apothecary  and  regrater  in  my  Byzanti- 
nisches. 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxvii 

chiefly  due  to  the  activity  of  Italian  merchants,  and 
that  the  Italian  grocer's  trade  itself  was  derived 
directly  from  Byzantium. 

4. 

In  the  preceding  two  articles  I  have  shown  that  the 
philological  laws  do  not  act  uniformly  and  that  the 
distribution  of  words  in  a  given  area  seldom  coincides 
with  the  philological  correlation  of  the  languages  of 
that  area.  There  are  no  such  things  as  Indo-European 
roots.  The  Indo-European  languages  may  have  in 
common  certain  words,  but  it  is  only  by  excluding  all 
other  non-Indo-European  languages  that  they  give 
the  appearance  of  being  distinctively  Indo-European. 
There  is  hardly  a  root,  now  accepted  to  be  distinctly 
Indo-European,  that  is  not  found  over  an  enormously 
larger  area,  and  had  the  geographical  distribution  of 
such  roots  been  considered  in  its  entirety,  the  Indo- 
European  philology  would  never  have  gained  that 
formidable  exclusiveness  that  it  now  boasts  of  to  the 
disadvantage  of  truth.  For  the  present,  I  shall  illustrate 
the  crime  of  exclusive  philology  by  the  treatment  of 
one  root,  heretofore  accepted  as  exclusively  Indo- 
European  in  its  importance. 

In  Fick's  Vergleichendes  Worterbuch  der  Indogerma- 
nischen  Sprachen,  vol.  Ill,  p.  303  ff.,  a  considerable 
number  of  words  in  the  Indo-European  languages  are 
brought  together  under  an  Indo-European  root  magh 
"large,  much,  power."  But  we  have  Sumerian  via 
"strong,  great,  numerous,"  Dravidian  (Kannada) 
mikku,  migu  "to  grow  abundant,  excess,"  Polynesian 
maha  "many,"  ma  "a  word  denoting  plurality," 
Nahuatl  miec  "much."  It  is  not  only  in  these  languages 
of  Asia  and  America  that  the  root  exists,  but  in  a  vast 
number  of  other  languages  of  these  two  continents. 


Ixxviii   HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

What  is  more,  Olrish  mace  "son,"  Goth,  magus  "boy, 
servant,"  etc.,  which  have  been  connected  with  the 
Indo-European  root  for  "great,"  is  found  in  Dravidian 
as  maga  "son."  The  Dravidian  word  is  not  derived 
from  the  Indo-European,  nor  the  Indo-European  from 
the  Dravidian,  but  both  belong  to  a  much  older  common 
source.  It  is  here  where  the  particularistic  Indo- 
European  philology  has  erred  irretrievably,  by  hiding 
the  truth.  The  presence  of  a  common  root  in  the 
Indo-European  languages  no  more  proves  the  common 
origin  of  the  Indo-European  languages  than  the  presence 
of  the  word  "automobile"  in  a  large  number  of  tongues 
proves   their  relationship. 

Naturally  most  roots  are  represented  in  most  lan- 
guages of  the  world,  and  their  distribution  must  be  stud- 
ied geographically,  historically,  economically,  as  the  case 
may  be,  but  not  in  the  light  of  narrow  phonetic  laws 
of  a  particular  family,  as  has  been  done.  This  is  especi- 
ally the  case  with  borrowed  words,  which  constitute 
the  majority  of  words  in  any  given  language  that  is 
subjected  to  strong  influences  of  commerce,  conquest, 
or  intellectual  pursuits.  The  all-powerful  Arabic 
tongue  has  injected  itself  to  far  more  than  a  half  into 
Hindu,  has  permeated  Malay,  Turkish,  Maltese, 
Suahili,  Haussa,  Berber,  Fulah,  and  Spanish,  and  it  has 
been  my  purpose  to  show  that  it  has  entered  the  Ger- 
manic languages  through  the  St.  Gall  school,  where  it 
was  studied  in  connection  with  the  Hebrew  Bible 
glosses.  Hence  the  Germanic  languages  cannot  be 
studied  as  such,  in  cases  where  the  Arabic  words  have 
produced  an  apparent  Germanic  group,  but  in  the 
light  of  the  particular  Arabic  source  which  created 
them. 

My  savage  critics,  who  for  the  sake  of  argument  are 
willing  to  admit  such  an  intrusion,  claim  that  it  would 
have  taken  at  least  one  hundred  years  for  such  an 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxix 

Arabic  influence,  whereas  it  appears  that  it  was  already 
active  fifty  years  after  the  arrival  of  the  Arabs  in  Europe, 
according  to  my  statement.  One  only  wonders  where 
the  critics  get  their  one  hundred  years.  Wherever  two 
civilizations  come  in  contact,  the  stronger,  more  active 
civilization  affects  the  weaker  instantaneously.  Five 
years  is  a  long  period  for  the  intrusion  of  foreign  words, 
if  the  conditions  are  favorable.  Unfortunately  history 
seldom  records  the  condition  of  jargons  and  mixed 
languages  at  the  moment  of  their  first  meetings.  But 
we  can  study  the  phenomenon  in  a  few  cases  in  America, 
where  the  conflict  can  approximately  be  located  chrono- 
logically. 

In  1850  there  were  much  less  than  one  hundred 
Bohemians  in  America.^  In  1860  their  number  had 
risen  to  probably  25,000.^  It  is  safe,  therefore,  to 
speak  of  1860  as  the  beginning  of  a  compact  Bohemian 
colony  in  America.  Yet,  in  1882  the  Bohemians  were 
using  more  than  250  words  of  English  origin,^  such  as 
bdrum  (barroom),  hatrflaj  (butterfly),  haksna  (box), 
hrajdl  (bridle),  bu6r  (butcher),  dyd  (ditch),  dypo 
(depot),  filuju  (I  feel),  fajtuju  (I  fight),  ffdovat  (to 
fool),  hajdra  (hydrant),  kampan  (campaign),  krizmus 
(Christmas),  A;erpe^carpet),  ^ej/c  (cake),  /c^aze^closet), 
lejk  (lake),  sajn  (sign),  Uapuju  (I  stop),  sajboch  (side- 
walk), truhlovat  (to  trouble),  wiska  (whiskey). 

This  readiness  to  accept  foreign  words  for  objects 
well  known  in  the  native  tongue  is  the  more  remarkable 
in  the  case  of  the  Bohemians,  because  of  the  very  small 
percentage  of  illiteracy  among  them,  and  the  existence 
of  a  Bohemian  press  from  very  early  times.  The  case 
is  even  more  startling  with  the  Yiddish,  which  in  the 
eighties,  that  is,  in  the  first  decade  of  the  general  im- 

»  E.  G.  Balch,  Our  Slavic  Fellow  Citizens,  New  York  1910,  p.  70. 
»  Ibid.,  p.  70  f. 

*  F.  B.  Zdrubek,  Zdkladove  deskeho  pravopisu  a  mluvnice,  Chicago  1882, 
p.  81  S. 


Ixxx    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

migration  of  Russian  and  Roumanian  Jews  in  America, 
so  completely  changed  its  aspect  on  account  of  the 
introduction  of  English  words  that  the  literature 
printed  here  could  not  be  understood  at  home.  The 
Yiddish  shop  signs  which  one  may  see  in  Boston  or 
New  York,  and  which  have  not  changed  in  substance 
for  thirty  or  forty  years,  contain  more  English  words 
than  those  of  German,  Slavic  or  Hebrew  origin. 

Still  more  interesting  is  the  influence  of  a  language 
upon  another,  without  any  immediate  contact,  merely 
by  the  effort  of  individuals  or  through  literature.  One 
knows  how  "Happy  Hooligan"  has  produced  the 
Russian  khuligan  "ruffian."  Now,  some  fifteen  years 
ago,  Prof.  Paul  Milyukov,  during  a  stay  at  my  house 
in  America,  expressed  his  admiration  for  the  American 
and  English  abbreviations,  such  as  Y.  M.  C.  A., 
totally  unknown  and  unthinkable  at  the  time  in  the 
Russian  language.  Upon  his  return  to  Russia  he 
formed  the  K.  D.  T.,  the  Constitutional  Democratic 
Society,  and  went  one  better  by  transforming  it  into  a 
word,  Kadet.  Since  then  the  abbreviated  forms  have 
become  a  regular  institution  in  Russia,  and  the  Bolshe- 
viks publish  a  periodical  called  ProletkuVt,  that  is, 
Proletarskaya  kuVtura. 

The  introduction  of  Latin  into  the  languages  of  the 
nations  that  accepted  Christianity  from  Rome,  and 
of  Greek  into  Coptic,  Syriac,  and  Old  Bulgarian,  was 
instantaneous  and  overwhelming.  In  these  cases  it 
was  not  a  contact  of  nations,  but  chiefly  the  inexperi- 
ence of  the  translators,  that  forced  an  enormous  foreign 
vocabulary  upon  languages  that  in  some  cases  already 
possessed  a  literary  norm. 

What  has  happened  in  the  near  past  and  in  antiquity 
has  happened  at  all  times.  It  is  absurd  in  the  abstract 
to  say  that  a  certain  period  must  pass  before  a  certain 
amount  of  borrowing  is  possible.    Each  case  must  be 


INTRODUCTION  Ixxxi 

investigated  for  itself,  and  no  generalization  is  possible. 
Whether  Arabic  has  had  the  influence  I  claim  upon  the 
Germanic  languages,  cannot  be  settled  by  any  a  priori 
reasoning.  It  is  only  my  investigation  which  proves 
it,  and  my  critics  are  perverted  and  absurd  when  they 
condemn  me  on  general  principles.  The  difference 
between  my  critics  and  me  is  this.  They  know  in 
advance  what  should  be  and  what  should  not  be, 
whereas  I  am  mustering  facts  and  deduce  the  logical 
consequences.  My  critics  would  do  well  to  discuss  the 
facts  that  I  adduce  and  leave  theories  alone  for  the 
present. 


I.    THE  BUBALUS  IN  THE  BIBLE. 

The  Latin  version  of  Deut.  XIV.  4  and  5  reads: 
"Hoc  est  animal  quod  comedere  debetis;  bovem, 
et  ovem,  et  capram,  cervum  et  capream,  hubalum, 
tragelaphum,  pygargum,  orygem,  cameloparda- 
lum."  The  Septuagint  omits  bubalum,  tragelaphum, 
and  only  the  conflate  Codex  Alexandrinus  reads 
<|x6crxov  8X  j3o6)V,  xal  dtivov  ex  :JiQo6dTcov,  koX  X£i|^aQQov  e^ 
alycov,  EA,aq)ov,  xai  8o()xd8a,  xal  poij6aA,ov,  xaX 
TQaYeA,acpov,  xal  nvkaqyov,  xal  oQvya,  xal  yM\ir\ko- 
JTdQ8aA,i'V.»  This  bubalum,  tragelaphum  is  the  trans- 
lation of  Heb.  1|?«1  "i^^n^l,  which  stands  after  "^af 
8oQxdg.    "i^ttn^    again    stands    after    ""^St    SoQxdg    in    3 

Reg.  IV.  23,  where  the  Latin  version  has  "excepta 
venatione  cervorum,  caprearum  atque  bubulorum  et 
avium  altilium,"  and  where  the  Septuagint  reads 
«bahc,  eAdqpcov  xai  8oQxd8(jav  8xA,8XT(bv  aitexjid,*  while  the 
Codex  Alexandrinus,  after  8oQxd6cov,  adds  «xai  oqviO^cov 
8xA,exTd.»  Josephus  similarly  translates  "'''^n;^  of  this 
passage  by  PoiJ6a^og:  «n6.Qz\,  xcbv  8Ji'  dygaq  eAdcpcov  ^eyco 
xal  Pov6dA,cov  xal  tcov  jittjvwv  xal  ixOtj(ov,»^  while 
Philo  recounts  among  the  eatable  animals  «yi6oxoi^, 
dfxvog,  xi\iaQO<;,  e^aqpog,  8oQxdg,  po'u6a^og,  x  q  ay  i- 
X  a  q)  0  g,  JiiJYaQYog,  oQvt,  xa|xr]XojTdQ8a^ig,»^  which  is 
identical  with  the  nomenclature  of  the  Codex  Alex- 
andrinus, 

The  Heb.  "l^^n^  was  a  puzzle  even  to  the  Jews, 
for  no  definite  animal  was  associated  with  it,  beyond 
its  relation  to  the  deer  kind.     It  is  true,   a  kind  of 

'  Antiquitates  iudaicae,  VIII.  2.  4. 
*  De  specialibus  legibus,  IV.  105. 

6 


2        HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

roebuck  on  Mount  Carmel,  called  yahmur,  was  de- 
scribed by  Conder  in  1879,^  but  this  name  is  an 
afterthought,  due  unquestionably  to  an  interpretation 
of  the  Bible  passages,  and  does  not  teach  us  anything. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  Polychrome  Bible  not  only 
marks  the  whole  passage  in  3  Reg.  IV.  23  as  of  later 
origin,  but  specifically  mentions  "iian''')  as  being 
possibly  a  scribal  expansion.^  The  Syrians  adopted 
this  word  in  the  form  liaia-L  yahmurd,  and  the 
Syrio-Arabic  glosses  show  that  no  very  definite  con- 
ception of  the  meaning  was  had;  for  we  find  for  it 

-'j^^'  t>  ->'  Ji^."^'  ur*  -rr;^'  >"'  and  similar  readings,  from 
which  we  learn  that  the  yahmur  was  taken  to 
be  in  Arabic  a  yahmur,  ydmur,  ndmur,  or  tdmur,  (all 
of  these  corruptions  of  the  original  word,   due  to  a 

misreading  of   the  undotted  ^,)  which  was  supposed 

to  be  a  wild  ^j^j*\^  gdmus   or   the  most   powerful    of 

the  Jil  'ayal. 

The  Arab.  (^>•^-  is  from  the  Persian.     It  is  already 

found  in  the  Bundehesh  as  gdomes,  from  OPers.  gav 
"ox"  and  a  word  which  is  in  Sanskrit  mahisha  "the 
large,  powerful  (beast),  the  buffalo."  The  poet 
Ru'bah,  who  died  in  762,  called  the  buffalo  and  the 

elephant    "the    dusky    ones,"   j^')i  al-aqhahain.     He 

described  himself  and  his  strength  as  follows: 
"A  lion  who  pounds  the  prey-rending  lion, 
And   the   two   dusky   ones,    the   elephant   and   the 
buffalo."^ 

1  F.  Hommel,  Die  Namen  der  Saugethiere  bei  den  siidsemitischen  Volkern, 
Leipzig  1879,  p.  392. 

2  B.  Stade  and  F.  Schwally,  The  Books  of  Kings,  in  The  Sacred  Books  of 
the  Old  Testament,  part  9,  Leipzig  1904,  p.  80. 

'  Ad-Damlri's  Haydt  al-hayawdn  (A  Zoological  Lexicon),  translated  from 
the  Arabic  by  A.  S.  G.  Jayaker,  London,  Bombay  1906,  vol.  I,  p.  64  f. 


THE  BUBALUS  IN  THE  BIBLE  3 

Ad-Damiri  says  of  the  buffalo:  "It  is  a  very  bold 
and  strong  animal,  but  notwithstanding  that,  the 
most  impatient  of  God's  creatures.  It  knows  the 
bite  of  a  mosquito  and  therefore  flees  from  it  to  the 
water;  the  lion  is  afraid  of  it;  and  notwithstanding 
its  great  strength  and  size,  it  is  sagacious,  for  if  the 
pastor  calls  out  to  one  of  the  she-buffaloes,  'O  such  a 
one,'  the  one  that  is  called  comes  to  him.  It  is  a 
part  of  its  nature  to  yearn  much  for  its  native  place, 
and  it  is  said  that  it  never  sleeps  at  all,  owing  to  its 
great  watchfulness  on  its  own  account  and  that  of 
its  young  ones.  When  they  all  collect  together,  a 
circle  is  formed,  and  they  place  their  own  heads  outside 
the  circle  and  their  tails  inside  it,  while  the  pastors 
and  the  young  ones  lie  inside  it,  so  that  the  circle  be- 
comes as  it  were  a  city  fortified  with  their  horns. 
The  male  butts  another  male  with  its  horns,  and  if 
one  of  them  is  vanquished,  it  enters  a  forest  where  it 
remains,  until  it  knows  that  it  is  strong  enough,  when 
it  comes  forth,  seeks  out  the  stallion  which  had  pre- 
viously overpowered  it,  butts  it  with  its  horns,  van- 
quishes it,  and  drives  it  away.  It  immerses  itself  in 
water  mostly  as  far  as  its  nose."^  But  the  Syrio- 
Arabic    glosses    also    identify    the    yahmur    with    the 

^y\  "the  mountain  goat,"  and  thus  we  are  no  wiser 
as  to  the  original  meaning  of  "^^^n;;. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  "i^^D-  has  something 
to  do  with  "red,"  from  the  root  nan,  and  it  can  be 
shown  that  it  is  due  to  a  gloss  to  the  Gr.  boQt,  or  SoQxdg, 
which  the  late  annotator  of  the  Bible  had  before  him. 
The  Septuagint  was  due  to  Alexandrine  scholarship, 
and  here  it  must  have  been  clear  to  the  later  scholars 
that  Gr.  hoo'E,  was  an  African  animal,  and  that  it  was 
related  to  Copt,  tors,  thor^  "red."     Thus  the  Coptic 

»  Ibid.,  p.  399  f. 


4        HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Bible  translates  "vacca  rufa"  of  Num.  XIX.  2  by 
ubahse  nterL  This  tor§  is  from  Egyp.  ieSer  "red,  the 
red  calf."  The  Hebrew  annotator  correctly  rendered 
this  Gr.  8oQxdg  by  ^''lOn^,  wholly  disregarding  the 
fact  that  ''?2£  preceding  it  had  itself  been  rendered 
into  Greek  by  8oQxdg.  The  annotator  went  further 
and  added  in  Deut.  XIV.  5  "^p^,  which  is  unquestion- 
ably the  Egyp.  ah,  Copt,  ahe,  pi.  ahau  "ox,"  he  having 
had  in  mind  "the  red  ox,"  of  which  he  translated  only 
the  first  part. 

The  red  heifer  was  sacrificed  to  the  dead  among  the 
Jews,^  but  among  the  Egyptians  red  cattle  were 
generally  slaughtered,^  apparently  because  they  were 
considered  of  evil  disposition.  It  is  likely  that  red 
cattle  were  not  broken  in,  but  were  left  to  fatten  in  the 
pasture,  to  be  used  as  food.  It  was  not  inappropriate, 
therefore,  to  add  the  "red  ox"  among  the  eatable 
animals,  since  the  contempt  for  them  might  have  made 
them  questionable  as  good  for  food. 

The  Latin  translation  of  "lion^  as  bubalus  is  precise, 
for  it  refers  to  the  animal  raised  for  slaughter,  as 
may  be  seen  from  the  use  of  huhulus,  bubalus  in  Latin. 
In  1  Par.  XVI.  3  we  read  "partem  assae  carnis  bubalae,'" 
while  in  2  Reg.  VI.  19  we  have  "et  assaturam  bubulae 
carnis,"  which  once  more  shows  that  bubalus  and 
bubulus  are  identical  and  have  the  meaning  of  "beef." 
But  the  best  proof  of  the  reference  of  bubalus  to 
"ox,"  is  found  in  Amos  VI.  13,  where  Dnpni  tt^'nn"'  DK 
is  translated  by  Aquila  «jt8TQa  8id  pO(DV,»  where  the 
Septuagint  has  «8i  jiaQaaKOJirjaovrai  ev  07iJl8i(xig,»  while 
the  Vulgate  reads  "aut  arari  potest  in  bubalis.''  Here 
bubalus  is  the  translation  of  Heb.  ^i^?  bdqdr  "ox,  cattle." 

1  H.  P.  Smith,  Notes  on  the  Red  Heifer,  in  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature, 
vol.  XXVII,  p.  153  ff. 

^  H.  Bnigsch,  Hieroglyphiseh-Demotisches  Worterbueh,  Leipzig  1882,  vol. 
VII,  p.  1376. 


THE  BUBALUS  IN  THE  BIBLE  5 

So  far  we  have  not  a  distant  reference  to  a  wild  ox, 
nor  to  a  gazelle  in  bubalus,  although  later  this  identi- 
fication is  common.  This  identification  was  started 
by  the  unfortunate  explanation  given  to  bubalus  in 
Amos  VI.  13  by  Jerome.  The  authorized  version  of 
the  Bible  reads  intelligently:  "For  beholde,  the  Lord 
commandeth,  and  hee  will  smite  the  great  house  with 
breaches,  and  the  little  house  with  clefts.  Shall  horses 
runne  vpon  the  rocke?  wil  one  plow  there  with  oxenf 
for  ye  haue  turned  iudgement  into  gall,  and  the  fruite 
of  righteousnesse  into  hemlocke."  Jerome  gives  his 
own  translation  as  "numquid  currere  queunt  in  petris 
equi,  aut  arari  potest  in  bubalisf^  and  explains  this  as 
follows:  "Scissa  enim  domus  sarciri  potest:  ruinae 
non  tarn  instaurationem,  quam  aedificationem  deside- 
rant.  Cujus  utriusque  domus  ruinas,  scissiones,  equis 
et  bubalis  comparat,  quorum  priores  in  petris  currere 
nequeunt,  posteriores  tam  indomiti  sunt,  ut  jugum 
cervicibus  non  recipiant,  et  cum  silvestres  boves  sint, 
propter  feritatem  nolint  terram  vomere  scindere."^ 
According  to  Jerome  a  bubalus  is  a  wild,  untamed  ox 
that  has  not  been  broken  into  the  yoke,  not  entirely 
a  gratuitous  assumption,  since  the  Heb.  ^I^H^  in  the 
other  passages  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the  ox  of 
the  pasture,  and  not  of  the  stall,  is  meant. 

Once  this  identification  of  bubalus  as  "bos  silvester" 
was  made,  which  was  at  the  end  of  the  IV.  or  the  be- 
ginning of  the  V.  century,  the  word  found  its  way  as 
an  interpolation  into  older  works,  and  became  current 
as  an  appellation  for  the  buffalo.  This  can  be  shown 
by  a  study  of  all  the  passages  in  which  the  word  occurs. 
In  the  passage  quoted  from  Josephus  Poij6aAog  is, 
indeed,  the  translation  of  8oQxdg,  but  of  that  word 
in  the  Egyptian  sense  of  "red  ox,  cattle,"  as  justified 

»  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXV,  col.  1065. 


6        HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

by  tlie  Heb.  "^I^ri!  here  used,  and  as  is  clear  from  the 

juxtaposition  «Poi36aA(ov,  Jteteivcov  xal  ixi)iJCx)V,»  from 
which  e^iaqpog  is  excluded  and  where  poi36dA,ojv  can 
only  mean  "four-footed  animal  of  the  chase"  or  "wild 
cattle,"  as  opposed  to  "birds"  and  "fish."  But  the 
question  arises  whether  the  latter  part,  absent  both 
from  the  Hebrew  Bible  and  the  Septuagint,  is  not  a 
later  interpolation,  as  Poij6(xXo5  and  XQayiXacfoc,  may 
similarly  be  a  later  interpolation  in  Philo,  whose 
nomenclature  is  painfully  identical  with  that  of  the 
Codex  Alexandrinus. 

In  the  Lausiac  History  of  Palladius  there  is  a  passage, 
possibly  genuine,  which  runs  as  follows:  «\i^^^  r\v  ecpdvr] 
ji;A,fiOo(;  P  o  u  6  d  A,  a>  V,  £§  wv  f|  piiaecrxT]  exouaa  \i6ayov' 
eiai  ycLQ  jioA,A,oti  ev  xolc,  tojioig  exetvoig*  xal  cog  e'A-eyev  on 
8QQ81  avxf\c,  TO  o^Q^ttQ  Tou  ydA-axTog*  vjieide^^wv  o^  ifi 
P  o  D  6  d  A,  (o  xal  OT|A,doag  f|Qxeo9T|*  xal  'ioi(^  xov  xzkXiov 
at>ToiJ  fj^O^ev  f|  Po'u6aA,0(;  %j\kdt,ovoa  aiJTov,  to  be  \io- 
o^dQiov  aiiTfig  \ii\  bEXoyiivr\»^  This  is  translated  by 
Clarke:  "After  her  appeared  a  herd  of  antelopes,  one  of 
which  with  a  calf  stopped — there  are  many  in  those 
regions.  And  he  said  that  her  udder  was  flowing  with 
milk.  So,  creeping  under  her  and  sucking,  he  was  satis- 
fied. And  the  antelope  went  as  far  as  his  cell,  giving 
him  milk,  but  not  allowing  her  own  calf  to  suck."^  The 
rendering  of  poij6aXog  as  "antelope"  is  gratuitous.  It 
should  have  been  "cow"  or  "buffalo."  This  is  proved, 
beyond  a  shadow  of  a  doubt,  by  the  Coptic  version  of  the 
story:  "A  voice  came  to  me,  saying:  'Macarius,  get 
up,  go  to  the  she-buffalo,  drink  some  milk,  regain  your 
strength,  and  go  back  to  your  cell.'  And  he  went  and 
sucked  some  milk  from  its  udder,  and  refreshed  himself 

1  C.  Butler,  The  Lausiac  History  of  Palladius,  II,  in  Texts  and  Studies, 
Contributions  to  Biblical  and  Patristic  Literature,  vol.  VI,  No.  2,  p.  50  f . 

2  W.  K.  L.  Clarke,  The  Lausiac  History  of  Palladius,  London,  New  York 
1918,  p.  80. 


THE  BUBALUS  IN  THE  BIBLE  7 

a  little.  The  buffalo  went  away,  and  either  she  or 
another  came  every  day  to  give  him  some  milk.  'And 
when  I  was  near  my  cell,  about  a  day's  walk  away, 
all  the  buffaloes  ran  away  and  left  me.'  "^ 

The  word  translated  by  "buffalo"  is  given  in  Coptic 
as  §o§.  This  was  originally  the  translation  of  bubalus 
in  Deut.  XIV.  5,  and  was  there  followed  by  tragalafo, 
wherefor  Zoega  was  misled  into  translating  it  by 
"oryx",^  but  he  later  observed  that  others  had  rendered 
it  by  bubalus,  and  so  corrected  it  himself  to  bubalus; 
and  in  the  Life  of  Abbot  Paul  it  is  made  clear  that 
the  grazing  cattle  were  meant,  for  the  passage  runs: 
"  Perrexerunt  itaque  per  montem  Tereb  Aegypti  superi- 
oris,  donee  venirent  ad  montem  Terotascjans  ab 
oppido  Kos  ad  meridiem  situm,  ubi  in  valle  conspexe- 
runt  bubalos  in  quorum  medio  erat  monachus.  Hie 
de  nomine  et  vita  a  Paulo  interrogatus,  respondit, 
vocari  se  quidem  Aphu,  degisse  autem  eo  in  loco  annis 
LIV,  postquam  monachus  ordinatus  fuisset  ab  abbate 
Antonio  de  Scjiet,  vitam  tolerare  eodem  cibo  quo 
vescebantur  bubali  quorum  utebatur  societate,  herbis 
scilicet  et  oleribus  silvestribus,  hiberno  tempore  dormire 
in  medio  bubalorum  halitu  eorum  calefactum,  aestate 
autem  umbra  eorum  defendi  ab  ardore  solis.  In  veri- 
tate,  dixit  Paulus,  vocaris  abbas  Aphu  Bubalus.''^ 
Indeed,  we  have  many  times  in  the  Bible  pe-§dS, 
pe-§os  "shepherd,"  which  makes  it  plausible  that 
§o§  "shepherd,  bubalus"  is  derived  from  the  root  §o§, 
§e§  "to  scatter."  In  Isaiah  V.  8  the  Greek  «t,Evyif]  |joc5v» 
is  rendered  in  the  Basmyric  Codex  by  §ais,^  while  the 
Memphitic  version  has  §oL  This  is  not  only  important 
for  the  establishment  of  bubalus  as  "grazing  animal, 

1  E.  Amelineau,  Histoire  des  monaster es  de  la  Basse-^gypte,  Paris  1894, 
in  Annales  du  Musee  Guimet,  vol.  XXV,  p.  235. 

2  Calalogus  codicum  copticorum  manuscriptorum,  Leipzig   1903,  pp.   14, 
66,  72. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  364. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  147. 


8        HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

work  ox,"  but  also  for  the  proof  that  Copt.  §o§  "equal" 
arose  from  the  idea  of  "yoke  ox."  So  far  we  have  not 
discovered  any  justification  for  the  identification  of 
the  bubalus  with  a  "wild,"  that  is,  "savage"  animal. 
At  best  we  have  a  reference  to  the  cattle  of  the  broad 
pastures,  where  they  became  less  sleek  and  more  bony, 
as  admirably  represented  in  Egyptian  paintings,^ 
sometimes  as  the  object  of  the  chase. 

In  Palaephatus'  IIsqi  djiicrxcov,  a  work  full  of  in- 
terpolations, a  sentence  runs,  *ov  yap  hwaxov,  Kvva  xai 
jtiOT]xov,  XvKov  IE  xal  vaivav,  aXXr\koiq  ov\i\Lr{f\\'ai,  ovhk 
^ov6aXov  eMqpcp*  exEQOYevfi  ydg  z[ai».^  One  editor 
quite  appropriately  says  to  this  passage,  "haecet  caete- 
ra  huiusmodi,  additamenta  redolere  videntur  ingenium 
alienum."  Indeed,  the  position  of  €OvhE  Poij6a?iO'v  8A,dcpq)» 
after  «aD|Ap,iYrivai»  is  distinctly  an  afterthought,  and  re- 
flects the  Biblical  juxtaposition  of  PoiJ6a?iog  and  ?A,aq)og. 
In  speaking  of  Arabia  and  its  animals  composed  of 
two  natures,  Diodorus  Siculus  has  a  passage  in  which 
he  says  that  "there  are  also  the  tragelaphus  and  the 
hubalus  and  other  animals  of  double  nature,  which  it 
would  be  too  long  to  describe."^  This  is  an  obvious 
interpolation,  where  the  bubalus  is  associated  with  the 
tragelaphus,  as  in  the  Bible.  In  Dioscorides  the  PoTj6aA,og 
is  mentioned  by  the  side  of  the  \i6o%oc,  "calf,"  but  the 
exact  meaning  is  not  ascertainable  there.  However, 
from  the  fact  that  Galen  uses  pOD6dA,iog  "wild"  (cucum- 
ber), it  is  certain  that  the  bubalus  was  thought  of  by 
them  as  an  ox  running  at  large.  Similarly,  when  Leo 
asked  that  coats  of  mail  and  helmets  be  made  of  the 


'  J.  G.  Wilkinson,  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians,  London 
1837,  vol.  Ill,  p.  18. 

2  J.  F.  Fischer,  Palaephati  De  incredibilibus,  Lipsiae  1789,  p.  23  f. 

«  II.  51. 


THE  BUBALUS  IN  THE  BIBLE  9 

hide  of  the  bubalus,^  he  had  in  mind  the  "ox  of  the 
pasture"  that  would  naturally  be  raised  for  its  meat  or 
hide.  The  few  other  references  to  Poij6a^og  in  Greek 
admit  of  no  classification,  and  so  there  is  not  one  dis- 
cordant example,  from  which  anything  but  the  idea  of 
"ox  running  at  large"  can  be  postulated  for  bubalus, 
even  as  we  found  the  case  to  be  for  the  Copt.  ioL 

We  can  now  turn  to  the  Latin  authors  in  which 
bubalus  OGGUYs.  Ammianus  writes:  " Exuberat  Aegyp- 
tus  etiam  pecudibus  multis,  inter  quas  terrestres  sunt 
et  aquatiles.  Aliae  quae  humi  et  in  humoribus  uiuunt 
unde  djiq)i6L0i  nominantur.  Et  in  aridis  quidem 
capreoli  uescuntur  et  bubali  et  spinturnicia  omni 
deformitate  ridicula,  aliaque  monstra  quae  enumerare 
non  refert."^  The  identity  of  the  passage  with  that  in 
Diodorus  Siculus  is  obvious.  The  latter  speaks  of  animals 
of  a  double  nature,  and  wrongly  drags  in  the  bubalus  and 
tragelaphus,  for  the  first  at  least  is  neither  a  compound 
word  nor  a  compound  animal,  and  finishes  by  saying 
that  it  is  not  worth  while  to  talk  of  these:  tyivovxai  bk 
xai  TQaY8A,aq)oi  xai  P  o  ij  6  a  A,  o  i,^  xai  aA,A,a  3xA,8ico  yivr] 
8iji-ooq)a  ^cocov,  xai  xfjv  aijvO^eaiv  ex  xcbv  jrAeiatov  xfj  (pvoEi 
xexcoQiOjievcov  e'xovta-  ji8qi  d)v  rd  y,axa  jisQcg  [laxQov  av 
eiT]  YQdq)8iv»;^  and  Ammianus  similarly  drags  in  the 
bubalus  and  "capreolus"  and  "spinturnicium"  and  other 
monsters,  which  it  is  not  worth  while  mentioning.  I 
have  already  pointed  out  that  Ammianus  is  a  late 
forgery.'*  This  is  only  one  of  many  passages  which 
confirm  the  suspicion. 

'  «AaiQiy.ia  u.i%Qi  haxQayaliov,  dvacruQ6n,Eva  6ia  XoiQioi-v  xaX  kqmeXX'kov, 
[lETO.  Twv  {)T|y.aQio)v  auTCOv  b£Q\iaxi\(iiv,  ■KoX  el  bxrvaxoy  Jtuvxa  akvcribExa' 
fl  Y«0  1^11  ve,  Ti/vfi  avToJv  ex  KEQaiwy,  r[  f}oi'6a?iixd)v  8FO|xdTcov  xaTa^riowv,^ 
J.  Meursius,  Leonis  Imp.  Tactica;  site  De  re  militari  lib  Lugduni 
Batavorum  1612,  V.  4,  p.  51. 

»  XXII.  15.  14. 

«  II.  51. 

*  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  151,  275. 


10      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

The  discussion  of  Amos  VI.  13  by  Pseudo-Rufinus, 
"instar  buhalorum  nunquam  videlicet  aratris  colla 
subdentium",^  is  based  entirely  on  Jerome  and  adds 
nothing  to  our  discussion.  Nor  is  there  anything  gained 
from  the  reference  based  on  Amos  VI.  13  in  Gregory, 
"quod  autem  me  dicitis  scribere  non  debuisse,  ut  in 
agro  Dominico  cum  bubalis  arares,  quia  in  ostenso 
beato  Petro  linteo  et  huhali  et  omnes  ferae  oblatae 
sunt."^  In  the  VI.  century  we  find  an  imaginary  animal 
"liggium"  described  as  having  the  color  of  a  dusky 
bubalus  or  a  red  heifer,  "a  quodam  animali,  quod 
liggium  nominatur,  habens  colorem  pulli  bubali  uel 
buculae  rufae,"^  which  only  shows  that  the  bubalus 
was  something  like  a  red  heifer.  In  Rufinus'  Historia 
monachorum,  chap.  VI,  occurs  the  statement  that  Theo 
at  night  enjoyed  the  company  of  the  animals  of  the 
desert,  whom  he  gave  to  drink  from  a  well,  "hujus 
autem  rei  manifestum  dabatur  indicium,  quod  vestigia 
bubalorum,  caprarumque  et  onagrorum,  circa  ejus 
cellulam  plurima  deprehendebantur."* 

Thus  we  have  but  one  original  source  for  all  the 
bubali  mentioned  before  the  VIII.  century,  namely,  the 
Bible.  The  chief  source  of  secondary  references  is  the 
Lausiac  History,  which  played  such  an  important  part 
in  the  dissemination  of  the  hagiography  in  the  West, 
and  through  this  the  bubalus  was  more  especially 
associated  with  Africa. 

1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXI,  col.  1087. 

2  I.  6,  in  MGH.,  Eptsfotoe,  vol.  I,  p.  8.  ^wir  ^co 
'  Epiphanius,  De  XII  gemmis  rationalis,  in  CSEL.,  vol.  XXXV,  p.  752. 
*  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXI,  col.  410. 


II.    THE  BULL  OF  PAEONIA. 

It  was  only  the  genealogical  propensities  of  the 
Arabs  which  in  the  VIII.  century  produced  a  frenzy 
of  genealogical  speculations  among  the  nations  of 
Europe.  Therefore  the  forger  Aethicus  spoke  with 
authority  when  he  said  that  the  conquest  of  Francus  and 
Vassus  by  Romulus  had  not  yet  been  told  by  anyone, 
"de  quaestionibus  quae  alia  scriptura  non  narrat."^ 
It  is  extremely  doubtful  whether  any  story  of  the  Franks 
existed  before  the  VIII.  century,  and  the  references  in 
Gregory  of  Tours  to  the  historians  Renatus  Profuturus 
Frigiretus  and  Sulpicius  Alexander,  of  whom  there  is 
no  other  mention  anywhere,  sound  as  doubtful  as  the 
whole  Troy  origin  of  the  Franks.^ 

Fredegar,  who  equally  belongs  to  the  VIII.  century,' 
repeats  the  story  of  the  Trojan  descent  of  the  Franks 
three  times,  which  shows  that  it  was  in  everybody's 
mouth  in  his  time.  According  to  one  account,  the 
Merovingians  had  for  their  eponymous  hero  Meroveus, 
who  was  begotten  by  a  Centaur  of  the  Sea.^  Another 
account  of  the  origin  of  the  Franks  is  as  follows: 
"Exinde  origo  Francorum  fuit.  Priamo  primo  regi 
habuerunt;  postea  per  historiarum  libros  scriptum  est, 
qualiter  habuerunt  regi  Friga.  Postea  partiti  sunt  in 
duabus  partibus.  Una  pars  perrexit  in  Macedoniam, 
vocati  sunt  Macedonis  secundum  populum,  a  quem 
recepti  sunt,  etregionem  Macedoniae,  qui  oppremebatur 
a  gentes  vicinas,  invitati  ab  ipsis  fuerunt,  ut  eis  prae- 

1  M.  D'Avezac,  tlihicus  et  les  ouvrages  cosmographiques  intitules  de  ce  nom 
Paris  1852,  cap.  VII,  p.  308  fif.  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  258  ff.    ' 

*  Historia  Francorum,  II.  9. 

'  My  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  254. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  294. 


12      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

berent  auxilium.  Per  quos  postea  cum  subiuncti  in 
plurima  procreatione  crevissent,  ex  ipso  genere  Mace- 
donis  fortissimi  pugnatores  effeeti  sunt;  quod  in  pos- 
tremum  in  diebus  Phyliphy  regis  et  Alexandri  fili  sui 
fama  confirmat,  illorum  fortitudine  qualis  fuit.  Nam 
et  ilia  alia  pars,  quae  de  Frigia  progressa  est,  ab  Olexo 
per  fraude  decepti,  tamen  non  captivati,  nisi  exinde 
eiecti,  per  multis  regionibus  pervacantis  cum  uxores 
et  liberos,  electum  a  se  regi  Francione  nomen,  per 
quern  Franci  vocantur.  In  postremum,  eo  quod  for- 
tissimus  ipse  Francio  in  bellum  fuisse  fertur,  et  multo 
tempore  cum  plurimis  gentibus  pugnam  gerens,  partem 
Asiae  vastans,  in  Eurupam  dirigens,  inter  Renum  vel 
Danuvium  et  mare  consedit.  Ibique  mortuo  Francione, 
cum  iam  per  proelia  tanta  que  gesserat  parva  ex  ipsis 
manus  remanserat,  duces  ex  se  constituerunt.  Attamen 
semper  alterius  dicione  negantes,  multo  post  tempore 
cum  ducibus  transaegerunt  usque  ad  tempore  Ponpegi 
consolis,  qui  et  cum  ipsis  demicans  seo  et  cum  reliquas 
gentium  nationes,  quae  in  Germania  habitabant,  totas- 
que  dicione  subdidit  Romanam.  Sed  continuo  Franci 
cum  Saxonibus  amicicias  inientes,  adversus  Pompegium 
revellantis,  eiusdem  rennuerunt  potestatem.  Pom- 
pegius  in  Spaniam  contra  gentes  demicans  plurimas, 
moretur.  Post  haec  nulla  gens  usque  in  presentem  diem 
Francos  potuit  superare,  qui  tamen  eos  suae  dicione 
potuisset  subiugare.  Ad  ipsum  instar  et  Macedonis, 
qui  ex  eadem  generatione  fuerunt,  quamvis  gravia 
bella  fuissent  adtrite,  tamen  semper  liberi  ab  externa 
dominatione  vivere  conati  sunt.  Tercia  ex  eadem 
origine  gentem  Torcorum  fuisse  fama  confirmat,  ut, 
cum  Franci  Asiam  pervacantis  pluribus  proeliis  trans- 
issent,  ingredientis  Eurupam,  super  litore  Danuviae 
fluminis  inter  Ocianum  et  Traciam  una  ex  eis  ibidem 
pars  resedit.  Electum  a  se  utique  regem  nomen 
Torquoto,  per  quod  gens  Turquorum  nomen  accepit. 


THE  BULL  OF  PAEONIA  13 

Franci  huius  aeteneris  gressum  cum  uxores  et  liberes 
agebant,  nee  erat  gens,  qui  eis  in  proelium  potuisset 
resistere.  Sed  dum  plurima  egerunt  prodia,  quando 
ad  Renum  consederunt,  dum  a  Turquoto  menuati 
sunt,  parva  ex  eis  manus  aderat."^ 

One  can  trace  the  origin  of  the  story  step  by  step. 
The  Trojans  are  supposed  to  have  settled  in  Macedonia 
and  their  bravery  was  attested  in  the  days  of  Philip 
and  Alexander.  Already  Homer  refers  to  the  aid  given 
to  the  Trojans  by  the  Paeonians  of  Macedonia,^  and 
Herodotus  declares  that  the  Paeonians  were  Teucran 
colonists  from  Troy.^  Their  "Phrygian"  origin  led 
to  the  King  Frig  a,  and  their  **  Teucran"  origin  to 
another  division,  the  Torci,  and  their  King  Torquotus. 
But  the  latter,  as  well  as  the  reference  to  Alexander 
and  Philip,  arose  from  Jerome's  Chronicle,  where  we 
have  the  following  juxtaposition: 

1681  Alexander,  Philippi  filius,  an.   12,  menses  6. 

1682  Post  quem  (Arsem)  Darius,  XIV,  Arsami 
filius,  an.  6. 

1684  Roman  or.  consul  Manlius  Torquatus  filium 
suum,  quod  contra  imperium  in  hostem  pugnaverat, 
virgis  caesum  securi  percussit.'* 

This  is  the  reason  why  Torquotus  and  Alexander 
were  dragged  in.  Herodotus  tells  of  a  conversation 
held  between  Darius  and  some  Paeonian  youths  as 
regards  their  sister.^    The  writer  of  the  Trojan  origin  of 

1  MGH.,  Scrip,  rer.  merov.,  vol.  II,  p.  45  f. 

2  Iliad,  II.  848  ff. 
»  V.  13. 

*  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXVII,  col.  471  ff.  ^ 

^  «'Hv  IIiYOilc;  xal'  Mavxmic,  oIvSqe?  IlaiovE?,  oi,  Ikei  te  AaQEiog 
8ie6Ti  Ec;  ttjv  'Aairiv,  auxol  ii^iKo-vxec,  Ilaiavcov  TUQavvEUEiv,  ajtixvEovTai 
ic;  2aQ8i.(;,  ana  dvoixevoi  abek^ps^y  ii.ty61r\v  xe  y.al  Fi'iEiSea*  "(puXdlavxEi; 
6e  AoQEiov  jtooxaxit,6M.Evov  ec;  x6  JioodoxEiov  x6  xcov  Avb&v  Ijtoiricrav 
toi6v6e.  SxEvdoavxec;  xtiv  d8EA.(pETiv  wq  eIxov  aoi0xa  EJt'  vScop  e.TEHJiov, 
fivYoc;  ^m  xfi  5tEcpaXfi  e/ouoav  xal  iy.  xov  Pgaxiovoi;  utJtov  EJtE^xovaav 
xai  xXwOovaav  ^ivov  wg  6e  jraQE^riiE  f|  Y^^'n>  e^ti^iE^E?  xtp  AaQEiwi  eyevexo* 
oCxe  vaQ  IlEQOixd  fjv,  ovxe  AuSia  xd  Koiev\iEva  ex  xf\z  vvvaixoc,  ovxt 
jtQOS  xwv  ex  xf\z  'Aoiag  ovSapicov  dmiiE^ieg  6e  wg  ol  dvevexo,   xo>v  6oqu- 


14      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

the  Franks  mistook  this  Darius  for  the  one  in  the  time 
of  Alexander,  and  so  the  Paeonians  are  made  to  be 
brave  men  in  the  days  of  Alexander.  This  was  a 
welcome  discovery  for  him,  since  it  enabled  him  to 
give  an  eponymous  hero  to  the  Turci,  who  by  other 
writers  were  identified  with  the  Thuringi,  even  as  the 
Phrygii  were  identified  with  the  Franci.  Thus  it  was 
possible  to  give  the  Franci,  that  is,  the  Germans,  the 
same  genealogy  as  the  Romans,^  namely,  to  have  them 
derived  from  Troy.  This  is  distinctly  mentioned  by 
Fredegar  in  another  place:  "Primus  rex  Latinorum 
tunc  in  ipso  tempore  surrexit,  eo  quod  a  Troia  fugaciter 
exierant,  et  ex  ipso  genere  et  Frigas:  fuerunt,  nisi 
per  ipsa  captivitate  Troiae  et  inundatione  Assiriorum 
et  eorum  persecutione,  in  duas  partes  egressi  et  ipsa 
civitate  et  regione.  Unum  exinde  regnum  Latinorum 
ereguntur  et  alium  Frigorum."^ 

Paeonia  was  mistaken  for  Pannonia,  hence  we  find 
in  Gregory  of  Tours  the  account  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Franks  from  Pannonia  and  settling  in  Thuringia, 
where  Clodio  lived  in  the  castle  Dispargum}     I  have 

(poQCOv  -pivdg  rtenJtei,  jteXevcaV  <puXd|ai,  o  tl  XQTiaeTat  Tcpi  utrao  fi  virvri*  oi 
Vikv  8ti  ojnol^E  eiJtovTo*  ti  8e  ejcei  re  dutixETO  IJrl  tov  Jtoxa^ov,  fiocre  xov 
DtJtov  OLQCTaffa  8e  xai  to  avYO?  xov  vhaxog  iyi:xhi\csajuLi'\y\  ttiv  auxriv  686v 
jtaQE|Ti"iE,  (pEQCwaa  to  vScoq  EJtl'  Trig  v.z(pa}Jr\c,  v.ax  htzkKOvcsai  iy.  xov 
Poaxio^'o?  t6v  iJtjtov  xal  aTQEcpoucra  tov  aTgaxTov.  Bcouna^cov  8e  6  Aaoeio? 
Tot  TE  fixouCTE  EX  Ttbv  xaTaoxojTwv,  xal  Ta  avxhc,  wQa,  fivEiv  avTryv  exeXeve 
eauTcp  £?•  oijJiv  (bg  8e  tix^iI,  jtaQfi0av  xal  oi  cISeXcpeI  auTfji;,  ov  xtj  JtQoaoj 
c?x.omTiv  e'xovte?  toijtwv  ElprnTEovToc;  8e  toO  AaoEiou,  6:rto8ouiTi  eIti,  i^>a.aoM 
ol  vETivicDtoi  elvai  naiovEc,  xai  exeivtiv  Elvai  acpEcov  di8£^cpET|v  6  8'  dnEi- 
6eto,  TivEg  8e  ol  IlaiovEg  dv&QcoJtoi  eIoi  xai  xoij  yr\c,  wxTifiEvoi,  xal  ti  exeivoi 

dOE^OVTEg     E^O^OIEV   EC;     22do8lC;*   ol     8£   ol     ECpQO^OV,     (bg      EA-OO'ltV      M,EV      IxEivcp 

ficaoo'VTec;  oqpeac;  auToug,  eiTi  8e  n  HaLovLri  ekI  tw  Stqdhovi  reoTaixcp 
mKo'k\,cf\Jii'vr\'  6  8e  Stquikov  o\)  jtooctco  Toi5  'E^^riajtovTov  etTioav  8e  TEuxQtbv 
Tcov  EX    TooiTig    rjLToixoi,»    V.  12-13. 

1  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  III.  p.  254. 

2  II.  8. 

'  "Hanc  nobis  notitiam  de  Francis  memorati  historici  reliquere,  regibus 
non  nominatis.  Tradunt  enim  multi,  eosdem  de  Pannonia  fuisse  degressus, 
et  primum  quidem  litora  Rheni  omnes  incoluisse,  dehinc,  transacto  Rheno, 
Thoringiam  transmeasse,  ibique  iuxta  pagus  vel  civitates  regis  crinitos 
super  se  creavisse  de  prima  et,  ut  ita  dicam,  nobiliore  suorum  familia. 
Quod  postea  probatum  Chlodovechi  victuriae  tradedirunt,  itaque  in  sequenti 


THE  BULL  OF  PAEONIA  15 

already  shown  that  Dispargum  arose  from  "id  est 
burgi,"^  and  referred  to  the  etymology  of  Burgundiones, 
who  are  here  identified  with  the  Thuringians.  This 
substitution  is  brought  out  by  the  phrase  "Bur- 
gundiones quoque,"  etc.,  which  in  Fredegar  is  even 
more  clearly  shown  to  be  a  misunderstanding,  for  here 
we  read:  " Substituetur  filius  eius  Chlodeo  in  regno, 
utilissimus  vir  in  gente  sua,  qui  apud  Esbargium  cas- 
trum  resedebat,  quod  est  in  termino  Thoringorum. 
Burgundionis  quoque  Arrianorum  secta  utebant,  se- 
dentes  in  Cysalpinis."^  But  the  Pannonian,  that  is, 
Paeonian  origin  of  the  Franks,  that  is,  the  Germans  in 
general,  led  to  a  specific  interest  in  Paeonia  and,  what 
is  most  characteristic  of  Paeonia,  the  large-horned  bull. 
This  led  at  once  to  Athenaeus,  who  has  a  chapter  on  the 
horn  as  a  drinking  cup:^  "There  is  also  the  horn. 
It  is  said  that  the  first  men  drank  out  of  the  horns  of 
oxen;  from  which  circumstance  Bacchus  often  figured 
with  horns  on  his  head,  and  is  moreover  called  a  bull 
by  many  of  the  poets.  And  at  Cyzicus  there  is  a 
statue  of  him  with  a  bull's  head.  But  that  men  drank 
out  of  horns  (xeQaxa)  is  plain  from  the  fact  that  to 
this  very  day,  when  men  mix  water  with  wine,  they 
say  that  they  XEgdaai  (mix  it).  And  the  vessel  in 
which  the   wine   is  mixed  is  called  XQaxfiQ,   from  the 

digerimus.  Nam  et  in  Consolaribus  legimus,  Theudomerem  regem  Franco- 
rum,  filium  Richimeris  quondam,  et  Ascylam,  matrem  eius,  gladio  inter- 
fectus.  Ferunt  etiam,  tunc  Chlogionem  utilem  ac  nobilissimum  in  gente 
sua  regem  fuisse  Francorum,  qui  apud  Dispargum.  castrum  habitabat, 
quod  est  in  terminum  Thoringorum.  In  his  autem  partibus,  id  est  ad 
meridianam  plagam,  habitabant  Romani  usque  Ligerem  fluvium.  Ultra 
Ligerem  vero  Gothi  dominabantur.  Burgundiones  quoque,  Arrianorum 
sectam  sequentes,  habitabant  trans  Rhodanum,  quod  adiacit  civitate 
Lugdunense.  Chlogio  autem,  missis  exploratoribus  ad  urbem  Camaracum, 
perlustrata  omnia,  ipse  secutus,  Romanus  proteret,  civitatem  adpraehendit, 
in  qua  paucum  tempus  resedens,  usque  Summanam  fluvium  occupavit. 
De  huius  stirpe  quidam  Merovechum  regem  fuisse  adserunt,  cuius  fuit 
filius  Childericus,  "  II.  9. 

'  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  2G1  f. 

=  III.  9. 

'  XI.  51. 


16      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

fact  of  the  water  being  mingled  (cTi^yrnQvaa^ai)  in  it,  as 
if  the  word  were  xeQaxriQ,  from  the  drink  being  poured 
elg  TO  y.EQac,  (into  the  horn);  and  even  to  this  day 
the  fashion  of  making  horns  into  cups  continues;  but 
some  people  call  these  cups  rhyta.  And  many  of  the 
poets  represent  the  ancients  as  drinking  out  of  horns. 
Pindar,  speaking  of  the  Centaurs,  says: 

After  those  monsters  fierce 
Learnt  the  invincible  strength  of  luscious  wine; 
Then  with  a  sudden  fury, 

With  mighty  hands  they  threw  the  snow-white 
milk 

Down  from  the  board, 
And  of  their  own  accord 
Drank  away  their  senses  in  the  silver-mounted 
horns. 

And  Xenophon,  in  the  seventh  book  of  his  Anabasis, 
giving  an  account  of  the  banquet  which  was  given  by 
the  Thracian  Seuthes,  writes  thus:  'But  when  Xeno- 
phon, with  his  companions,  arrived  at  Seuthes's 
palace,  first  of  all  they  embraced  one  another,  and 
then,  according  to  the  Thracian  fashion,  they  were 
presented  with  horns  of  wine.'  And  in  his  sixth  book 
he  says,  when  he  is  speaking  of  the  Paphlagonians, 
'And  they  supped  lying  on  couches  made  of  leaves, 
and  they  drank  out  of  cups  made  of  horn.'  And 
Aeschylus,  in  his  Perrhaebi,  represents  the  Perrhaebi 
as  using  horns  for  cups,  in  the  following  lines: 

With  silver-mounted  horns. 
Fitted  with  mouthpieces  of  rich-wrought  gold. 

And  Sophocles,  in  his  Pandora,  says: 

And  when  a  man  has  drain'd  the  golden  cup. 
She,  pressing  it  beneath  her  tender  arm. 
Returns  it  to  him  full. 


THE  BULL  OF  PAEONIA  17 

And  Hermippus,  in  his  Fates,  says: 

Do  you  now  know  the  thing  you  ought  to  do? 
Give  not  that  cup  to  me;  but  from  this  horn 
Give  me  but  once  more  now  to  drink  a  draught. 

And  Lycurgus  the  orator,  in  his  Oration  against 
Demades,  says  that  Philip  the  king  pledged  those 
men  whom  he  loved  in  a  horn.  And  Theopompus,  in 
the  second  book  of  his  history  of  the  Affairs  and 
Actions  of  Philip,  says  that  the  kings  of  the  Paeonians, 
as  the  oxen  in  their  countries  have  enormous  horns,  so 
large  as  to  contain  three  or  four  choes  of  wine,  make 
drinking-cups  of  them,  covering  over  the  brims  with 
silver  or  with  gold.  And  Philoxenus  of  Cythera,  in 
his  poem  entitled  The  Supper,  says: 

He  then  the  sacred  drink  of  nectar  quaff' d 
From  the  gold-mounted  brims  of  th'  ample  horns, 
And  then  they  all  did  drink  awhile. 

And  the  Athenians  made  also  silver  goblets  in  the  shape 
of  horns,  and  drank  out  of  them.  And  one  may  as- 
certain that  by  seeing  the  articles  mentioned  in  writing 
among  the  list  of  confiscated  goods  on  the  pillar  which 
lies  in  the  Acropolis,  which  contains  the  sacred  offer- 
ings— 'There  is  also  a  silver  horn  drinking-cup,  very 
solid.'"! 

The  Anthologia  graeca  has  a  poem  by  the  Macedonian 
Addaeus,  possibly  a  contemporary  of  King  Philip,  on 
the  Paeonian  bull,  which  runs  as  follows:  "Valiant 
Peucestes  encountered  on  horseback  the  bull  as  it 
issued  from  the  dreadful  dell  of  Doberus.  Like  a 
mountain  it  rushed  at  him,  but  with  his  Paeonian  spear 
he  pierced  its  tender  temples,  and  having  despoiled 


1  C.  D.  Yonge,  The  Deipnosophists  or  Banquet  of  the  Learned  of  Aihenaeus, 
London  1854,  vol.  II,  p.  758  flf. 


18      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

its  head  of  the  pair  of  horns,  ever  as  he  quaffs  the 
wine  from  them  boasts  of  his  enemy's  death."^ 

As  a  xovc,  amounts  to  about  three  quarts,  the  horns 
of  the  Paeonian  bull  held  from  twelve  to  sixteen  quarts. 
This  makes  it  certain,  beyond  a  shadow  of  a  doubt, 
that  the  Paeonian  bull  was  either  the  bos  primogenitus 
of  the  zoologists  or  closely  related  to  it,  and  could  not 
have  been  the  bison,  since  a  horn  of  a  bison  would  not 
hold  even  one  quart  of  liquid  measure.  This  raises 
the  question  whether  the  bison  was  at  all  known  in 
Western  Europe,  more  especially  in  Germany,  in  the 
period  between  Caesar's  expeditions  and  modern  times. 
It  can  be  shown  that  we  have  not  a  particle  of  proof 
as  to  the  presence  of  the  bison  in  historic  times  any- 
where but  in  the  forests  of  Russia,  where  it  was  to  be 
found  at  least  until  the  Great  War. 

Of  course,  in  prehistoric  times  the  European  bison, 
which  is  closely  related  to  the  American  bison,  must 
have  ranged  over  a  much  greater  territory,  and  may 
have  been  known  all  over  Europe  and  Northern  Asia. 
But  the  presence  of  the  bison  in  the  west  is  documen- 
tarily  based  on  a  vicious  circle.  All  authorities  point 
to  Caesar  and  Pliny  and  other  authors  in  confirmation 
of  the  assumption  that  the  bison  was  well  known,  at 
least  to  the  natives.  It  will  be  shown,  however,  that 
all  the  passages  quoted  are  VIII.  century  interpolations 
or  forgeries,  and,  besides,  do  not  refer  to  the  actual 
bison,  but  to  any  wild  species  of  the  ox,  and  include 
the  bubalus  and  urus,  the  latter  itself  a  ghost  word  of 
no  definite  connotation. 

^«Tavocp    tpQMokeov   vojtog    Ex6aivovTi   Ao6rioo\) 
IlEv>itGTt]<;   hvu^   xaoTgQoi;    fivxiaaev 
akX'  6  UEV  woixtiOt]  jtpTicbv  cite*  tov  8'   ajtaXoio 

riaiovida  X6yxr\v  fjy.e   616.   xgotdcpoD- 
(yvh']aaq  xecpoAfjc;  be   binXovv  xegag,   aisv  exeivco 
t,o)oojtoTcov    Ex{^QO'u   xonjTov   E/Ei   O^avdxov.^ 
The   Greek   Anthology,    with    an    English    translation    by    W.    R.  Paton, 
London,  New  York  1917,  vol.  Ill,  p.  160  ff. 


III.    BUFFALO  HIDES. 

The  title  of  the  poem  on  the  Paeonian  Bull  in  the 
Anthology  reads  «ELg  Il£VKioxr[V,  Taijgov  xov  xaXoiJ|ievov 
^6ji,6QOV  Xoy%EVoavxa,»  where  ^6|i6Qog  is  identified  with 
the  Paeonian  Bull,  although  it  apparently  refers  to  the 
bison,  as  may  be  judged  from  Lith.  zebris,  stumbras, 
Lett,  zumbrs,  stumbrs,  OBulg.  zabru,  Ruman.  zimbru, 
Pruss.  wissambris.  Pruss.  wissambris  is  formed  as 
though  from  wiss  "all"  and  sambris,  but  is,  in  reality, 
due  to  analogy  with  Ger.  Wisent.  The  Slavic  words  are 
unquestionably  formed  from  Gr.  t,6\i6Qoc„  for  which  we 
have  a  definite  date  in  the  IX.  century.  In  the  margin 
of  the  Philocalia  of  Origen,  where  the  latter  mentions 
the  TQaye^acpog,  a  scholiast  of  the  IX.  century^  wrote: 
"But  we  once  saw  a  Toaye^tacpog,  which  came  from 
Thrace  to  Caesar  Barda's  house,  which  they  called 
^6^6qo(;  and  had  the  face  of  a  deer  and  the  beard  of 
a  goat,  and  was  of  yellow  color  and  of  the  size  of  an 
ox."^  But  this  seems  more  like  the  description  of  the 
elk,  with  which  the  XQayiXacpoc,  was  finally  identified. 
The  scholiast  would  certainly  not  have  said  that  the 
bison  has  the  face  of  a  deer.  We  shall  now  establish 
the  history  of  t,6\i6QOQ. 

We  have  Chald.  ^^"l.^l^P  sanwartd,  Syr.   j^'ol^  ]h^'>a2Jo 

sanurd,    sanwartd    "a    covering    of    the    head,    peri- 
wig,   helmet,"    which    is    represented    in    Arab,    jy^ 

sanawwar  "leather  coat  of  mail,"  ultimately  "any  kind 
of  coat  of  mail."^     There  can  be  little  doubt  that  we 

1  J.  A.  Robinson,  The  Philocalia  of  Origen,  Cambridge  1893,  p.  XV. 
^  Stephanus,  Thesaurus  graecae  linguae,  sub  rpay^Xacpos. 
'  F.  W.  Schwarzlose,  Die  Waffen  der  alien  Araber  atis  ihren  Dichtern 
dargestellt,  Leipzig  1886. 


20      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

have  here  a  development  of  Gr.  ^covaQiov  "girdle," 
which   produces  Talm.  "i^P''  sindr  "a  female  garment 

used  as  a  girdle  of  chastity."     The  Arabs  used  jy^ 

sanawwar  as  a  term  for  the  particular  kind  of  protective 
armor  which  they  apparently  brought  from  Russia, 
where  they  could  obtain  that  kind  of  coats  of  mail 
which  Leo  said  should  be  made  from  buffalo  hides, 
«ex  po'u6aXivcov  SsQiidxcov.*  Thus  it  produced  Gr. 
XJiyi^Qoq,  which  ultimately  was  applied  to  the  bison  of 
the  north,  producing  the  Slavic  forms  quoted.  What- 
ever the  native  name  of  the  bison  may  have  been,  we 
have  it  recorded  in  the  Slavic  languages  only  as  some 
form  derived  from  Gr.  ^6|.i6Qog  or  xavQoc,,  for  we  find 
also  Russ.  tur. 

The  Arabs  derived  some  of  their  protective  armor 
from  Tatar  sources.  This  is  shown  by  the  development 
from  the  Tatar  word  for  "protective  garment"  which 
lies  at  its  foundation. 

Vamb^ry^  has  a  root  tur,  tor,  tur,  tor  "in  front,  above," 
of  which  some  words  are  of  especial  interest  to  us. 
He  gives  Uig.  tor  "at  the  head,  place  of  honor,"  tore 
"prince,  coat  of  mail,"  Cag.  tiir,  tor  "in  front,  place 
of  honor,"  tore  "prince,  coat  of  mail."  This  group  at 
once  explains  a  group  of  words  in  the  Semitic  language, 
which  is  obviously  of  foreign  origin,  since  it  is  lacking 
in  Assyrian,  and  has  an  exceptional  development  in 
the  other  languages. 

Heb.  ?Til  zero' a  "arm,  forearm,  might,  power,  pro- 
tection" has  not  successfully  been  related  to  any 
Semitic  root.  It  is  found,  with  the  same  meaning,  in 
Syr.  "^'?  drd'd   and   Eth.  mdzrd'e.     It  is  not  found  in 

Assyrian,  except  as  a  Canaanism  in  zuru'u  "arm," 
and  has  developed  a  variety  of  meanings  in  Arabic. 

^  Etymologisches  Worterbuch  der  Turko-Tatarischen  Sprachen,  Leipzig  1878, 
p.  184  f. 


BUFFALO  HIDES  21 

Here  we  have  ^jj  dir'  "a  coat  of  mail,  a  coat  of 
defence  of  any  kind,  plate- armor"  and  ^ji  dzar' 
"the  stretching  forth  the  arm  or  fore  leg,  power,  abili- 
ty," ^Iji  dzira'  "the  part  from  the  elbow  to  the  ex- 
tremities   of    the   fingers,   fore    arm,"    ^.^    dzari'    "a, 

small  skin  which  is  stripped  off  from  the  part  next  to 
the  arm."  The  relation  of  this  exotic  group  in  the 
Semitic  languages  to  the  Tatar  group  meaning  "in 
front,  surface"  is  plain,  whether  the  Semitic  borrowed 
the  word  from  the  Tatar,  or  both  from  a  third  language. 
The  Tatars  and  Mongolians  used  protective  armor 
made  of  felt  from  dimmest  antiquity,  and  it  is  only 
natural  for  words  referring  to  such  garments  to  ;jome 
from  the  north,  the  home  of  the  felt  productions. 

In  Persian  we  find  a  derivative  of  Tat.  tore  in  the 
form  targ  "helmet."  That  this  word  is  old  is  proved 
by  a  gloss  in  the  Midrash  Tehillim,  where  Heb.  pt3 
"shield"  is  given  as  targa  in  Persian.^  This  is  the  origin 
of  Arab.  <*ja   daraqah   "a  shield  made  of  the  skins  of 

beasts  found  in  the  country  of  the  Abyssinians,  of  the 
skin   of   the  hippopotamus   and  other  pachydermous 

animals"  and  Gr.  OroQa^  "coat  of  m.ail."     Arab,   '^j^ 

produced  the  tarca  "shield"  words  in  the  European 
languages,  such  as  OFr.  targe,  Span,  adarga,  MHG. 
tartsche,  Pol.  tarcza,  etc. 

For  our  immediate  purpose  it  would  be  sufficient  to 
rest  here  with  the  history  of  the  protective  armor ;  but  the 
older  evolution  of  the  northern  '  'in  front,  surface' '  words, 
more  specifically,  the  "sldn"  words,  is  replete  with 
philological  suggestions  and  ultimately  throws  a  light 
upon  the  influence  of  the  buffalo  skin  upon  the  early 
civilizations,  and  so  I  am  constrained  to  give  it  here. 

1  S.  Fraenkel,  op.  cit.,  p.  241. 


22      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

In  Sanskrit  we  have  a  very  old  carma,  carman  ''skin, 
hide,  shield,"  which  is  represented  in  Avestan  dareman, 
Osset.  car,  carm,  Afg.  carman,  Kurd  6arm.  This  has 
been  tentatively  related  to  the  Sanskrit  root  car 
"to  graze,  wander,  stir,  walk,  go,"  which  is  preserved 
in  Armen.  carak  "pasture,"  Osset.  carun  "to  live, 
dwell,"  Bel.  carag  "to  wander,  graze,  ride."  The 
same  root  meaning  "leather  protection"  is  widely 
diffused.  We  have  Assyr.  siriam  (with  the  denomina- 
tive su  "leather"),  Babil.  Hriam,  Heb.  P"*"]^  Hryon, 
P''"1P  siryon,  Syr.  l-i-j-*'  serydnd,  Egyp.  darana,  tarayna, 

tulrana  "coat  of  mail."^  The  latter  has  survived  in 
Copt,  tharmi  "leather  shield."  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  leather  protective  weapon  reached  the 
Semitic  countries  from  somewhere  further  East  and 
that  the  Sanskrit  root  car,  which  stands  alone  in  the 
Indo-European  languages,  is  of  foreign  origin.  The 
shorter  Heb.   ^^1?^  Hryd  "coat  of  mail,"  "I'U^  sor,  Syr. 

li-A.   serd,    Arab.   ^   surr     "navelstring,"     Heb.    I"'"!^ 

§drtr  "muscles,"  are  obviously  related  to  this  group, 
but  none  of  these  have  anything  in  their  respective 
languages  to  make  fast  to. 

We  begin  to  get  a  little  light  on  the  subject  when 
we  include  into  our  group  Assyr.  §dru  "to  wander, 
roam  about,  traverse,"  because  here  we  have  Sansk. 
car  represented  by  §dru.  This  is  found  in  the  Hebrew 
as  1'^^  sur  "to  wander  about,"  which  is  to  be  recognized 
in  Arab.  j\^  sard  "he  passed  away,  journeyed,  march- 
ed," hence  s.^rr'  sairah  "march,  departure."     But  the 

Palmyrene  Siai"'l^  sirta  "caravan,"  which  is  very  old 
vand  points  to  a  caravan  relation  between  Palmyra  and 

1  W.   M.   Miiller,  Asien  und  Europa  nach  altdgyptischen  Denkmdlern, 
Leipzig  1893,  p.  102  f. 


BUFFALO  HIDES  23 

Arabia  in  dim  antiquity/  shows  that  the  Sansk. 
car,  Assyr.  ^dru,  Heb.  iur,  Arab,  ^dra,  which  are  unique 
forms  and  due  to-  borrowing,  have  all  something  to  do 
with  a  caravan  route  which  connected  the  East  with 
the  West  and  South. 

It  was  the  use  of  the  ox-skin  for  packing  which  made 
the  transportation  across  the  continent  from  the  East 
to  the  West  possible  in  early  times,  and  the  relation  of 
"ox-skin"  to  "caravan,"  hence  to  "to  wander"  is  thus 
explained.  But  this  is  not  all.  The  Tatar  languages 
show  that  "ox,"  at  least  the  large-horned  ox  of  northern 
Asia,  is  equally  derived  from  the  same  source.  We  have 
over  an  enormous  territory  Tat.  ^ar,  6ar  "steer,"  and 
this  is  by  the  philologist  of  the  Ugro-Tatar  languages 
related  to  Mong.  and  Tat.  syr  "dry  tendon."^  We  thus 
come  back  once  more  to  "hide,  skin."  But  this  §ar, 
6ar  at  once  leads  to  Assyr.  sum,  Phenician  d^coQ,  Arab. 
tavr,  Syr.  ^'°^  taurd,  Gr.  xaiJQog,  Ger.  Stier. 

It  would  seem  that  no  proof,  except  the  one  here 
offered,  could  be  given  of  the  great  importance  of  the 
caravan  route  over  Asia  in  forming  words  for  "ox," 
"skin,"  "to  wander,"  but  we  fortunately  have  a  whole 
series  of  much  more  interesting  words,  from  which  the 
truth  can  be  established  beyond  a  shadow  of  a  doubt. 
In  the  above  group  we  have  but  comparatively  late 
developments  of  the  original  meaning,  and  of  local 
origin,  possibly  somewhere  in  Turkestan  or  to  the  north 
of  it.  But  we  can  trace  the  whole  caravan  influence  to 
China. 

Chin.  %  t'o  "a  sack,  open  at  both  ends,"  of  which 

the  old  pronunciation  was  t'ak  or  twak,  to  judge  from 
Canton.  Vok,   Fuchau  tw'ak,  is  found  in  Japanese  as 

1  S.  Fraenkel,  op.  cit.,  p.  180. 

2  N.  F.  Katanov,  Opyt  izslyedovaniya  uryankhayskago  yazyka,  Kazan' 
1903,  p.  133. 


24      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

tawara  "bag,"  hence  a  still  older  twar  may  be  safely 
assumed  for  it.  That  this  was  connected  with  the 
caravan    trade   is   readily   seen   from    the   compound 

fjSk^f  literally  "a  bag  carrier,"  "the  camel,"  and  there 

is  also  an  ancient  ^^t  Vo  "the  camel,"  from  "horse" 

and  "bag;"  so  that  in  China  the  word  was  closely 
associated  with  the  caravan  trade. 

This  Chinese  word,  or  more  correctly,  its  predecessor 
twar,  is  found  over  an  enormous  territory.  For  Sansk. 
tvac  "hide,  skin,  bark"  the  Sanskrit  scholars  artificially 
created  a  root  tvac  "to  cover,"  in  order  to  explain  the 
puzzling  word.  Of  course,  it  is  the  Chin,  twak,  from 
which,  in  all  probability,  it  is  borrowed  directly.  The 
Dravidian  languages  show  conclusively  that  the  still 
older  form  twar  was  known  to  them.  We  have  not  only 
the  Kann.  tvakku,  tokku,  but  also  Kann.  toval,  togal, 
Tulu  togalu,  tugalu,  Mala,  toll,  tol,  Tam.  tol,  Tel. 
tolu,  Toduva,  Toda  tuwar§,  torra,  Kota  tuval  "skin, 
hide,  leather,"  all  of  which  go  back  to  twar  or  towar. 

In  the  Tatar  languages  a  division  has  taken  place. 
The  fuller  form  davar,  tuvar  means  "cattle,"  while  the 
weaker  form  teri,  deri,  tearie  means  "skin."  The 
latter  immediately  explains  an  enormous  mass  of  deriv- 
atives in  the  Indo-European  languages.  We  have 
Sansk.  driti  "a  skin  of  leather,  a  leather  bag  for  holding 
water  and  other  fluids,  skin,  hide,"  related  to  the  root 
dri  "to  burst,  split  open,  tear,"  Gr.  SeiQCO,  88QC0  "to 
flay,"  hiQ\ia  "skin,"  Lith.  dirti  "to  flay,"  OBulg. 
drati  "to  tear,"  etc.  By  far  the  most  interesting 
development  is  that  from  the  first,  which  originally 
meant  as  much  "pasture,  cattle  yard"  as  "cattle," 
as  may  be  seen  from  the  universal  use  of  words  from  this 
root  in  the  Indo-European,  Semitic,  as  well  as  Tatar 
languages.  Lat.  foris  "door,"  foras  "outside,"  Goth. 
daur    "door,"    Lith.    durys    "door,"    dvaras    "yard," 


BUFFALO  HIDES  25 

OBulg.  dviri  "door,"  dvoru  "yard,"  Sansk.  dvdr  "door," 
OPers.  duvarayd  "at  the  court,"  etc.,  etc.,  all  prove 
that  the  original  root  dvar  meant  "yard,"  and  here  the 
semantic  development  is  the  same  as  the  evolution  of 
Eng.  court  "palace"  from  LLat.  cortis  "enclosure."  We 
need  only  trouble  ourselves  with  the  meaning  "yard, 
enclosure,"  and  here  the  Semitic  languages  throw  a 
light  on  the  subject. 

Heb.  ^^^  dober   "pasture,"  "'^IP  midbdr   "pasture, 

desert"  have  long  been  recognized  as  leading  to  a  root 
"to  drive  to  pasture,"  and  even  "l?'^  ddbdr  "speech," 
'^^^.  deber  "death,  destruction"  have  been  derived  from 
this  verbal  root,  which  is  not  found  in  Hebrew.  But 
Syr.  i^»  dbar  "he  led  to  pasture"  has  a  very  large 
number  of  derivatives,  among  them  yj^'^  dabrd  "field, 
pasture,  desert,"  il-^9  dabrdyd  "wild,"  iz^^s,  dbdrdta 
"prey,"  which  show  this  relation  beyond  any  possibility 
of  doubt.     From  the  idea  of  "leading"  we  get  Arab. 

y:>   dabara  "he  went    away,"    ^j    dabr    "the  quarter 

that  is  behind  a  thing,  death,  a  piece  of  rugged  ground," 
and  a  large  number  of  other  meanings.     But  here  we 

have   also    ju     ddr,   originally    ^ji    dawar     "a    house 

comprising  several  sets  of  apartments,   and  a  court, 

abode,  dwelling,"  hence  j^i  dair  "convent,  monastery," 

j\i  ddra  "he  went  round,  circled."     In   Assyrian   we 

have  mudbaru  "steppe,  desert,"  obviously  a  Semitic 
loan-word,  for  otherwise  there  is  not  a  trace  of  this  root. 
Thus  it  is  clear  that  in  the  Semitic  languages  we  have 
a  loan-word  from  the  outside.  But  Tat.  davar  "cattle" 
and  Syr.  dabrdyd  "wild"  at  once  explain  Pruss. 
zvirins,  Lith.  zveris,  Lett,  zvers,  OBulg.  zveri,  etc., 
Gr.  OrJQ,  Lat.  fera,  OHG.  dior  "animal,  wild  beast." 


26      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

But  we  have  also  an  Assyrian  subartu  "highland, 
the  name  of  a  country,"  which  seems  to  be  identical 
with  Sansk.  Sahara,  ^avara  "of  a  wild  mountaineer 
tribe,  savage,"  ^avara  "barbarous,  low,"  which,  among 
other  things,  leads  to  Sansk.  sambara  "mountain, 
elk."  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  we  have  here 
another  development  of  the  foreign  tvar,  dvar,  originally 
"leather  bag,"  which  here  leads  to  "wild,  wild  animal," 
as  was  the  case  with  the  Semitic  development  of  the 
root  dabar.  Hence  it  is  most  likely  that  in  the  name  of 
Doberus,  a  city  in  Macedonia,  we  have  a  reference  to 
a  northern  cattle  raising  district,  and  that  in  speaking 
of  the  bull  of  Doberus  the  poet  had  in  mind  a  bull  from 
a  northern  cattle  raising  district.  It  is  even  possible 
that  the  mountaineer  people  of  Assyrian  and  Sanskrit 
antiquity,  whose  root  word  is  sabar,  are  originally 
connected  with  a  wild  northern  cattle  raising  district, 
and  that  Sibir,  the  origin  of  the  modern  Siberia,  which 
was  located  to  the  north  of  Turkestan,  is  a  reminiscence 
of  that  region  with  which  the  Sanskrit  people  in  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  era  became  acquainted 
through  their  colonies  in  Turkestan.  Indeed,  sabara 
does  not  seem  to  have  entered  Sanskrit  before  the 
Christian  era. 

If  we  now  once  more  turn  to  Tatar  tor,  tiir,  we  can 
easily  see  that  we  have  here  a  development  of  the 
twar  group  just  discussed.  Unquestionably  the  ton, 
tUn,  jon,  jiin  group,  which  Vambery  gives^  with  the 
fundamental  meaning  "surface,  covering,"  is  ulti- 
mately related  to  it.  The  latter  forms  jon,  jiin  indicate 
that  on,  ong  "front"^  also  belong  here,  and  there 
cannot  be  any  doubt  that  the  extremely  rich  group 
or,  iir,  6s,  ils  "above,  face,"  which  all  lead  to  words 
meaning  "cover,  protection,"  is  merely  an  evolution  of 

»  Op.  cit.,  p.  184. 
*  Ihid.,  p.  54  f. 


BUFFALO  HIDES  27 

the  same  word.  The  dropping  of  the  initial  consonant, 
which  is  most  marked  in  Yakut,  is,  no  doubt,  due  to 
the  combination  tw,  dw,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  also 
produced  /  in  Latin.  It  is  not  my  purpose  to  enter 
into  the  discussion  of  these  groups  and  other  related 
groups,  but  only  to  direct  the  attention  to  a  whole 
series  of  words  in  the  Semitic  and  Indo-European 
languages,  where  the  same  apheresis  has  been  per- 
petuated. 

We  have  Heb.  niJ7  'or  "hide,  leather,"  which  has  puz- 
zled the  philologists.  We  have  Aves.  avaretd  "property, 
movable  possession,"  which  stands  alone.  We  get  some 
light  on  the  subject  through  Hesychius'  «d  6  q  x  t]  g, 
|iq)iaxf]g,  VTib  Maxebovcov  dyYO?  SeQ^dtiov,  l^aTiov* 
and  Suidas'  «d  o  q  x  rj  v,  Xiyovoiv  ol  jio^A,oi  vuv  d6£Qv{\v, 
MaxeSovixov  8e  xal  x6  oxeiJog  xal  x6  6vo^ia,»  which  show 
that  doQxrj  and  d68oxi^  come  from  the  north,  probably 
from  a  Tatar  region.  'Agoxt]  "the  aorta"  originally 
meant  a  clothes  chest,  no  doubt  of  leather.  This  is 
made  a  certainty  from  Lat.  averta  "the  bag  in  which 
goods  were  shipped,"  which  was  unquestionably  of 
leather,  hence  is  given  in  the  Edict  of  Diocletian  under 
the  caption,  De  loramentis. 

In  the  east  of  Europe  the  Tat.  tavar  words  prevailed. 
Here  we  find  OBulg.  tovaru  "load,"  tovarinu  "ass," 
Ruth,  tovar  "cattle,  chattle,"  Russ.  tovar  "goods," 
etc.  But  in  the  west  we  have  almost  exclusively  avar 
and  var  forms,  due  to  a  new  apheresis  by  analogy. 
While  we  have  MGr.  xojxdoi  "leather,"  where  the  old 
form  is  preserved,  the  form  xo6dQog  naturally  sug- 
gested x6  pocQcg,  and  so  Gr.  pdQog  crowded  it  out 
and  was  used  for  "burden"  of  any  kind.  We  frequently 
hear  of  pdoog  as  a  tax  or  pay,^  while  in  the  west  the 

^  «'H8irvT|\')T|(Tav  8e  ol  iiiovaxol  xr\c,  br{k(a^z[cn\z  tiovfji;  eqpevoELv  tooowtovc 
jta.Qo\.y.i)VQ.  dtEXeig  xul  aK'x\'k'Ka.y\ii\ov(^  Svra;  Kavroc  Poiqouc  xal  crxQaTKonxou 
XEiTODOYTiuaxoi;?  (1051),  F.  Miklosich  and  J.  Miiller,  Ada  et  diplomata 
graeca  medii  aevi  sacra  et  prof  ana,  Vindobonae  1887,  vol.  V,  p.  7;  «6    yao 


28      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

tavar,  under  the  influence  of  Lat.  habere,  settled  down 
to  habere,  avere  "property,  cattle,"^  though  the  meaning 
"tax,  expense"  is  also  preserved,^  and  the  meaning 
"bag,"  as  in  Greek,  is  not  rare.^ 

ouTcog  exELv  8iaYiv(oox6}AEVo?  ovbsniav  aveoiv  i^  |3ori%iav  e^et  djt6  xovbe 
xov  aiyiiXiov,  d?t?va  jiqo?  xa  oloteia  PagTi  eitavaxAridriOETai*  (1051)  ibid.; 
cjtdvTa  rd  xauxTig  firitiocaa  xeXx]  xiai  PdoTi,  oacni  xal  old  eIov»(1088),  ibid., 
vol.  VI,  p.  49;  «djt6  Jtavxog  STiiaoaiay.oiJ  xiXovc,  xal  pdgou?*  (1099), 
ibid.,  p.  95;  «d)g  xolg  Ma?iaxia)xaig  dvrixei  auxT]  xal  yo^i^'o^^'v  6iaqpeoei 
avxotg  xal  xaTaYEYOa.u|xevTi  eotIv  ev  xotg  xouxcav  Pio?iOYw>i,5  xal  PdQTi 
xe^Ecrndtcov  EjaxEivxai  xouxoig  Sti^ooiaxcbv  te  xal  crxQaxicoxixcbv  Evexa 
xauxT|g»  (1262),i6zd.,p.  212;  «^iTl  YO'vixfig  y«0  EUQE^EiOTig  xdiv  Ma^axicoxoov 
xfig  xoiOJUXTig  y^S.  I^tite  EJtl  x£?iEa|j,axi.  xal  |3doei  xaxExo^EVTi?  kuq'  avxcov, 
ndvxcog  dxEivou  fjv  xov  XaixMvovTog  ttiv  no^xriv  avxili;  SECJtoxix^  6ixaC((» 
(1262),  ibid.,  p.  213;  «dX?id  6ti  xal  djtoYQaqpixcbv  ojioxaxacrTdo'Ecav  xal 
^XEQCov  6Lxaia>|xdxa)v  noQiooiviai  xal  xQva66ov'KXov  xfic;  PaoiXEiaq  jiov,  (b? 
&v  xaxExtom  xavxa  xal  eI^  x6  i^f\q  d6aQa)i;  Jtdvxri  xal  oxeXwi;,  xa^wg 
taijxa  xaxExouoi  ^exqi   toO   \vvx>   (1326),  ibid.,  p.  248. 

1  "Facie  vobis  cartam  donacionis  sive  franquitatis,  quod  aliquis  homo 
nostri  comitatus,  tam  militis  quam  laicis,  sive  quid  aliquid  dederat  vel 
vendiderint,  tam  kastris,  quam  mansibus,  sive  honoribus,  vel  averibus, 
sive  pannos  de  seda  et  de  lino,  habeatis  vos  et  successores  vestri  et  ecclesiam 
Celsonensem  franchum  et  liberum"  (999),  J.  Villanueva,  Viage  literario 
d  las  iglesias  de  Espana,  Valencia  1821,  vol.  IX,  p.  220;  "et  ego  ferriol  cum 
vidissem  tantam  caritatem  et  tantam  benignitatem  erga  nos,  feci  me 
monachum  in  sancti  iohannis,  et  missi  ibi  de  mea  substancia  sic  de  habere 
mobile  quomodo  et  de  hereditate"  (1043),  Coleccion  de  documentos  para  el 
estudio  de  la  historia  de  Aragon,  Zaragoza  1904,  vol.  I,  p.  46;  "fecerunt  de 
homines  de  eorum  terras  super  Alchagib  et  super  suas  terras  tertiam  partem, 
et  hoc  exceptus  donum  de  avere  et  donum  de  ingeniatores  et  dispensa  de 
sagittas,  .  .  et  quando  fecerint  pacem  supradictos  Comites  et  jamdicta 
Comitissa  cum  Alchagib,  de  illud  avere  mobile  qui  exierit  eis  per  pacem  de 
Alchagib,  sine  eorum  parias  habeant  duas  partes  Comite  Raimundo  et 
Comitissa  Adalmodis,  et  tertiam  partem  Ermengaudo  Comite"  (1058), 
P.  de  Marca,  Marca  hispanica,  Paris  1688,  col.  1111  f. 

2  "Vos  debetis  alias  partes  lucri  et  proventus  habere  et  hoc  lucrum 
debet  intelligi  et  haberi  deducto  primo  nostro  capitali  quantumcuque 
fuerit  vel  est  et  ductis  omnibus  expensis  et  avariis  promito  vobis  notificare 
et  facere  cerciores  de  lignaminibus  et  operibus  que  fient  et  facta  sunt  in 
dicta  silva  et  occasione  dicte  concessionis  per  me  vel  per  meum  missum 
quam  citius  potero"  (1222),  Atti  della  Societd  Ligure  de  Storia  patria,  Roma 
1906,  vol.  XXXVI,  p.  5. 

'  "Et  debemus  passare  ilium  minstrale  quod  in  domo  Isarni  proprie 
steterit,  et  donzela  sua,  et  boverio  suo,  et  pastore  suo,  et  ilium  servent  qui 
asinum  suum  menaria  sine  avere,  et  hoc  si  non  potuerint  transire  Alga" 
(1129),  Layettes  du  Tresor  des  Charles,  Paris  1909,  vol.  V,  p.  13;  "et  in  sua 
reversione  nisi  duxerint  majus  avere  quam  portaverint,  solvant  tantum 
duodecim  Imperiales  de  fundo  navis  pro  avere  quod  portaverint,  aut  de 
alio  quod  emerint.  .  .  Et  stando  Ferrariae,  vel  eundo  Venetias,  de 
avere  nihil  solvant.  .  Brixienses  quocumque  vadant  aut  veniant,  de  fundo 
navis  solvant  duodecim  Imperiales,  et  de  carro  averts  sex  Imperiales  tam 


BUFFALO  HIDES  29 

It  can  be  shown  how  the  Tatar  tavar  reached  the 
west  of  Europe.  The  Gr.  pocQcg,  for  to  pdoog,  is  found  in 
the  Graeco-Latin  vocabularies.  We  have  «|5aQ0(;  sarcina 
pondus  gravamen,"^  "pondera  aTa^!:ua  xai  PaQT],»^ 
"onus  yo\iO(;  paoog  (poQTiov»,^  "gravamenta  paQT]»/ 
"pondus  paQog,»^  "baros  pondus,"^  ''barus  .i.  bonus,"'^ 
''baros  idest  bonus. "^  In  the  last  two  cases  "bonus 
stands  for  "honus,"  a  natural  mistake  to  make,  since, 
as  we  shall  soon  see,  barus  comes  to  mean  "chattel, 
goods,"  which  suggested  the  Lat.  "bona."  Now  we 
have  also  the  Latin  glosses  "haec  merx  et  haec  merces 
quibus  onerantur  naues,"  Glossae  Abavus,^  and,  simi- 
larly, Glossarium  Amplonianum  Secundum}^  But  the 
latter,  which  was  used  by  the  Anglo-Saxon  glossators, 
in  connection  with  the  Graeco-Latin  gloss  "barus  .i. 
bonus,"  produced  the  AS.  "merx  waru,'''^^  whence 
Ger.  Ware,  Eng.  wares. 

The  Greek,  however,  has  preserved  several  forms  of 
the  longer  To6dQog.  We  have  the  MGr.  TaYOCQiov, 
xov^Qdq,  xovQ^dq,  VT0Q6dg,  Rum.  torba,  tolba,  Alb.  torbe, 
torve  "grambag,  knapsack,"  and  the  latter  forms  are 
already  recorded  in  Turk,  tobra,  dial,  torba  "small 
leather  bag"  and  Pers.  tubra  "leather  bag  for  horses," 
which  found  its  way  into  Cashmiri  and  other  Indian 

in  reversione,  quam  in  adventu,  et  de  quacumque  navi  facerent.  .  Et  si 
semel  solverint  de  avere,  quod  non  plus  solvant  de  eodem,  nee  de  avere 
emto  de  donariis  illius  averis,  de  quo  solvissent  prius.  .  Item  omnis 
Forensis,  qui  emit  avere  da  penso,  aut  ad  staderam,  de  quocumque  avere 
solvat  de  centenario  unum  Imperialem"  (1228),  L.  A.  Muratori,  Aniiquitates 
italicae  medii  aevi,  Mediolani  1739,  vol.  II,  col.  31  f. 
'  Goetz,  Corpus  glossariorum  laiinorum,  vol.  II,  p.  255. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  153. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  138. 
■•  Ibid.,  p.  34. 

6  Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  471. 
« Ibid.,  p.  490. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  554. 
8  Ibid.,  p.  618. 
«  Ibid.,  vol.  IV,  p.  348. 
'"  Ibid.,  vol.  V,  p.  299. 

"  T.  Wright  and  R.  P.  Wiilcker,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Old  English  Vocabu- 
laries, London  1884,  vol.  I,  col.  311. 


30      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

languages.  But  xayoiQiov  led  to  a  confusion  of  Tayil 
"command"  with  "daily  ration  of  food,"  as  which  it 
appears  among  Byzantine  writers,  hence  MGr.  Tayi^o) 
"to  feed,"  xdyiOTQOv  "provender  bag,"  which  ulti- 
mately leads  to  Ger.    Tornister  "knapsack." 

From  the  confusion  of  Lat.  habere  "possession  held  by 
inheritance  or  on  the  basis  of  the  Roman  law,"  as 
opposed  to  honos  "property  held  by  a  benefice,"  and 
Or.  PotQcg  "expenses,  tax,"  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
found  its  way  into  the  Germanic  languages,  there 
arose  the  meaning  "chattel"  for  words  derived  from 
avere,  even  as  in  Anglo-Saxon  it  led  to  averian,  aferian 
"to  haul  loads,  to  work  with  beasts  of  burden,"  as 
though  ir  ova  far  an  "to  travel." 

Similarly,  Tat.  tavar  "goods"  suggested  itself  to  the 

Arabic  as  a  derivative  of  j*^  'awira  "he  was  blind" 
and  produced  jy-  'awdr  "a  damage  in  goods,  or  com- 
modities, or  articles  of  merchandise,"  and  this  pro- 
duced OFr.  avarie  "damage."  We  find  this  word  for  the 
first  time  in  one  manuscript  of  the  Assises  de  la  cour 
des  bourgeois  of  Jerusalem;^  but  here  it  has  already 
coalesced  with  Gr.  pocQcg  and  means  "expenses,"  for 
it  says  that  goods  thrown  away  at  sea  could  be  re- 
claimed only  to  the  extent  of  their  cost,  with  their 
expenses,  "et  saches  que  celui  aver  qui  est  gete  ne  deit 
estre  conte  for  tant  solement  comme  il  costa  [o  ces 
avaries].''  That  the  original  meaning  was  "damage" 
is  proved  by  OFr.  avarie  "damage  to  a  ship  or  goods 
which  it  carries,"  as  recorded  in  Godefroy  and  in 
Jal,^  where  we  also  find  Ital.  avaria  =  Lat.  "jactus." 

Here  it  is  necessary  to  discuss  the  OHGerman  word 
for  "sacrificial  animal,"  zehar,  since  it  might  be  con- 
fused with  our  group  and  has  led  to  most  extravagant 

'  Beugnot,  Assi!^es  de  Jerusalem,  Paris  1843,  vol.  II,  p.  44 
2  Glossaire  nautique,  Paris  1848. 


BUFFALO  HIDES  31 

philological  discussions,  when  in  reality  it  is  a  ghost 

word.    The  Keronian  glosses  have 

Hostia  uictima  cepar  edo  antfangida 

cote  ist  ante  cotes  pipot  ist 
Holocausta  integra  hostia  anthaiz  alone  cepar. 
The  lemma  "hostia  uictima  holocausta"  is  found  in 
the  Graeco-Latin  glosses  «0a3aia  hostia  uictima  sacri- 
ficium  immolatio"  and  otherwise  very  frequently,  while 
we  have  the  Latino-Greek  glosses  ''calpar  oivoaev. 
9u(7ia,»  ''calcar  ^voiai.  d7iaQX(f)Voivov,»  which,  in  their 
turn,  are  based  on  ''calpar  uinum  quod  primum 
libatur  e  dulio"  of  the  Placidus  glosses.  The  German 
glossator  read  calpar  as  caepar  and,  as  usual,  wrote 
cepar.  As  the  housel  was  taken  in  wine,  it  was  quite 
natural  to  apply  the  word  to  the  housel  in  general. 
This  cepar  was  later  changed  to  zehar,  and  in  Bishop 
Alfric's  vocabulary  for  the  first  time  entered  Anglo- 
Saxon  as  tifer,  in  the  significant  gloss  "libatio  wintifer,'' 
and  was  generalized  in  Caedmon's  Genesis  as  tiber 
"sacrificium,  munus."  The  OHG.  cepar  was  still 
further  misread  aibr  in  Gothic,  and  found  its  way  into 
the  Bible,  Matthew  V.  23,  where  it  is  the  translation 
of  "munus,  sacrificial  gift." 

Totally  unrelated  with  this  is  OFr.  toivre  "animal," 
which  is  generally  quoted  as  derived  from  the  same  root 
as  OHG.  zehar.  We  have  OFr.  atoivre  "manner  of 
doing,  apparel,  everything  which  belongs  to  a  thing, 
cattle,"  atir  "garment,"  a  tire  "in  order,"  tire  "row, 
rank,  order,"  atirance  "disposition,"  atirement  "agree- 
ment, arrangement,  apparel,"  atirer  "to  arrange,  pro- 
cure, fix,"  atourer  "to  dress  up,"  OProv.  aturar  "fix, 
dress   up,    apply,"    atieirar   "to   put  in   order,"    tieira 

"order,"  all  of  which  come  from  Arab,  jj^  tawr,  pi. 
j\^\  'atwdr,  "state,  quality,  disposition,  manner,  form, 
appearance,  a  thing  that  is  commensurate  or  equal," 


32      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

j^,  ij\L    tar,    tar  ah   "everything   which    surrounds    a 

thing,  circle."  It  is  barely  possible  that  in  OFr. 
atoivre  "cattle"  there  is  a  cross  between  atoivre  "be- 
longings" and  an  original  tavar  form,  which  has  dis- 
appeared in  the  west;  but  that  is  not  likely.  However, 
we  have  in  OFrench  side  by  side  atoivre,  toivre  and 
aveir  "cattle."  That  OFr.  atoivre,  atire  are  from  the 
Arabic  is  further  proved  by  Span,  aparejo,  Fr.  appareil, 
etc.,  from  the  Romance  word  for  "equal,"  since  this 

is  an  exact  translation  of  the  Arab,  jj^  tawr  "a  thing 

that  is  commensurate  or  equal,"  hence  "form,  appear- 
ance," etc. 

We  can   now   approach    the  Arab.  -iaJ  <»j:>   daraqah 

lamt,  which  Dozy^  has  shown  has  led  to  Span,  adara- 
gadante,  adarga  dante,  adarga  de  ante,  dargadante 
"bucklers  of  tough  hide,"  hence  to  Span,  ante  "leather 
of  the  buffalo  or  elk,"  anta,  dante,  danta  "elk."  Idrisi^ 
calls  certain  tribes  in  North  Africa  Lamta  and  says: 
"Here  they  manufacture  the  bucklers  known  as 
'bucklers  of  lamta,'  which  are  the  most  perfect  imagin- 
able."    Leo  Africanus  calls   the  ^    lamt  "an  African 

gazelle,"  which  apparently  had  long  ago  taken  the 
place  of  the  waning  buffalo  and  elk  in  Europe:  "Lant, 
ovver  dant.  Questo  e  un  animale  che  somiglia  al  bue, 
di  forma;  ma  e  piii  piccolo,  e  a  piil  gentili  gambe  e 
corna:  il  suo  colore  e  quasi  bianco,  e  I'unghie  de' 
piedi  sono  negrissime:  e  velocissimo  di  corso;  im- 
modoche  non  e  altro  animale  che  lo  avanzi,  fuorche, 
come  s'e  detto,  qualche  cavallo  barbero:  piil  agevol- 
mente  si  piglia  la  state;  perciocche  per  lo  calor  dell' 
arena  e  per  la  velocita  del  correre  I'unghie  gli  si  muo- 

1  Glossaire    des   mots    espagnols  et  portugais  derives  de  I'arabe,  Leyde, 
Paris  1869,  p.  195. 

2  P.  A.  Jaubert,  Geographic  d'Edrisi,  vol.  I,  in  Recueil  de  voyages  et  de 
memoires,  publie  par  la  Societe  de  Geographic,  Paris  1836,  vol.  V,  p.  205. 


BUFFALO  HIDES  33 

vono;  onde  per  la  passione  non  puo  correre.  Cosi 
parimente  si  pigliano  i  capriuoli  e  i  cervi.  Del  euojo 
di  questo  si  soglion  fare  alcune  targhe  fortissime  per 
modo,  che  altra  cosa  non  le  puo  passare,  che  uno 
schioppo;    ma  molto  care  si  vendono."^ 

At  the  end  of  the  XVI.  century  a  substitute  was 
found  in  an  animal  of  the  Congo:  "Other  animals  are 
found  in  these  regions  standing  about  four  feet  less 
than  oxen,  with  red-coloured  skins,  and  horns  like  a 
goat,  black,  smooth,  and  glistening,  of  which  they  make 
pretty  ornaments,  such  as  are  made  also  from  buffalo 
horns.  Their  heads  and  hair  resemble  those  of  the  ox, 
and  their  skins  are  much  prized,  being  taken  to  Portugal 
and  from  thence  to  Germany  to  be  dressed,  and  are 
called  Dants.  The  King  of  Congo  was  desirous  of 
having  workmen  skilled  in  the  art  of  dressing  and 
cleansing  these  skins,  so  as  to  make  them  into  weapons 
of  defence.  Nevertheless,  these  people  use  them  as 
shields  and  targets  against  the  blows  of  different 
weapons,  and  especially  against  arrows."^  But  even 
before  that  time,  soon  after  the  discovery  of  America, 
the  name  was  transferred  to  the  tapir,  because  its 
tough  hide  promised  to  become  a  substitute  for  the 
ancient  buffalo  hide:  "  Los  xpianos  que  en  tierra  firme 
andan  llaman  danta  a  un  animal  que  los  Indios  le 
nombran  'beori' :  a  causa  que  los  cueros  destos  animales 
son  muy  gruessos,  pero  no  son  dantas.  .  .  hasta 
agora  los  cueros  destos  animales  no  los  saben  adobar 
ni  se  aprouechan  dellos  los  christianos,  porque  no  los 
saben  tratar,  pero  son  tan  gruessos,  o  mas  que  los  del 
bufano."^  In  the  last  edition  of  Oviedo's  works  he 
adds:  "  Y  no  creo  que  serian  menos  buenas  las  bardas 
6  cubiertas  destos  cueros  de  beoris  para  caballos  de 

1  G.  B.  Ramusio,  II  viaggio  di  Giovan  Leone,  Venezia  1837,  p.  162. 
*  F.  Pigafetta,  A  Report  of  the  Kingdom  of  Congo,  and  of  the  Surrounding 
Countries,  trans,  and  ed.  by  Margarite  Hutchinson,  London  1881,  p.  51. 
'  Oviedo,  De  la  natural  hystoria  de  las  Indios,  Toledo  1526,  fol.  X.X 

8 


34      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

gente  darmas,  que  todas  las  que  pueden  hagerse  en 
Napoles,  6  donde  mejores  se  hagen."^  Pigafetta 
mentions  antas  in  BraziP  and  Albo  so  calls  the  llamas,^ 
but  these  two  reflect  only  the  earlier  authors  who  had 
mentioned  the  animal.  Similarly  Thevet  was  drawing 
on  his  imagination  when  he  made  the  Indians  manu- 
facture bucklers  from  this  hide:  "II  s'y  trouue  encor 
la,  grande  quantite  de  bestes,  appellees  Tapihires,  de- 
sirees  et  recommandees  a  cause  de  leur  deformity. 
Aussi  les  Sauuagas  les  poursuyuet,  tant  pour  en  auoir 
la  chair  qui  en  est  fort  sauoureuse  et  saine,  que  pour 
les  peaux,  desquelles  ils  en  font  des  rondelles  fort 
larges,  desquelles  ils  vsent  et  portent  a  la  guerre,  a 
cause  qu'elles  sont  si  dures  et  fortes,  que  a  grand 
peine  vn  trait  d'arbaleste  les  pourroit  percer.  Et  vsent 
de  pareille  ru  se  a  prendre  le  Tapihire,  que  k  tromper 
les  Sangliers,  Cerfs,  et  Biches.  Ceste  beste  est  de  la 
grandeur  d'vn  Asne,  ayant  le  col  plus  gros,  et  la  teste 
come  celle  d'vn  Taureau,  les  dents  trenchantes  et 
aigues,  non  que  pour  cela  elle  en  soit  plus  dangereuse: 
car  estat  chassee,  toute  sa  defense  ne  consiste  qu'^ 
la  fuitte,  et  a  cercher  sa  retraite,  laquelle  court  plus 
vistement  beaucoup  que  ne  fait  le  Cerf.  Elle  n'a 
point  de  queue,  sinon  bien  peu,  et  icelle  sans  poil,  tout 
ainsi  que  celle  de  I'Agoutin,  cy  dessus  descrit.  Aussi 
le  pied  fourchu,  et  cornue,  et  le  poil  rougeastre  come 
celuy  d'vne  vache.  Qui  a  cause,  que  plusieurs  des 
nostres,  estant  de  par  dela,  appelloient  le  Tapihire, 
vache  Sauuage:  mais  il  me  semble  autant  participer 
de  I'Asne  que  de  la  vache,  veu  que  la  difference  y  est 
aussi  grande  de  I'vne  espece  que  de  I'autre."^ 


'  Historia  general  y  natural  de  las  Indias,  Madrid  1851,  vol.  I,  p.  406. 
^  J.  A.   Robertson,  Magellan's  Voyage  Around  the  World,  by  Antonio 
Pigafetta,  Cleveland  1906,  vol.  I,  p.  36. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  221. 
*  La  cosmographie  universelle,  Paris  1575,  vol.  II,  fol.  937  b. 


BUFFALO  HIDES  35 

In  the  Tupi  dictionary^  we  find:  "tapyira,  cadpodra, 
icure  the  tapir;  tapyWa  steer,  ox."  But  no  etymology 
of  tapyira,  tapy'ra  is  known,  and  it  can  be  shown  that 
this  is  not  a  native  word.  While  Guarani  has  tapi6 
"tapir,"  as  borrowed  from  the  Tupi,  its  native  name 
is  mborohi,  and  this  is  identical  with  Oviedo's  beori, 
Carib  mai  piure,  Galibi  maipuri.  I  leave  it  for  the 
present  without  a  solution,  from  what  strange  word 
tapyira,  tapyWa  is  derived,  but  it  is  significant  that 
in  Brazil  the  word  was  applied  to  "cattle"  in  general. 

Having  traced  the  lamt  through  Europe,  Africa  and 
America,  we  can  now  take  up  its  genetic  history  in 
Asia.  It  has  already  been  observed  that  "protective 
armor"  generally  begins  with  "felt"  in  the  north. 
So,  too,  in  this  case  we  find  Syr.  ]l^'^  lamtd,  Aram. 

KtotiJ  namtd,  Pers.  namad,  Arab.  ^  namat  "felt;" 
but  there  is  also  Heb.  ^^2  lebed,  Talm.  ^^^7  libdd 
"coarse  cloth,"  Arab.  -^  libd  "felt,"  and  here  we  have 
a  late  Semitic  root  for  "to  compress  in  the  form  of 
felt,"   namely,    Syr.    ^^^v    Ibad,   Arab.   ->J     labida    "he 

compressed,"  Talm.  "l?7  Idbad  "to  press  close."    The 

origin  of  the  whole  group  is  connected  with  the  history 
of  monasticism  in  Egypt. 

There  is  a  widespread  Tatar  root  bor,  biir  "to  cover,"^ 
which  produces  the  "felt  hat"  words,  Cagatay  borilk, 
Osmanli  bork,  Altay  purilk,  which,  no  doubt,  produced 
at  an  early  time  Gr.  JiiAog  "felt  hat,"  jtiXoco  "to  compress 
like  felt,"  Jidooxog  "compressed  like  felt."  This  produced 
Lat.  pileus,  pilleus,  pileum  "felt  cap,  felt,"  hence  pilo 
"to  compress;"  and,  since  Gr.  nikoc,   is  also  used  for 

1  J.  Platzmann,  Das  anonyme  Worterbuch  Tupi-Deutsch  und  Deutsch-Tupi, 
Leipzig  1901. 

*  Vimbery,  op.  cit.,  p.  211. 


86      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

"hair,"  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Lat.  pilus,  in 
spite  of  the  short  i,  also  belongs  here. 

Gr.  niXiov,  apparently  "felt  hat,"  was  known  in  Egypt 
at  least  two  centuries  B.  C,  for  we  find  in  a  papyrus 
«jiaQ88a)xa^i8v .  .  .oiyv  olg  jieQi8686A,TiT0  fnxatioig  TQi6axoig 
bval  Koi  yiTcovi  xai  XQavcoi  xai  jriA,icDi».^  Felt  or  tow  was 
used  in  the  hem  of  the  garment  for  tassels,  hence, 
as  in  the  case  of  Gr.  Qaaov,^  Jidiov  could  have  been 
used  for  anything  connected  with  the  hem  of  the 
garment,  or  the  garment  itself.  While  we  have  Talm. 
jV^-'B    D^'p'^B  pllyon,  pilyos  "felt,  felt  hat,"  we  get  in 

Coptic  pi-leos  "earrings,  tassels,"  pi-leon  "earrings, 
bracelets,"  pi-lou  "border,  tassel,"  pi-lou  "fringe,  ring 
of  a  chain,"  pi-loue  "bead  ornament;"  but  in  Coptic  pi 
was  taken  for  the  masculine  article,  and  thus  there 
evolved  the  words  without  pi. 

We  have  a  recorded  Gr.  :jiiAr||Lia  "felt,  thing  made  of 
felt,"  but  as  we  have  side  by  side  7iikr\x6v,  mXcotov 
"felt,"  a  form  m?ico[ia  is  equally  possible.  This  entered 
the  Egyptian  so  early  that  it  came  back  into  Greek 
as  an  apocopated  Xwfxa  "skirt  of  a  robe,  twisted  cord," 
in  which  sense  it  is  used  several  times  by  the  Septuagint 
in  Exodus.  The  Coptic  words  for  veil  and  sail  of  a  ship 
are  frequently  identical  with  "cover,  garment,"  for 
example,  erSon  "veil,  rasum,"  fork  "mantle,  sail;" 
hence  Copt,  labo,  laboi  "sail,"  lau  "veil"  are  unquestion- 
ably identical  with  lou,  etc.  But  Gr.  niXr]x6v,  utdcotov 
produced  an  apocopated  Coptic  word,  which  is  recorded 
as  lihitu,  lebiton^  "penitential  robe." 

It  is,  however,  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  sources  on 
Egyptian  monasticism  that  we  first  hear  of  the  crude 
monastic  gown  made  of  tow,  "indumentum  ejus  stu- 

1  Grenfell,  Hunt  and  Smyly,  The  Tebtunis  Papyri,  London  1902,  part  I, 
p.  633. 

2  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  I,  p.  246  S. 

'  W.  E.  Crum,  Catalogue  of  the  Coptic  Manuscripts  in  the  Collection  of  the 
John  Rylands  Library,  Manchester  1909,  p.  105. 


BUFFALO  HIDES  37 

peum  collobium  erat,  quod  apud  illos  lebetes  appellatur,  "^ 
though  Suidas  later  says  that  it  was  made  of  hair, 
«A,e6riTcovdQiov,  y^ixchv  \iova%iKbg,  8>c  tqixcov  awteO-eiixevog, 
xatd  xfiv  eyXcoQiov  yXcbaoav  xwv  Iloouaaecov*.^  This 
Gr.  Ae6r|Ta)V,  Lat.  lebetes  produced  the  Semitic  words, 
Syr.    Ibad,    etc.,    even    as    Egyptian   Gr.    ^co|iaTa    led 

to  Syr.  ]4-iaL  lamtd,  Arab.  -i*J  namat,  Pers.  namad, 
Magyar  nemez   "felt."     But   in  Arab.  -UJ  *iji  daraqah 

lamt,  the  Arabic  word,  which  originally  meant  "felt," 
changed  to  "tough  leather"  of  any  animal  whose  hide 
could  be  properly  prepared  for  defensive  armor. 

Gr.    TivKdixov    entered   into    Syriac    as    u/oLa    ul^^ 

peluid,  pilutd  "felt  garment,  sackcloth,  saddlecloth," 
whence  it  found  its  way  into  Leo's  Tactica  VI.  8, 
where  aqpeA-exgov  Tf\c,  oeXXac,  means  "saddle  cloth." 
The  Tactica  was  written  in  the  VIII.  century,  and 
we  learn  from  Leo's  'EjcaQx^^ov  Bi6A,iov^  that 
the  Syrians,  which  includes  the  Arabs,  imported  a  large 
number  of  woolen  goods,  of  which  some  Arabic  names 
are  given.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Syriac 
word  for  "felt  garment,  saddle  cloth,"  which  in  Arabic 
must  have  been  pronounced  felutah,  filutah,  since  it 
has  no  p,  entered  the  Greek  in  the  form  of  qpeA-etpov, 
dqpEAeToov,  of  which  the  latter  is  recorded  in  the 
Tactica. 

When  we  first  meet  filtrum  in  LLatin,  it  means 
"felt  mattress,  saddlecloth,"  that  is,  it  is  identical 
with  Gr.  dqp8A,8Toov,  from  the  Syriac  word,  and  this 
from  the  Gr.  jiiA,a)x6v:  "si  quis  in  exercitu  aliquid 
furaverit,   pastoria,   capistro,  freno,  feltro."^     In  the 

*  Rufinus,  Historia  monachorum,  cap.  VII,  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXI, 
col.  411. 

2  See  in  Ducange,  sub   /.Efirixcov,    Xeuitcov,    Xe&r\Ti)ivaQio'v,  levitonarium. 

^  J.  Nicole,  op.  cit.,  p.  29. 

■•  Lex  Baiuwariorum,  II.  6,  in  MGH.,  Leges,  vol.  Ill,  p.  285,  and  see 
Ducange,  sub  feltrum. 


38      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

OH  German  vocabularies  filtrum  is  given  as  a  Latin 
word,  for  which  the  OHGerman  translation  is  filz:^ 
but  these  vocabularies  are  comparatively  late.  The 
oldest  supposedly  OHGerman  gloss  is  the  one  found 
in  the  so-called  Keronian  interlinear  version  of  the 
Rule  of  St.  Benedict,  where  over  *'matta  saga"  is 
found  the  reading  "filzalii  digunt  recinun,"^  which  is 
obviously  a  Latin,  and  not  an  OHGerman  gloss  to 
"saga."  The  whole  rule  runs  as  follows:  "stram(en)ta 
autem  lectorum  sufficiat  matta  saga  et  lena  et  capitale." 
To  this  a  XII.  century  author,  Bernardus  Portarum, 
says :  "ad  lectum  habeto  stramen,  filtrum,  coopertorium 
de  grossis  ovium  pellibus  rustico  panno  coopertum, 
vel  cotum,  pulvinum,  ad  caput."^  But  an  unknown 
"magister"  of  the  VII.  or  VIII.  century,  says:  "in 
lectis  habeant  in  hyeme  singulas  mattas,  et  sagos 
tomentatios  singulos,  et  lanas:  in  aestate  vero  pro 
lanis  rachinis  propter  aestus  utantur."*  From  this  it 
follows  that  while  some  spoke  only  of  a  saga,  appar- 
ently a  felt  mattress,  others  varied  it  with  a  rachina 
in  the  summer. 

In  the  Edict  of  Diocletian  we  have  "sagum  sive 
rachanam  rudem,"^  from  which  it  appears  that  the  two 
did  not  differ  very  much.  In  the  same  edict  a  felt 
saddlecloth  is  mentioned  as  centunclum:  "centunclum 
equestrae  quoactile  album  sibe  nigrum,"^  and  we  learn 
that  such  a  centunclum,  JiiA-Tifxa  or  JiiAcoxov,  was  used 
in  embroidery.'^  This  at  once  explains  "centones 
filtra*^  in  the  Codex  Vaticanus  Reg.  Christ.  215,  of  the 

'  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  Die  althochdeutschen  Glossen,  vol.  Ill,  pp. 
618,  619,  622. 

2  Cap.  LV,   in  H.   Hattemer,  Denkmahle  des  Miitelalters;  St.  Gallen's 
altteutsche  Sprachschaetze,  St.  Gallen  1844-1849,  vol.  I,  p.  108. 

3  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  CLIII,  col.  894. 

*  Ibid.,  vol.  LXXXVIII,  col.  1031. 

'  VII.  60,  in  H.  Bliimner,  Der  Maximaltarif  des  Diocletian,  Berlin  1893, 
p.  24. 

•  VII.  52,  ibid.,  p.  22. 
^  VII.  63,  ibid.,  p.  24. 


BUFFALO  HIDES  39 

IX.  century,  and  Ugutio's  "centro,  onis,  dicitur  pulvi- 
nari  vel  velum  de  multis  pannis,  vel  qui  facit  filtra 
ad  i-psum.  filtrum."  This  at  once  leads  to  the  ASaxon  X. 
century  gloss  "centrum,  uel  filtrum,  felf^ 

Filtrum,  feltrum  is,  naturally,  nothing  but  Gr. 
mA-coTov,  which  became  public  property  through  the 
important  Tactica  and  the  Arabic  traders.  The  gloss 
in  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  ''filzalii  digunt  recinun" 
on  the  one  hand  identifies  filz  with  "sagum,"  as  in  a 
number  of  OHGerman  glosses,  and,  on  the  other, 
identifies  "sagum"  with  "racana,"  as  in  the  Edict  of 
Diocletian.  Filzalii  is  merely  a  local  Swiss  form  of 
''filtralii,''  which  actually  is  reproduced  in  the  Codex 
Cheltenhamensis  7087,^  of  the  XII.  century,  as  sagu 
filtril,  where  filtril  appears  on  the  OHGerman  side  of 
the  vocabulary,  the  copyist  having  found  in  his  copy 
the  reading  filtr.  al. 

Thus  we  have  in  OHG.  filz,  AS.  felt  a  survival  of 
Gr.  mAxMTov,  which  through  the  Egyptian,  Coptic, 
and  Arabic  ultimately  led  to  "buffalo  hide,"  and  to 
the  "elk"  words  in  Spanish. 

1  Wright  and  Wiilcker,  op.  cit.,  col.  120. 

2  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  IV,  p.  178,  note. 


IV.    THE  TRAGELAPHUS. 

The  tragelaphus  was  by  the  Greeks  considered  to  be 
a  mythical  animal,  and  Aristophanes  classed  it  with 
the  equally  impossible  hippalector}  The  front  part  of 
the  putative  animal  was  represented  in  Greek  art, 
and  TQayeAaqpog  was  the  name  of  a  drinking  vessel, 
possibly  because  it  had  the  representation  of  the 
lascivious  animal  upon  it.^ 

The  TQayeXaqpog  got  into  the  Septuagint  by  a  mistake. 
I  have  already  shown  that  it  is  found  in  Deut.  XIV.  5 
only  in  the  Codex  Alexandrinus.  It  is  found  universally 
in  the  Septuagint  only  in  Job  XXXIX.  1,  where  it  is 
the  translation  of  Heb.  hvi''  yd'el.     This  Hebrew  word 

again  occurs  in  Psalm  CIII.  18,  where  it  is  rendered 
simply  by  eA,a(poi;,  and  in  1  Reg.  XXIV.  3,  where  it 
was  treated  synoptically  with  Job  XXXIX.  1  and 
produced  confusion  in  the  minds  of  the  translator. 
D''^r"'n  ''112^  "'JS  b^  was  taken  by  some  translators  of 
the  Septuagint  to  mean  "on  the  face  of  (a  place  called) 
the  rocks  of  the  deer,"  hence,  although  Aquila  wrote 
«8n:i  jtQoaojjiov  Td)v':n:8TQ(bv  Twv  8^acpivcov,>>  and  Theodo- 
tion  wrote  «8m  Jipoacojiov  x(bv  JiexQcav  xcov  8?idq)a)v,»  others, 
according  to  Eusebius,^  left  aalim  untranslated,  and 
this  appears  corrupted  in  some  manuscripts  as  'Aeiajieiv, 
while  others  misread  Heb.  "i*l]i  as  T2£  and  wrote 
«8n;L  jTQOorcojiov  xfjg  Oi^Qai;  tcov  eMcpcov.* 

'  «Ovx    LTJtaXsxTQijova;    \ia  AC    ouSe     xQave^atpot'?,     ajteg   cru,  |av  xoiai 
jT;aoajt8Tdcr.u,a0iv  xoig  MtiSixoii;  YoaqpoDCi,?*  The  Frogs,  937-8. 

2  A.  Bockh,  Die  Staatshaushaltung  der  Athener,  ed.  by  M.  Frankel,  Berlin 
1886,  vol.  II,  p.  231  f. 

3  P.  de  Lagarde,  Onomastica  sacra,  Gottingae  1887,  226. 


THE  TRAGELAPHUS  41 

In  Job  XXXIX.  1  the  Heb.  ^jbo  ''bT  is  rendered  in 
the  Septuagint  by  «TQaY8Adcp(ov  Jiexpag,*  but  p^D 
suggested  n^vbo  selaim  "Petra,"  a  place,  and  would 
appear  in  Greek  as  2AAAEIM.  Now  this  2AAAEIM 
is  given  as  the  translation  of  D^'jp'^n  m^i,  from  a  con- 
fusion with  a  place  name,  "The  Rocks  of  the  Deer," 
and  found  its  way  in  the  corrupted  form  Sa88aei|i  into 
the  Septuagint,  in  1  Reg.  XXIV.  3.  There  can  be 
little  doubt,  also,  that  p'^D  '^bv'^  was  likewise  conceived 
as  the  name  of  a  particular  kind  of  deer,  namely 
"rock  deer,"  even  as  D'''7J7^n  ''"Tl2i  was  "deer  rock;"  and 
this  "rock  deer"  should  have  been  rendered  into 
Greek  as  JiexQeAaqpog  or  mxQoiXa(po<;,  or,  what  is 
more  likely,  TiixQaq  IA,aq)og.  But  the  same  Egyptian 
influence  which  changed  mA,cona  to  A,co|xa,  caused 
the  scribe  to  read  Jie  +  tpeAacpog  or  jie  +  TQoeXacpoi;  or 
jie  +  xgaaeA-acpog,  from  which  evolved  the  impossible 
TQaye^cxqpog,  as  a  reminiscence  of  the  classical  hybrid 
animal. 

Thus  the  TQaYeA,aqpO(;  entered  the  Bible.  Origen 
considered  it  to  be  a  fabulous  animal:  "Si  vero  etiam 
de  inpossibilibus  legibus  requirendum  est,  invenimus 
tragelafum  dici  animal,  quod  subsistere  omnino  non 
potest,  quod  inter  munda  animalia  etiam  edi  iubet 
Moyses,  et  grifum,  quem  nullus  umquam  meminit  vel 
audivit  humanis  manibus  potuisse  succumbere,  man- 
ducari  prohibet  legislator.  .      .      Haec  ne  requi- 

renda  quidem  arbitrantur  de  tragelafo  et  grifo  et 
vulture,  fabulas  autem  quasdam  inanes  et  frivolas 
commentantur."^  Olympiodorus  wrote,  «TQaY8A,aqp0(; 
fjtoi  alyaoxQo<^,»'^  the   latter,  no   doubt,    for  alyaYPO^j 

'  De  principiis,  IV.  3,  in  Die  griechischen  christlichen  Sehriftsteller  der 
ersten  drei  Jahrhunderte,  Leipzig  1913,  vol.  V,  p.  325  f. 
2  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  XCIII,  col.  412. 


42      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

as  in  the  Graeco-Latin  glosses,  "hebex  alyaYQog*.^ 
St.  Augustine's  version  of  Job  XXXIX.  1  reads  "si 
cognovisti  tempus  pariendi  tragelaphorum  petras," 
which  he  explains  <iQdyoq  hircus  est,  eA-aqpog  cervus:  tra- 
gelaphus  ergo  compositum  ex  hirco  et  cervo  animal."^ 
But  Jerome  simply  used  ibex  in  place  of  tragelaphus  in 
Job  XXXIX.  1,  and  said  of  this  animal:  "ibices  ipsi 
sunt,  quos  Graeci  tragelaphos  vocant,  admixto  nomine 
hirci  et  cervi."  Similarly  Gregory  the  Great  used 
ibex  for  tragelaphus,  and  by  his  commentary  on  Job 
XXXIX.  1  showed  that  ibex  was  popularly  confused 
with  ibis:  "Meridiana  pars  ibices  aves  vocat,  quae 
Nili  fluentis  inhabitant.  Orientalis  vero  Occidentalisque 
plaga  parva  quadrupedia  ibices  nominat  quibus  et 
moris  est  in  petris  parere,  quia  neque  sciunt  nisi  in 
petris  habitare;  quae  si  quando  etiam  de  altis  saxorum 
cacuminibus  ruunt,  in  suis  se  cornibus  illaesa  sus- 
cipiunt."^  This  went  into  Isidore  as  "ibices,  quasi 
avices,  eo  quod  ad  instar  avium  ardua  et  excelsa  teneant 
et  in  sublime  inhabitent,  ita  ut  de  sublimitate  vix 
humanis  obtutibus  pateant;  unde  et  meridiana  pars 
ibices  aves  vocant,  qui  Nili  fluentis  inhabitant;  haec 
itaque  animalia,  ut  diximus,  in  petris  altissimis  com- 
morantur,  et  si  quando  ferarum  vel  hominum  adversi- 
tatem  persenserint,  de  altissimis  saxorum  cacuminibus 
sese  praecipitantes  in  suis  se  cornibus  inlaesa  sus- 
cipiunt,"^  while  ibis  is  mentioned  by  him  elsewhere: 
"ibis  avis  Nili  fluminis,  quae  semetipsam  purgat, 
rostro  in  anum  aquam  fundens."^ 

It  will  later  be  shown  that  Aristotle's  passage  on  the 
bonasus  in  his  De  animalibus  historia  is  an  interpolation. 
Here  it  is  necessary  only  to  refer  to  a  passage  in  it,  in 

>  Goetz,  vol.  Ill,  p.  431. 

2  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXXIV,  col.  880. 

3  Ibid.,  vol.  LXXVI,  col.  543. 
*  XII.   1.  16-17. 

'  XII.  7.  33. 


THE  TRAGELAPHUS  43 

which  he  says  that  the  bonasus  resembles:  an  ox, 
except  that  it  has  a  mane  like  a  horse,  «>cai  to  d?t?io 
8'  £l8og  o^ioiov  Pot,  jiA,f|v  xairr\v  £,%£i  \iexQi  xfjg  axQco^iag 
wojieQ  iJtJtog».^  We  read  in  another  place  <iS')(jEi  be  xai 
6  Povaaogtd  evrog  otJiavta  6\iova  Pot»,^  which  is 
merely  attached  to  a  general  discussion  ending  with 
a  chance  reference  to  the  ox,  and  so  is  obviously 
spurious,  as  which  it  is  marked  by  Dittmeyer.^ 
We  have  also  the  sentence,  «Td  bh  8aaiJT8Qa  xov 
aiy/^iva  6[xoicog  Jiavxri,  olov  ooa  %aixy\v  tyzv,  cSajiep  ^ecov 
xd  S'  em  xcp  jtgavei  xov  a^xevog  ojio  xx\c,  xe(paA,fjg  M-e^Qi  xx\q 
dxQCOiiiag,  otov  oaa  A,ocpidv  exei,  wajteQ  ijucog  xai  opexig  xal 
x(bv  dyQicov  xai  xepaxocpoQcov  P  6  v  a  a  o  g»,^  where  the 
position  at  the  end  of  the  list  shows  that  the  bonasus 
was  slipped  in  later,  especially  since  it  is  followed 
by  the  description  of  the  ijureXaqpOi;,  which  is 
distinctly  that  of  the  long-horned  ox  or  bison, 
which  is  again  mentioned  as  having  horns: 
€£%£i  8e  xal  6  ijtJTeXaq)©^  xaA,oi)|ievog  em  xfj  dxQcopiiQi 
%aixy\v  xal  x6  Oi^qiov  x6  jidQ^iov  6vo|xa^6[xevov  dm  §8  xf\<^ 
xeqpaA,f]g  em  xfiv  dxQcojxiav  A,ejixr]v  exdxeQov*  ibiq.  8'  6  i  Ji- 
jt  e  A.  a  qp  0  g  Jicoycova  e'xei  xaxd  xov  XaQvyya-  eoxi  8'  d\i- 
q)6xeQa  xeQaxoqpOQa  xal  8ixaA,d-  f|  8e  dii?ieia  I  jiJt  e- 
X  a  qp  0  g  oijx  ex£i  xepaxa*  x6  8e  [xeyeO^og  eoxi  xoijxov  xou 
^cooij  eA,dq)03  jtQoae[Aq)eQeg*  yi^yvovxai  8'  oi  I  Jt  Jt  e  A,  a  cp  o  i 
ev  'Apaxcbxaig,  ovjteQ  xal  ol  poeg  ol  dyQiou*  The  words 
«eaxi  8'  d^cpoxepa  xeQaxoq)6Qa,»  which  are  a  tautology 
as  regards  the  bonasus,  puzzled  the  copyists,  and 
so  some  of  the  manuscripts  read  after  dfxcpoxeQa 
<o  xe  Povaaog  xal  6  i  jijte  X  a  qpo  g.»  The  iJuieXaqpog 
does  not  occur  anywhere  else,  and,  like  the  Povacrog, 
is   an   interpolation,    since   both   represent    the   same 

1  P.  630  a. 

2  p.  506  b. 

'  Aristotelis  De  animalibus  historia,  Lipsiae  1907,  p.  58. 
*  P.  498  b. 


44      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

animal,  as  is  evidenced  by  "equina  iuba,  cetera  tauro 
similis"  of  Pliny's  description  of  the  bonasus. 

From  this  it  is  clear  that  the  imiiXacpoq  is  a  non- 
existing  animal  due  merely  to  a  confusion  of  the 
bonasus  with  the  TQaYeA,aq)og,  through  the  reference 
to  a  horse.  This  is  proved,  beyond  a  shadow  of  a 
doubt,  since  the  statement  that  the  iTuii'kacpoc;  has  a 
mane  on  its  shoulders  and  a  beard  on  its  throat,  and  is 
found  in  Arachosia,  is  present  in  an  almost  identical 
form  in  Pliny  in  reference  to  the  tragelaphus,  which 
marks  this  latter  passage  also  as  an  interpolation,  due 
to  an  acquaintance  with  the  Biblical  tragelaphus. 
Here  we  read:  "est  eadem  specie,  barba  tantum  et 
armorum  villo  distans,  quern  tragelaphon  vocant,  non 
alibi  quam  iuxta  Phasim  amnem  nascens."^  This  brief 
statement  is  interlarded  between  the  description  of 
the  deer  and  the  statement  that  Africa  has  no  deer. 
From  Pliny  the  statement  found  its  way  into  Solinus, 
where  it  immediately  precedes  the  story  of  the  Hercy- 
nian  forest:  "eadem  paene  specie  sunt  quos  tragelaphos 
dicunt,  sed  non  alibi  quam  circa  Phasidem  apparent: 
tantum  quod  illi  villosos  habent  armos  et  menta  pro- 
missis  hirta  bar  bis.  "^  Isidore  has  the  same:  "tragelaphi 
a  Graecis  nominati,  qui  cum  eadem  specie  sint  ut  cervi, 
villosos  tamen  habent  armos  ut  hirci,  et  menta  promissis 
hirta  barbis,  qui  non  alibi  sunt  quam  circa  Phasidem."^ 
Here,  however,  we  see  plainly  that  the  whole  is  an 
expansion  of  Jerome's  note  to  Job  XXXIX.  1,  "quos 
Graeci  tragelaphos  vocant,  admixto  nomine  hirci  et 
cervi." 

In  the  VIII.  or  IX.  century  the  tragelaphus  became 
identified  with  the  elk  through  a  series  of  formal 
mistakes.     In  the  Graeco-Latin  glosses  we  frequently 

1  VIII.  120. 

2  XIX.  19. 

'  XII.  1.  20. 


THE  TRAGELAPHUS  45 

meet  with  the  gloss  «e^aq)og  ceruus,"^  which  also 
appears  as  "clafos  .i.  ceruus,"^  ''clauos  idest  ceruus."^ 
In  the  Corpus,  Epinal,  and  Erfurt  Glossaries  the  Greek 
word  appears  on  the  right  side,  as  though  it  were 
ASaxon,  "cerus  elch,  elh.''  Eucherius,  in  the  first  half 
of  the  V.  century,  wrote  'Hragelaphus  in  Deuteronomio 
platoceros,  id  est,  cornibus  latis."^  One  MS.  reads 
platoceruus,  two  read  platocerus,  obviously  connecting 
it  with  "ceruus."  Eucherius  apparently  got  his 
platoceros  from  Pollux,  who  said  of  the  deer: 
<T(bv  hk  eMqpoav  axepcog  \i£V  f)  OrjA^ia,  6  8'  dQQTjv  xepcoqpo- 
Qog,  T]  xEQaaqpoQog,  f\  xegdaxrig,  r|  8\jx8Q(Jog,»to  which  some 
MSS.  add  «r\  :JiAaTiJX8Qcog,  f\  ■i)ji8QX8QCog»/  Eucherius 
changed  the  definition  of  a  stag  into  a  subdivision  of  the 
cervine  family,  with  which  he  identified  the  tragelaphns. 
Eucherius'  gloss  found  its  way  into  Codex  Vaticanus 
1468,  where  we  read  'Hragelafum  quem  nos  dicimus 
platoceruum.''^  The  Corpus,  Epinal,  and  Erfurt  Gloss- 
aries have,  similarly,  "tragelafus  uel  platocerus  elch,*' 
where  elch  is  simply  the  gloss  of  "cerus,"  that  is, 
"cervus,"  as  before.  This  is  proved  conclusively  from 
the  OH  German  glosses,  where  we  have  "tragelaphum" 
rendered  by  elaho,  elahun,''  which  come  much  closer 
to  the  EXaq)og  of  the  Graeco-Latin  glosses. 

It  can  easily  be  shown  that  elch  is  not  a  Germanic 
word  originally.  We  have  Tatar  dlik,  elik  "deer," 
Chin,  luh,  old  pron.  lok  "deer,"  Tunguz  loki  "elk." 
This  is  represented  in  Assyr.  dlu,  a'dlu  "an  animal  of 
the  stag  kind,"  and  similarly  in  the  other  Semitic 
languages.    There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Gr.  sXaq)og  is 

»  Goetz,  vol.  II,  pp.  99,  294,  556,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  18,  90,  189,  259,  320,  361, 
431,  441,  493,  518,  520. 
« Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  556. 
» Ibid.,  p.  621. 

♦  Imtrudiones,  lib.  II,  in  CSEL.,  vol.  XXXI,  p.  157. 
»  V.  76. 

«  Goetz,  vol.  V,  p.  517. 
'  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  eit.,  vol.  I,  pp.  293,  366,  367,  368. 


46      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

directly  related  to  the  root  alu,  aluh  in  the  northern 
Asiatic  languages.  But  as  we  pass  over  to  Europe 
we  get  a  modification  of  this  root,  and  also  another 
root  which  is  represented  in  Fin.  hirvi,  Esthon.  hirwe, 
hirzwe,  Lap.  sarva,  Magy.  szarvas  "deer."  Of  course, 
these  are  all  related  to  Fin.  sarwi,  Esthon.  sarwe, 
Lap.  6oarve,  Magy.  szarv  "horn,"  and  to  Lat.  cornu 
and  all  the  "horn"  words  in  the  Indo-European  and 
Semitic  languages.  I  am  not  concerned  in  this  place 
with  the  proof  of  the  relation  of  all  the  European 
and  Asiatic  languages,  but  only  with  the  obvious 
fact  that  names  of  animals  know  no  philological 
delimitations,  but  depend  on  geographical  proximity. 
The  Finnish  name  for  "deer,"  of  which  the  original 
root  was  nearly  karv,  is  represented  in  Lat.  cervus, 
OPruss.  sirwis,  Welsh  carw,  Corn,  caruu,  carow,  Bret. 
cam,  Gael,  cahrach,  carbh,  car  "stag,"  and  possibly 
Lith.  karve,  OBulg.  krava  "cow."  Esthon.  hirzwe  at 
once  explains  Lett,  irzis  and  OHG.  hiruz,  hirz,  which 
produces  Ger.  Hirsch,  and  not  Hirz. 

AS.  heorot,  heorut,  ONorse  hjortr  are  formed  as 
though  OHG.  hiruz  had  the  sound  of  hiruts,  but  in 
that  case  the  northern  forms  would  be  back  formations. 
This  is  not  as  impossible  as  would  at  first  appear, 
since  the  word  is  absent  from  the  early  ASaxon  vocabu- 
laries, elch  having  taken  its  place.  The  earliest  occur- 
rence of  hiruz  in  OHGerman  is  in  Codex  Sangallensis 
913,^  but  this  very  vocabulary  also  contains  one  of 
the  very  oldest  ASaxon  animal  glossaries,  which  shows 
that  it  can  be  demonstrated  that  an  Arabic  glossary 
lies  at  the  foundation  of  the  "hind"  words  in  both 
ASaxon  and  OHGerman,  the  latter  containing  the 
older  forms. 

1  Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  5 


THE  TRAGELAPHUS  47 

We  find  the  ASaxon  gloss  **damma,  bestia  idest  eola"'^ 
in  the  Corpus,  Epinal,  and  Erfurt  Glossaries,  and 
"damma  elha''  in  the  Leiden  Glossary."^  This  is  ob- 
viously Arab.  ^J  Hyyalah  "hind."  If  this  is  ap- 
proached to  AS.  elch  "elk,"  as  is  generally  done,  then 
the    latter    would    also    be  Arab.    Jil    'iyyal  "deer;" 

but  we  have  already  seen  that  the  OHG.  elaho  relates 
the  word  to  the  Gr.  eXacpog.  In  Codex  Sangallensis  24^ 
we  have  not  only  "alx  elaho,''  but  also  "cervus  hiruz,'' 
"cerua  uuinta,''  "hinnulus  hintcalb.''  Thus  we  get  in 
OHGerman  both  uuinta  and  hinta  for  "hind,"  which 
appears  in  ASaxon  as  hind,  for  example,  in  the  Kentish 
Glosses  of  the  IX.  century,  "cerua  carissima  et  gra- 
tissimus  hinnulus,  eala  du  liofeste  hind  and  gecwemest 
hindcealf."^  OHG.  uuinta  was  changed  to  hinta, 
apparently  under  the  influence  of  Lat.  "hinnulus," 
since  we  have  also  "cerua  hinna;'''^  but  uuinta  is 
Arab.  J^Vi  j^\  'unsah  (al-iyyali)  "the  female  of  the 
stag,"    another    form    for    5jui    Hyyalah.      The    Arabic 

gloss  is,  no  doubt,  due  to  the  same  cause  which  created 
such  havoc  with  the  "tragelaphus"  of  Job  XXXIX. 
1,  where  "cerva"  is  also  mentioned. 

The  most  persistent  root  for  the  northern  cervine 
kind,  chiefly  for  the  elk  and  reindeer,  is  oron  or  boron: 
Koib.  bulan,  Soy.  pulan,  Karag.  bur,  Samoy.  bulan, 
peang,  peak  "elk,"  Tung,  oron,  Fin.  poro  "reindeer," 
Esth.  podr  "elk,  deer,"  the  Finnish  antiquity  of  which 
is  assured  by  Basque  oren,  orein  "deer."  This  at  once 
explains   Russ.    olen\   elen\   Lith.   elnas   "deer,"    Ger. 

1  Goetz,  vol.  V,  pp.  357,  404. 

^  J.    H.   Hessels,   A   Late   Eighth-Century  Latin-Anglo-Saxon   Glossary, 
Cambridge  1906. 

3  Wright  and  Wiilcker,  op.  lit.,  col.  58. 

*  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  447. 


48      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Elen  "elk,"  etc.  It  is  most  likely  that  ultimately  all 
those  are  related  to  the  Asiatic  alu  "deer"  words, 
hence  to  Gr.  E^aq)og.  At  the  same  time  they  com- 
pletely exclude  the  OHG.  elaho,  AS.  elch,  which,  as 
we  have  seen,  are  of  book  origin,  although  ultimately 
also  related  to  this  group.  ONorse  hreinn,  AS.  hran 
"reindeer"  are  similarly  derived  from  the  root  from 
which  comes  Basque  orefi. 


V.    THE  TARANDUS. 

To  determine  the  status  of  the  mythical  animal 
known  as  tarandus,  it  is  necessary  to  study  the  vicinage 
in  those  authors  where  the  tarandus  is  mentioned. 
In  Isidore  we  have  the  following  sequence: 

''Grypes  vocatur,  quod  sit  animal  pinnatum  et 
quadrupes.  Hoc  genus  f erarum  in  Hyperboreis  nascitur 
montibus.  Omni  parte  corporis  leones  sunt;  alis  et 
facie  aquilis  similes;  equis  vehementer  infesti.  Nam 
et  homines  visos  discerpunt. 

*'Chamaeleon  non  habet  unum  colorem,  sed  diversa 
est  varietate  consparsus,  ut  pardus.  Dictus  autem 
ita  .  .  .  Huius  chamaeleontis  corpusculum  ad 
colores  quos  videt  facillima  conversione  variatur,  quod 
aliorum  animalium  non  est  ita  ad  conversionem  facilis 
corpulentia. 

"Camelopardus  dictus,  quod  dum  sit  ut  pardus  albis 
maculis  superaspersus,  collo  equo  similis,  pedibus 
bubulis,  capite  tamen  camelo  est  similis.  Hunc 
Aethiopia  gignit. 

''Lyncis  dictus,  quia  in  luporum  genere  numeratur; 
bestia  maculis  terga  distincta  ut  pardus,  sed  similis 
lupo:  unde  et  ille  Xvxoq,  iste  lyncis.  Huius  urinam 
convertere  in  duritiam  pretiosi  lapidis  dicunt,  qui 
lyncurius  appellatur,  quod  et  ipsas  lynces  sentire  hoc 
documento  probatur.  Nam  egestum  liquorem  harenis, 
in  quantum  potuerint,  contegunt,  invidia  quadam 
naturae  ne  talis  egestio  transeat  in  usum  humanum. 
Lynces  dicit  Plinius  Secundus  extra  unum  non  admittere 
fetum. 


50      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

"Lupos  Aethiopia  mittit  cervice  iubatos,  et  tanto 
varies  ut  nullum  colorem  illis  abesse  dicant."^ 

From  this  sequence  it  would  appear  as  though  the 
chamaeleon  were  an  animal  of  the  Hyperborean  regions, 
while  similarly  the  lynx,  from  its  position  after  the 
camelopard,  could  be  taken  for  a  specifically  Ethiopian 
beast.  In  Solinus  the  animals  of  Ethiopia  are  given 
together:  the  camelopard  is  followed  by  the  apes  and 
the  rhinoceros,  because  this  is  the  chronological  order 
in  which,  according  to  Solinus,  they  appeared  in  the 
Roman  spectacles:  "Then  comes  the  catoblepas,  the 
gold-digging  ants,  the  lycaon,  the  parandrus,  the  thoas, 
the  histrix,  the  pegasus,  and  the  tragopan."  Of  all 
these  Isidore  knows  only  the  rhinoceros  and  the  histrix. 
It  is  most  likely,  therefore,  since  the  others  also  appear 
in  Pliny,  whom  Isidore  frequently  mentions,  that  the 
original  Pliny  did  not  have  these  animals,  and  that 
they  are  interpolations.  The  passage  in  Solinus  runs 
as  follows: 

"Quae  locorum  Aethiopes  tenent,  feris  plena  sunt, 
e  quibus  quam  nabun  vocant  nos  camelopardalim  dici- 
mus,  collo  equi  similem,  pedibus  bubulis,  capite  came- 
lino,  nitore  rutilo,  albis  maculis  superspersa.  Animal 
hoc  Romae  circensibus  dictatoris  Caesaris  primum 
publicatum. 

"lisdem  ferme  temporibus  illinc  exhibita  monstra 
sunt,  cephos  appellant,  quorum  posteriores  pedes  crure 
et  vestigio  humanos  artus  mentiuntur,  priores  hominum 
manus  referunt:  sed  a  nostris  non  amplius  quam 
semel  visa  sunt. 

"Ante  ludos  Cn.  Pompeii  rhinocerotem  Romana  spec- 
tacula  nesciebant:  cui  bestiae  color  buxeus,  in  naribus 
cornu  unicum  et  repandum,  quod  subinde  attritum 
cautibus  in  mucronem  excitat  eoque  adversus  ele- 
phantos  proeliatur,  par  ipsis  longitudine,  brevier  cruri- 

»  XII.  2.  17-20,  24. 


THE  TARANDUS  51 

bus,  naturaliter  alvum  petens,  quam  solam  intellegit 
ictibus  suis  perviam. 

"luxta  Nigrim  fluvium  catoblepas  nascitur  modica 
atque  iners  bestia,  caput  praegrave  aegre  ferens, 
aspectu  pestilent!:  nam  qui  in  oculos  eius  offenderint, 
protinus  vitam  exuunt. 

''Formicae  ibi  ad  formam  canis  maximi  harenas  aureas 
pedibus  eruunt,  quos  leoninos  habent:  quas  custodiunt, 
ne  quis  auferat,  captantesque  ad  necem  persequuntur. 

"  Eadem  Aethiopia  mittit  lycaonem:  lupus  est  cervice 
iubatus  et  tot  modis  varius,  ut  nullum  colorem  illi 
dicant  abesse. 

"Mittit  et  parandrum,  boum  magnitudine,  bisulco 
vestigio,  ramosis  cornibus,  capite  cervino,  ursi  colore 
et  pariter  villo  profundo.  Hunc  parandrum  adfirmant 
habitum  metu  vertere  et  cum  delitescat  fieri  adsimilem 
cuicumque  rei  proximaverit,  sive  ilia  saxo  alba  sit,  seu 
frutecto  virens,  sive  quern  alium  modum  praeferat. 
Faciunt  hoc  idem  in  mari  polypi,  in  terra  chamaeleon- 
tes:  sed  et  polypus  et  chamaeleon  glabra  sunt,  ut 
pronius  sit  cutis  laevitate  proximantia  aemulari:  in 
hoc  novum  est  ac  singulare  hirsutiam  pili  colorum  vices 
facere.    Hinc  evenit  ut  difficulter  capi  possit. 

"Aethiopicis  lupis  proprium  est,  quod  in  saliendo  ita 
nisus  habent  alitis,  ut  non  magis  proficiant  cursu  quam 
meatu:  homines  tamen  numquam  impetunt.  Bruma 
comati  sunt,  aestate  nudi:    thoas  vocant. 

"Hystrix  quoque  inde  loci  frequentissima,  erinacii 
similis,  spinis  tergum  hispida,  quas  plerumque  laxatas 
iaculatione  emittit  voluntaria,  ut  assiduis  aculeorum 
nimbis  canes  vulneret  ingruentes. 

"Illius  caeli  ales  est  pegasus:  sed  haec  ales  equinum 
nihil  praeter  aures  habet. 

''Tragopan  quoque  avis  maior  aquilis,  cornibus 
arietinis  praeferens  armatum  caput. "^ 

'  XXX.  19-29. 


52      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

In  Solinus  nahun  is  another  name  for  the  camelopard, 
that  is,  the  giraffe.  In  the  corresponding  place  in 
Pliny  nahun  is  given  as  the  Ethiopic  name,  but  there 
is  no  such  word  for  the  giraffe  anywhere.  The  word 
arose  through  a  blunder.  In  Isidore  we  find  the  camelo- 
pard mentioned  by  the  side  of  the  leopard  in  a  way 
which  would  lead  the  incautious  reader  to  take  the 
pardus  for  a  kind  of  camelopardus.  Now,  in  the 
Codex    Toletanus^    there   is   an   Arabic   gloss   opposite 

pardus  of  XII.  2.  10,  namely  ^i  'an-namir  "leopard 

panther."  This  namir  was  obviously  read  by  the 
interpolator  as  nauur  or  nauus,  producing  an  accusa- 
tive nauum,  which  is  found  in  three  old  MSS.  of  Solinus, 
and  nahum,  which  is  found  in  three  other  old  Solinus 
MSS.  Hence  nahun  of  the  Solinus  and  Pliny  MSS. 
is  simply  a  misunderstood  nahu,  and  of  a  later  date. 

In  Solinus  it  is  said  that  Ethiopia  sends  the  lycaon, 
a  wolf  with  a  mane  and  so  speckled  that  not  a  single 
color  is  absent.  In  Pliny  the  abbreviated  statement, 
"nisi  in  Indis  lycaon,  cui  iubata  traditur  cervix,"^  is 
clearly  interpolated,  since  it  interferes  with  the  story 
of  the  tarandrus,  and  since  we  have  the  previous 
statement,  "lyncas  vulgo  frequentes  et  sphingas  . 
Aethiopia  generat."^  The  two  are  again  mentioned  in 
Mela,  as  an  interpolation,  "saevissimae  ferae  omni 
colore  varii  lycaones,  et  quales  accepimus,  sphinges."* 
Lynx  and  lycaon  are  identical,  the  latter  arising  from 
Isidore's  juxtaposition  of  XvKoq  and  lynx,  which  led 
the  interpolator  to  form  a  non-existing  lycaon. 

In  Pliny  the  first  two  items  appear  expanded,  as 
follows: 

"Harum  aliqua  similitudo  in  duo  transfertur  ani- 
malia.     Nahun  Aethiopes  vocant  collo  similem  equo, 

1  R.  Beer,  Isidori  Etymologiae,  Codex  Toletanus  (nunc  Matritensis)  15, 
8,  Lugduni  Batavorum  1909. 

2  VIII.  123.  3  VIII.  72.  "  III.  9. 


THE  TARANDUS  53 

pedibus  et  cruribus  bovi,  camelo  capite,  albis  maculis 
rutilum  colorem  distinguentibus,  unde  appellata  ca- 
melopardalis,  dictatoris  Caesaris  circensibus  ludis  pri- 
mum  visa  Romae.  Ex  eo  subinde  cernitur,  aspectu 
magis  quam  feritate  conspicua,  quare  etiam  ovis  ferae 
nomen  invenit. 

*'Pompei  Magni  primum  ludi  ostenderunt  chama, 
quern  Galli  rufium  vocabant,  effigie  lupi,  pardorum 
maculis. 

"lidem  ex  Aethiopia  quas  vocant  Kr\novq,  quarum 
pedes  posteriores  pedibus  humanis  et  cruribus,  priores 
manibus  fuere  similes.  Hoc  animal  postea  Rom^a  non 
vidit."^ 

Chama  is  given  as  a  superscription  in  one  MS. 
and  as  chau  in  another.  In  the  first  the  MS.  reads 
raphium  for  rufium.  The  first  sentence  of  the  passage 
in  Pliny  informs  us  that  the  resemblance  to  the  camels, 
of  whom  he  speaks  before,  is  transferred  to  two  animals. 
The  first  is  obviously  the  camelopard,  the  second  must 
be  an  animal  like  it,  and  it  is  clear  that  nothing  like 
it  was  found  in  Gaul.  Indeed,  neither  chama  nor 
raphium  is  found  anywhere  else.  Now  in  Isidore  the 
camelopard  is  immediately  followed  by  the  lynx,  and 
of  it  it  is  said  "bestia  maculis  terga  distincta  ut  pardus, 
sed  similis  lupo."  In  Pliny  "elfigie  lupi,  pardorum 
maculis"  is  an  abbreviation  of  the  same.  What 
happened  is  this.  In  some  codex  there  stood  at  the 
end  of  the  camelopard  story  the  gloss  "cam.  giraf." 
or    giraphus,    from    the    Arab.  Aiijj  zardfah    "giraffe." 

The  interpolator  read  this  ''cam.  gi  raf"  and  explained 
it  as  two  names  of  the  animal  given  as  "lynx,"  one 
being  cam,  the  other  rafius,  the  name  given  by  "gi" 
"the  Gauls."     Thus  arose  another  impossible  animal. 

1  VIII.  69-70. 


54      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Now  we  can  approach  the  parandrus  of  Solinus. 
In  describing  the  parandrus  as  of  the  size  of  an  ox, 
with  cloven  feet,  branching  horns,  stag  head,  and  bear 
fur,  the  interpolator  had  in  mind  the  tragelaphus. 
But  where  he  makes  the  animal  change  color,  he  is 
unmistakably  writing ,  about  the  chameleon.  This 
unnatural  animal  has  fortunately  left  behind  every 
philological  blunder  that  led  to  its  procreation.  From 
Isidore  we  learn  that  the  chameleon  is  as  speckled  as 
the  pardus,  and  opposite  the  story  of  the  chameleon 

in  the  Codex  Toletanus  stands  the  Arabic  gloss,  J3^i 
al-wazal.  This  is  the  name  of  a  lizard,  which  is  re- 
corded  also    as    Jjj  jjj  Jjj  cjj    waral,    warar,   wazan, 

war  an,  etc.^  The  name  is  originally  Kabyl,  where 
we  find  aburiul.     The  indecision  in  writing  is  due  to 

the  fact  that  it  was  a  foreign  word,  in  which  j  and  j 

were    not    always    distinguished.      Waran  and  dj:>j>- 

hirdaun  "lizard"  suggest  that  a  form  warandaun  also 
existed,  and  this  would  lead  to  the  form  parandrus 
in  Solinus.     But  the  case  is  far  more  complex.     In  the 

Latin-Arabic  glossary  cameleon  is  glossed  by  Jcj  wa'l, 

instead  of   Jjj  waral  or  Jjj    wazal.     But   in  another 

place  ibis,  that  is,  "ibex,"  is  similarly  glossed.  The 
ibex,  however,  was  identified  by  the  church  fathers 
with  the  tragelaphus,  hence  in  Spain,  through  Arabic 
influence,  the  chameleon  became  confused  with  the 
tragelaphus,  and  the  equation  of  chameleon  and  pardus 
as  regards  color  led  to  the  form  parandus,  an  animal 
combining  the  qualities  of  the  chameleon  and  the 
tragelaphus.  Whether  the  Arab,  waran  or  a  similar 
form  entered  into  association  with  pardus,  to  create  the 
form  parandrus,  as  which  the  animal  is  given  in  Solinus, 

1  R.  Payne  Smith,  Thesaurus  syriacus,  Oxonii  1879,  vol.  I,  col.  1368. 


THE  TARANDUS  55 

is  immaterial,  since  even  as  it  is,  it  could  not  have 

been  created  without  the  double  value  of  Arab,  yj 

wa'l  "chameleon,  tragelaphus,"  as  which  it  appears 
in  the  earliest  Latin- Arabic  glossary. 

In  Solinus  this  strange  hybrid  is  placed  in  Ethiopia. 
Its  description  is  partly  that  of  the  tragelaphus,  and 
partly  that  of  the  chameleon.  The  tragelaphus  had 
already  been  identified  with  the  elk,  from  whose  hides 
shields  were  made,  but  this  characteristic  appears 
only  in  Pliny,  because  here  the  tarandrus,  instead  of 
Solinus'  parandrus,  is  placed  among  the  Scythians, 
that  is,  in  the  north,  where  alone  the  elk  is  found: 
"Mutat  colores  et  Scytharum  tarandrus  nee  aliud  ex 
lis  quae  pilo  vestiuntur,  nisi  in  Indis  lycaon,  cui  iubata 
traditur  cervix.  Nam  thoes — luporum  id  genus  est 
procerius  longitudine,  brevitate  crurum  dissimile,  velox 
saltu,  venatu  vivens,  innocuum  homini — habitum, 
non  colorem,  mutant,  per  hiemes  hirti,  aestate  nudi. 
Tarandro  magnitudo  quae  bovi  est,  caput  mains  cervino 
nee  absimile,  cornua  ramosa,  ungulae  bifidae,  villus 
magnitudine  ursorum,  sed,  cum  libuit  sui  coloris  esse, 
asini  similis.  Tergori  tanta  duritia,  ut  thoraces  ex  eo 
faciant.  Colorem  omnium  arborum,  fruticum,  florum 
locorumque  reddit  metuens  in  quibus  latet,  ideoque 
raro  capitur.  Mirum  esset  habitum  corpori  tam  multi- 
plicem  dari,  mirabilius  est  et  villo."^ 

The  information  about  the  shields  was  received  from 
Aelian,  where  the  tarandus  is  briefly  mentioned  as  an 
animal  of  the  Scythians  which  changes  colors  and 
resembles  an  ox:  "Ruborem,  pallorem,  livorem, 
homini  et  bestiis  cutem  mollem  habentibus,  et  minime 
villosis,  accidere,  nihil  mirum;  tarandus  vero  seipsum 
cum  villis  suis  vertit,  et  innumeras  colorum  species 
cum  summo  videntium  stupore  reddit.     Scythicum  id 

1  VIII.  123-124. 


56      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

animal  est,  dorso  et  magnitudine  tauro  simile;  ejus 
corium  ne  spicule  quidem  penetrari  potest,  quamobrem 
60  Scythae  sua  scuta  indueunt."^  Of  course,  this  is 
an  interpolation.  Aristotle  knows  nothing  of  the  ani- 
mal, but  it  is  found  in  the  IleQi  ^av\iaaioiv 
dxovapidtwv,  where  we  get  the  simplest  and 
clearest  combination  of  the  chameleon  and  the  elk: 
<'Ev  8e  SxiJdaig  xoig  xaA,0D}X8V0ig  rsAcavoig  cpaal  Otiqiov 
Ti  YLvefrQ-ai,  ajidviov  piev  vrnQ^oX^,  o  6vo|id^ETaL  t  d  q  a  v- 
8og  (xaQavhQoi;,  xdvavbQoq)-  Aeyexai  hk  xov- 
t6  ^i8xa6d^A8iv  tag  XQoaq  trig  xQixog  xa^'  6v  dv  xai  xojiov 
f\'  6id  88  Tomo  8ivaL  Si^adrJQaxGV  [xai  8id  xtjv  |i8xa6oA,riv] . 
xai  ycLQ  bevhQZOi  xai  xojioig,  xal  6A,(og  ev  oig  dv  fj,  xoioilxov 
xfi  XQO^<?  Y^'vetJ^tti-  §av|ia(Ti(oxaxov  bh  x6  xr)v  xQixa  [X8xa- 
6d?i^8iv  xd  yoLQ  AoiJid  xov  %Q(bxa,  olov  o  X8  xaixadecov  xal  6 
noTivKovc,'  x6  §8  pisY8§og  (baav8i  poijg-  xoij  Se  jiQcawjioD  xov 
TUJiov  0|xoiov  e'xei  e?idqpcp».^  The  interpolation  in  Hesy- 
chius  speaks  of  the  xdQavSog  only  as  the  elk:  «xdQav8og, 
^(oov  8?idcpq)  JtaQajiA-rjaiov,  o^  xdg  8oQdg  elg  xixoovag 
XQwvxai  SxTjO'ai.» 

The  Commentary  to  the  Hexaemeron,  wrongly  at- 
tributed to  Eustathius  of  Antioch,  contains  a  lengthened 
Physiologus,  and  here  the  xdpavSog  is  placed  among 
the  Awoi,  instead  of  the  r8^a)voi  of  Aristotle: 
4:"Eaxi  §8  ev  xoig  SxiJ^aig  xoig  xaXov^ievoig  Acooig  ^coov 
xaA<o'u^8Vov  xdQav8og,  \iiy£^oq  e'xov  poog,  xr]v  88  ool^iv 
xfig  xov  8A,dq3ov  jtaQajiA-rjaiov.  Kai  ecrxi  8'U(T0TiQaxov,  xcp 
jtQog  xd  8ev8Qa  xal  x^Qia,  xal  jtQog  jidvxa  olg  dv  kyyi^W 
xTjv  XQOidv  [X8xa6dA,A,8iv,  xal  xf]  8X8ivcav  dq)O!ioioi3a0^ai  i88a, 
xal  8id  xoijxo  elvai  jio^A,oig  dveitLyvcooxov.  'Ojxoicog  88  xal 
6  x«l^oti^Ewv  8ig  oioijg  dv  egnr]  A,8ifx63vag,  xal  88dq)Ti  ^ripd, 
XTjv  XQOidv  ex8ivcov  ^,8xaXa|x6dv8i»,^  The  position  of  the 
animal  between  the  antholops  and  the  stag  shows 
clearly  that  a  cervine  animal  was  meant  by  him. 

1  II.  16.  2  p,  832  b. 

'  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  XVIII,  col.  740. 


THE  TARANDUS  57 

There  is  a  book  on  marvelous  animals,  which  is 
ascribed  to  Antigonus  of  Carystia,  but  which  from 
its  contents  is  later  than  IleQi  ^avyiaaioyv 
dxovaixdxcov,  to  which  it  refers.  Here  we  read, 
after  the  account  of  the  polyps  and  chameleon: 
«'AQiaT0T8A,Ti(;  M  (p^oi,  >tai  tov  KaXov[iEvov  xdQavxov 
TOVTO  jidoxeiv,  ovxa  Tetgdjioin',  xai  a^sSov  laov  ovco,  xal 
7ia%vbeQ\iov,  xai  xeTQixcopievov  xai  %^av\iaGxoy  elvai,  jicog 
at  TQ8xe^  omcoi;  o^ecog  dA,AoioxJVTai».^ 

The  fragment  ascribed  to  Theophrastus  by  Photius, 
which  is  a  very  elaborate  expansion  of  the  original 
story,  as  told  in  Aelian,  etc.,  is  unquestionably  by  that 
scholar  and  forger,  Photius.  It  runs  as  follows: 
«Oti  xaq  XQoaq  f,i8Ta6aA,A,6pievoi  xal  e|o|XOiOTJ|i8Voi  qpircoig 
xal  xojtoig  xal  A.iO'oig  olg  dv  nXr\oido(XiOi  Jto^ijjio'ug  eaxl  xal 
Xa|iaiA,80)v  xal  xo  driQiov  oxd^avSogoev  Sxij^aig  cpa- 
alv  r\  Sap^idxaig  yi^'veoO-ai-  fX8xa6dA,?L8i  8'  6  xo^M-txi^soiv  elg 
;n;dvxa  xd  XQw^i^fa,  nkr[v  xfjv  8ig  x6  A8ux6v  xal  xo  eQiJ^QOv 
ov  bi%zxai  fX8xa6oA,riv  xal  oii  tiqoc,  xd  JiaQax8i!X8va  piovov 
XQ(h\iaxa  [X8xa6dA,^ei  dA,?id  xal  axixog  xaO^'  eauxov  edv  xig 
^lovov  dil^rixai  aiixoi)  xo  XQ(Jo\ia  |X8xa6dAA.8i*  6  §8  xdQav8oi; 
xo  \ikv  [ieyeO^og  eoxi  xaxd  Poiiv  xo  jiQoacojtov  be  o^oiog  iXd- 
cpcp  jTA,riv  jiA,axiJx£Qog  0)crav8l  ex  bvo  aiiYX8i|A8vog  e^acpeiwv 
jiQocrwjicov  hi'/if]koy  8'  eaxl  xal  x8Qa(Tq)6Qov  e'xei  88  xo  xe- 
Qag  djroq)'ud8ag  ojojteQ  xo  kXdcpov,  xal  xQixcoxov  eoxi  8i' 
oAou"  Jtepl  yoLQ  xo  6axoi3v  8sQjiax6g  eaxiv  ejiixaaig  oO^ev  f| 
exqpvaig*  xo  88  8eQ[xa  xw  Jtdxei  8axxvAiar6v  eoxiv  laxvQov 
8e  a(p68Qa,  8i6  xal  xovq  dcoQaxag  e^avd^ovxeg  aitxo  jtoiow- 
xai-  ojidviov  88  xo  ^caov  xal  oA-iydxig  qpaiv6|i8vov  O^aujiaaxri 
8'  f|  [X8xa6oA,ri  xal  eyy^g  ojiioxiag-  xoig  ^lev  yoQ  dA,^oig  ev 
x(p  8eQfxaxi  yi'vexai  fj  pi8xa6oA,T]  dAA,oioD|X8VT]g  xfig  evxog  ij- 
ygoxTixog  eixe  ai[iaxco8oijg  f\  xaf,  xivog  dA,A,T]g  xoiaiixrig  oxjorig, 
oSaxe  qpavepdv  elvai  xr|v  av^dd^eiav  fj  8e  xwv  xqixwv  fxexa- 
6oA.yi  5T]Qcbv  xe  ovxcav  xal  djrT]QXT]|ievcov  xal  dO^QOov  o^  Jte- 
cpvxoxcov  dA,Xoio\)(T&ai,  jiaQd8o5og  d^T^O^wg  xal  djiiO^avog, 

1  Cap.  XXXI. 


58      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

ndAiata  ngbg  noXka  noixiXkoyiivr]'  6  88  xayLaiXicov  8om  tcp 
jrvevjiaxi  jioieiv  xdg  ^i8Ta6oA,d(;,  jiveDjxaTixov  ydp  (pvoei'  ot]- 
fieiov  §8  TO  xov  jrv8ajj.iovog  [i8Y8^og*  o%ebov  ydp  8i'  6Xo\)  toi) 
owixaxog  Tstatai-  d\ia  hk  xai  avxog  e5aiQ6|i8vog  xai  q)ajaa)- 
^8vog».^ 

There  is  also  a  passage  in  Philo's  De  ebrietate, 
which  is,  to  say  the  least,  an  interpolation,  and 
which  is  especially  important,  since  the  word  dAxfj 
used  in  it  gave  rise  to  the  name  alee  for  the  elk: 
<$aai  pisvxoi  xai  ev  SxiJi^aii;  xoig  xaXov\iivoic,  reA-cooig  ^av- 
piaaicbxaxov  xi  yiveaO^ai  GJtavicog  [x&v,  yivea^ai  8'  oixcog  dt]- 
Qiov,  6  xa?isixai  xdQav8Qog,  H8y80^og  \iEV  Poog  ovk  djio- 
8fov,  E^aqpo)  Se  xov  xoii  jtqoowjtoij  xijjtov  8(.iq)8Qsaxaxov 
Aoyog  8X81  xoiJxo  pi8xa6dA,?isiv  del  xdg  toixag  jtQog  X8  xd 
XWQia  xai  xd  88v8oa  xal  jtdvd'  d:r?icog  oig  dv  eyyi^g  loxfjxai, 
(bg  8id  xtV  xfjg  XQO^tg  6[xoi6xT]xa  A,avOdveiv  xoiig  evxojyxd- 
vo'vxag  xai  xaiJxr]  ^idA,A,ov  r\  xfj  jisqi  acacia  d  X  x^'fj  SvoOrj- 
QQXOV  8ivai».^ 

From  the  above  passages  it  follows  that  the  tarandrus 
was  considered  to  be  a  hos  cervi  figura  "an  ox  resembling 
a  stag,"  and  this  appellation  occurs  at  least  twice  in 
two  significant  places,  in  Caesar's  De  hello  gallico  and 
in  the  Lex  salica.  In  the  latter  place  we  read:  "Si 
quis  stadalem  uaidaris  ceruum  aut  bouum  ceruia 
tribute  saliuerit."^  The  writer  of  the  law,  no  doubt, 
had  in  mind  the  elk.  The  60s  cervi  of  Caesar  will  be 
discussed  in  connection  with  the  alee. 

^  F.  Wimmer,  Theophrasti  Eresii  Opera  quae  supersunt  omnia,  Lipsiae 
1862,  vol.  Ill,  p.  218. 

2  P.  383  f.,  in  P.  Wendland,  Philonis  Alexandrini  Opera  quae  supersunt, 
Berolini  1897,  vol.  II,  p.  203  f. 

3  LXXXII. 


VI.    THE  ALCE. 

The  last  clause  in  Philo  says  that  the  tarandrus  can 
hide  itself  on  account  of  its  protective  color,  "and  in 
this  way,  rather  than  by  the  strength  of  its  body,  it 
is  hard  to  catch."  To  one  badly  versed  in  Greek 
grammar  the  last  sentence  would  appear  to  mean, 
"in  this  way,  rather  than  by  its  body,  the  alee  is  hard 
to  catch."  This  is  actually  what  has  taken  place. 
Indeed,  by  this  sentence  the  tarandrus  was  split  into 
two  beings,  the  hos  eervi  figura,  and  the  alee. 

It  must  be  kept  in  mind  that  the  tarandrus  grew  out 
of  the  story  of  the  camelopard,  the  giraffe,  and  of  this 
the  Arabic  source  says:  "It  is  a  certain  beast  of  a 
beautiful  make,  having  long  fore  legs  and  short  hind 
ones,  the  collective  length  of  both  the  hind  and  fore 
legs  being  nearly  ten  cubits.  Its  head  is  like  that  of 
a  camel,  its  horn  is  like  that  of  a  cow,  its  skin  is  like 
that  of  a  leopard,  its  legs  and  hoofs  are  like  those  of 
a  cow,  and  its  tail  is  like  that  of  a  gazelle.  It  has  no 
knees  to  its  hind  legs,  but  its  two  knees  are  attached 
to  its  fore  legs.  When  it  walks,  it  advances  its  left 
hind  leg  first  and  then  its  right  fore  leg,  contrary  to  the 
rule  of  all  other  quadrupeds,  which  advance  the  right 
fore  leg  first  and  then  the  left  hind  leg.  Among  its 
natural  qualities  are  affection  and  sociableness.  It 
ruminates  and  voids  globular  dung.  As  God  knew 
that  it  would  derive  its  sustenance  from  trees.  He  has 
created  its  fore  legs  longer  than  the  hind  ones,  to  enable 
it  to  graze  on  them  easily."^  According  to  the  Arabic 
source  it  may  appear  that  the  giraffe  had  one  horn, 

^  Ad-Damiri,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II\  p.  8. 


60      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

and  no  knee  joints,  at  least  on  its  hind  legs,  as  we  find 
it  in  the  interpolation  in  Caesar. 

"  Est  bos  cerui  figura,  cuius  a  media  fronte  inter  aures 
unum  cornu  existit  excelsius  magisque  directum  his, 
quae  nobis  nota  sunt,  cornibus:  ab  eius  summo  sicut 
palmae  ramique  late  diffunduntur.  Eadem  est  feminae 
marisque  natura,  eadem  forma  magnitudoque  cornuum. 
Sunt  item,  quae  appellantur  alces.  Harum  est  con- 
similis  capris  figura  et  uarietas  pellium,  sed  magnitudine 
paulo  antecedunt  mutilaeque  sunt  cornibus  et  crura 
sine  nodis  articlisque  habent,  neque  quietis  causa 
procumbunt  neque,  siquo  adflictae  casu  conciderunt, 
erigere  sese  aut  subleuare  possunt.  His  sunt  arbores 
pro  cubilibus:  ad  eas  se  adplicant  atque  ita  paulum 
modo  reclinatae  quietem  capiunt.  Quarum  ex  uestigiis 
cum  est  animaduersum  a  uenatoribus,  quo  se  recipere 
consuerint,  omnis  eo  loco  aut  ab  radicibus  subruunt  aut 
accidunt  arbores,  tantum  ut  summa  species  earum 
stantium  relinquatur.  Hue  cum  se  consuetudine  re- 
clinauerunt,  infirmas  arbores  pondere  adfiigunt  atque 
una  ipsae  concidunt."^ 

The  sentence,  "sunt  item,  quae  appellantur  alces,'' 
shows  that  the  interpolator  cautiously  split  the  animal 
into  two;  but  the  reference  to  the  speckled  skin  of  the 
alee  shows  that  it  was  derived  from  the  camelopard, 
with  which  it  agrees  in  the  main  points.  The  jointless- 
ness  of  the  hind  legs  has  been  extended  to  all  legs,  and 
the  confusion  with  the  chameleon  is  here  the  same  as 
with  the  tarandrus.  We  find  the  same  interpolation 
in  Pausanias,  where  an  elaborate  but  ill-disguised 
attempt  was  made  to  hide  the  borrowing.  After  men- 
tioning the  Paeonian  bull,  in  place  of  the  urus  in  Caesar, 
the  interpolator  stupidly  speaks  of  Indian  camels 
resembling  in  color  the  leopards,  instead  of  honestly 
referring  to  the  camelopard.     Then  he  goes  on  to  use 

1  De  bello  gallico,  VI.  26-27. 


THE  ALCE  61 

the  identical  phrase  about  the  alee,  as  in  Caesar,  but 
places  it  in  the  Celtic  country,  and  tells  of  the  difficulty 
of  hunting  it. 

«Ei8ov  88  KOI  xavQovq  xoxig  is  ALO^iojtixoTjg,  ovq  em  T(p 
aD|i686T]x6Ti  6vo|xd^oi'cri  Qivoxepcog,  oti  crcpiaiv  8Ji'  ccxpa  xfj 
Qivl  8V80Trix8  x8Qac  xQi  otA^o  VTizQ  aiJTO  ov  [isya,  ejil  bh  Tfjg 
x8q)aXfJ5  ovbk  dQyx\v  Kigaxd  saxi,  xai  xoi^g  8X  Ilaiovcov — 
oiJTOi  §8  01  8X  ITaiovcov  eg  t8  to  dXko  aoofxa  8a08ig  xal  ducpl 
TO  axegvov  \idXioxd  8iai  xai  xfiv  yivvv — xa\ir\kov<:;  t8 
'Iv8ixdg  XQ(x)\ia  eixaojievag  jiaQ8dA,8aiv  sotl  8s  d  A,  x  t] 
xaXoijiievov  Otiqiov,  8l8og  [xev  ^Xdcpov  xal  xa|xriA,ov  ^iSTa^Tj, 
yiv&Tai  88  8V  ttj  KsA-tcov  yfi'  Ot]qicov  88  d)v  lapisViiiovriv  dvi- 
XV8iJaai  xai  jiQoiSsiv  oi)x  eaxiv  dv&Qcojcq)-  aTaA,8iai  88  eg 
dygav  d^Xwv  xal  t/]v8s  eg  xeiod  jioTe  Saipicov  dyei*  oocppaTai 
fisv  ye  dv^Qcojiov  xal  noXv  8ti  djiexoijoa,  dSg  cpaoi,  xaTa8\)- 
exai  88  eg  cpdpayyag  xal  anY\kaia  xd  paOnjTaTa*  ol  "OTiQeiJ- 
ovxeg  oiry,  ojioTe  em  ^Qaivxaxov,  aTa8icov  yfjv  Jie8id8a 
xdioov  r\  xal  oQog  JceQiA,a66vTeg  tov  xtjx^ov  fxev  oi)x  eoTiv 
ojicog  8iaXi)ao\3aiv,  ejtiouviovTeg  8e  del  Ta  evTog  yivofxeva 
Toij  KvxXov  jrdvTa  aiQoijaL  Ta  Te  dXka  xal  Tag  d^xag*  el  88 
\ir\  Tij/oi  xamif]  cpcoAeiioijaa,  eTega  ye  dXxT]v  e^eiv  eoTiv 
ovSe^ia  \ir\y^ayr\»} 

In  Pliny  the  story  of  the  alee  runs  as  follows:  "Sep- 
tentrio  fert  et  equorum  greges  ferorum,  sicut  asinorum 
Asia  et  Africa,  praeterea  alcen  iumento  similem,  ni 
proceritas  aurium  et  cervicis  distinguat;  item  natam 
in  Scadinavia  insula  nee  umquam  visam  in  hoc  orbe, 
multis  tamen  narratam  achlin  hand  dissimilem  illi, 
set  nullo  suffraginum  fiexu,  ideoque  non  cubantem  et 
adclinem  arbori  in  somno  eaque  incisa  ad  insidias  capi, 
alias  velocitatis  memoratae.  Labrum  ei  superius 
praegrande;  ob  id  retrograditur  in  pascendo,  ne  in 
priora  tendens  involvatur."^ 

1 IX.  21.  2-3. 
2  VIII.  39. 


62      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Solinus  does  not  mention  the  achlin,  but,  instead, 
compares  the  alee  with  the  elephant:  "Est  et  alee 
mulis  comparanda,  adeo  propenso  labro  superiore,  ut 
nisi  recedens  in  posteriora  vestigia  pasci  non  queat. 
Gangavia  insula  e  regione  Germaniae  mittit  animal 
quale  alee,  sed  cuius  suffragines  ut  elephantis  flecti 
nequeunt:  propterea  non  cubat,  cum  dormiendum  est, 
tamen  somnulentam  arbor  sustinet,  quae  prope  casuram 
secatur,  ut  fera  dum  adsuetis  fulmentis  innititur  faciat 
ruinam.  Ita  capitur:  alioquin  difficile  est  earn  manci- 
pari:  nam  in  illo  rigore  poplitum  inconprehensibili 
fuga  pollet."! 

In  both  the  giraffe  has  become  considerably  trans- 
mogrified. Ad-Damiri  says  that  God  created  its 
forelegs  longer  in  order  that  it  should  be  able  to  graze 
more  easily  on  the  trees.  Pliny  makes  the  alee  have  a 
long  neck,  but,  instead  of  the  long  legs,  which  it  natur- 
ally needs,  we  get  the  useless  long  upper  lip  which  goes 
back  in  grazing.  In  Pliny  the  alee  has  split  into  two 
animals,  the  second  being  the  aehlin,  the  origin  and 
fate  of  which  are  extremely  interesting. 

In  Arabic  the  elephant  and  the  buffalo  are  classed 
together   as    the  Ot^♦*'   ' aqhabain,"^  which,  without   the 

vowel  marks,  would  be  read  aqhhin.  In  Deuteronomy 
XIV.  5,  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  all  our  animals 
so  far  discussed,  and  in  the  sources  from  it,  the  buffalo 
and  the  tragelaphus  are  similarly  coupled.  This  led 
to  the  confusion  of  tragelaphus  with  one  of  the  aqhhin. 
Hence  in  Pliny  the  aehlin,  for  Arab,  aqhhin,  was  intro- 
duced, causing  a  split  in  the  alee.  But  in  Solinus  the 
alee  was  kept  one  and  inseparable,  aqhhin  merely  sug- 
gesting that  the  elephant  was  similarly  constructed. 

This  achlin,  through  a  Gr.  d^aiv  or  dy^iv,  found 
its  way  a  second  time  as  an  interpolation  into  Pliny, 

'  XX.  6-7. 
2   See  p.  2. 


THE  ALCE  63 

where  we  are  told  that  in  India  there  were  oxen  with 
solid  hoofs  and  one  horn,  and  beasts  by  the  name  of 
axin,  which  had  whiter  spots  than  the  skin  of  a  fawn, 
dedicated  to  Dionysus:  "in  India  et  boves  solidis 
ungulis,  unicornes,  et  feram  nomine  axin  hinnulei  pelle 
pluribus  candidioribusque  maculis,  sacrorum  Liberi 
patris."^  Here,  as  was  the  case  with  the  camelopard, 
the  animal  has  white  spots,  and,  like  the  lynx,  it  is 
dedicated  to  Bacchus.^  Thus  the  axin  is  due  to  the 
same  confusion  of  camelopard  and  lynx  which  led  to 
the  tarandrus. 

In  the  spurious  X,  book  of  Aristotle's  De  animalibus 
we  hear  of  "an  Achaine  (dxaivr]^)  stag  that  was  caught 
with  a  quantity  of  green  ivy  grown  over  its  horns,  it  hav- 
ing grown  apparently  as  on  fresh  green  wood,  when  the 
horns  were  young  and  tender."^  The  story  is  taken 
out  of  the  forgery  of  Antigonus  of  Carystia: 
«i]8T]  88  SisiXfjqp^ai  dxcciivriv  eXacpov,  xitxov  'dyovoav  ml 
T(ov  xeQarcov,  (hq  av  evuyQcov  ovxcov».^  That  dxaiivr|  is 
a  late  word  is  proved  by  Athenaeus,  who  simply  says, 
«jtoi3  8s  Ei88V  8X  xeQaxoi;  sA,dq)ov  xiacjov  dvaqpiJYra,»  so  that 
in  his  time  this  was  merely  an  accident,  such  as  very 
likely  may  have  happened.  But  the  ivy  was  dedicated 
to  Bacchus,  and  this  suggested  the  lynx  which  was 
dedicated  to  him,  and  this,  as  we  have  seen,  led  to  the 
achlin  in  one  place  in  Pliny,  and  to  axin  in  another. 

We  find  this  dxcxitvT]  in  the  ^Agyovavxiyidoi  Apol- 
lonius,  where  the  whole  line  is  clearly  an  interpolation: 
«oacrri  88  Qivog  Poog  TJviog  f\  eXdcpoio  |  yiyvexai,  r\v  t'  dyQW- 
otai  d  '/  «  1 1  V  8  T]  V  koXeovoiv,  I  tooogv  sriv  jidviT]  %Qvoeov 
8qpijji8o§8v  dcoTov».^  "Which  the  dyQcboTai  call  dxaiiveT]." 
This  curious  dyQcoaxai  is  due  to  a  misunderstanding  of 

>  VIII.  76. 

2  Goetz,  vol.  V,  p.  30,  etc. 

'  P.  611.    In  Book  II  (p.  506)  the  Achaine  stag  is  mentioned  as  having 
gall  in  its  tail.     This  is  unquestionably  an  interpolation. 
'  Cap.  XXXV. 
'  IV.  174-176. 


64      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

the  Placidus  gloss,  "lynx  genus  ferae  agrestis  uariae, 
similis  leopardo,  Libero  patri  sacratum,"^  in  connection 
with  the  camelopard  story  from  which  achlin,  axin, 
dymtvif]  arose.  The  dxamTig  is  similarly  connected 
with  Bacchus  in  the  Anthologia  Palatina,^  and  in  one  of 
Babrius'  fables  the  stag  is  several  times  called  eA-aqpo^ 
and  once  f)  dxotiivri'^  obviously  as  an  interpolation, 
to  boast  of  the  newly  acquired  word  for  a  particular 
kind  of  stag. 

Isidore  knew  nothing  of  bisons,  uri,  and  alces,  for 
these  are  mentioned  only  in  an  ofP-hand  manner,  in 
what  is  obviously  an  interpolation,  since  only  the  uri 
are  again  mentioned,  and  that  only  in  an  interpolated 
passage,  as  will  later  be  shown.  The  passage  in  Isidore 
runs  as  follows:  "Gignit  aves  Hyrcanias,  quarum 
pinnae  nocte  perlucent;  bisontes  quoque  feras  et  uros 
atque  alces  parturit."^  This  is  a  summary  of  the  state- 
ment in  Solinus. 

The  Augustan  historians  have  long  been  in  ill-repute. 
The  alces  mentioned  by  them  are,  to  say  the  least, 
interpolations.  If  they  are  not  interpolations,  the 
Augustan  historians  will  have  to  be  located  in  the 
VIII.  century.^     The  alces  also  occur  in  Calpurnius: 

"Hie  raram  silvis  etiam,  quibus  editur,  alcen. 
Vidimus  et  tauros,  quibus  aut  cervice  levata 
Deformis  scapulis  torus  eminet,  aut  quibus  hirtae 
lactantur  per  colla  iubae,  quibus  aspera  mento 
Barba  iacet,  tremulisque  rigent  palearia  setis."* 

A  considerable  number  of  the  eclogues  have  al- 
ready been  declared  spurious,  and  this   VII.  eclogue 

1  Goetz,  vol.  V,  pp.  30,  81,  113. 

2  VI.  165. 

3  XCV.  87. 
'  XIV.  4.  4. 

'  "Alces   decern,"    Capitolinus,    Gordiani   tres,    III,    XXXIII;    "alces," 
Vopiscus,  Aurelianus,  XXXIII. 
6  Eel.  VII.  59-63. 


THE  ALCE  65 

will  have  to  be  added  to  the  number,  since  the 
alces  is  impossible,  and,  although  the  bisons  and  uri 
are  not  mentioned  by  name,  the  lines  following  the 
one  in  which  the  alces  are  mentioned  unquestionably 
refer  to  them.  The  juxtaposition  of  the  three  animals, 
as  in  Isidore,  marks  them  as  spurious.  There  is  a 
reference  to  elk  horns  in  a  testament,  supposedly  of  a 
Lingonian  of  the  time  of  Emperor  Otho,  but  which 
has  come  down  to  us  only  in  a  MS.  of  the  X.  century. 
The  last  clause  of  the  fragment  asks  that  all  the 
hunting  gear  be  buried  together  with  the  body,  and 
ends  with  the  words,  "et  stellas  omnes  ex  cornibus 
alcinis.''^  The  document  bristles  with  corrections,  and 
"stellas"  has  remained  inexplicable.  It  is  impossible, 
therefore,  to  say  that  alcinis  was  found  in  the  original 
document. 

In  Oppian's  Kvvr\yETiKd  the  bisons,  here  called 
PiOTOveg,  are  followed  by  the  description  of  the  deer. 
Then  come  the  eurycerotes,  the  iorci,  the  huhalus.  We 
have  also  a  reference  to  the  horned  dxaiivr].^  The  bison 
and  bubalus  will  be  discussed  in  their  proper  place.  The 
euryceros  is  not  further  explained,  because  all  the  writer 
had  before  him  was  the  late  gloss,  "tragelaphum 
quem  nos  dicimus  platoceruum,"^  hence  he  says: 
«''AAA,ODg  6'  at  xaA-eovai  Pqotoi  jtdA,iv  eiiQDxeQWTag- 1 
jidvt'  £A,acpoi  TzXi^^ovai,  cpijoiv  xeQctcov  8'  ecpTJitegO^ev,  1  olr\v 
Touvofitt  %K]QOi  xaxTiYOQeei,  q)0Q80Dai».'*  This  is  follow- 
ed by  a  similarly  brief  description  of  the  lOQXog, 
which  is  not  found  in  any  other  author.  Of  it  the  author 
says  that  it  resembles  a  deer,  but  has  a 
mottled  skin  like  a  leopard.  It  is  clear  that 
we  have  here  the  same  animal  as  the  lycaon, 
that  is,   originally   the   lynx.        In   Oppian   we  read: 

1  Corpus  inscriptionum  latinarum,  vol.  XIII,  No.  5708. 

*  II.  426. 

«  Goetz,  vol.  V,  p.  517. 

*  II.  293-295. 
10 


66      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

«Toi)5b'  aoa  xix^oxo'uaiv  kvlt,vX6yoioiv  ioqkovc,-  'xdxeivoK; 
sAdqpoio  Sejiag,  qivov  8'  em  vobtcp  oxixxov  ajtavia  qpegovoi 
jiavaio^ov,  old  xs  0^1]Q(ov  JtopSocAicov  oqpQayiSei;  em  xqoi 
\iaQ\iaiQovoi».^  In  another  place  the  author  calls  the 
100x05  "shining"  and  distinguishes  it  from  the  SoQxdg,  so 
that  no  miswritten  SoQxdg  can  be  assumed:  «Kai 
SoQxoijg  OQvydg  xs  xai  aiyA-i^evxag  i  0  q  x  o  xj  g.^  "loQxog 
is  a  misread  A-xiyxsg  lynces.  This  is  shown  by  Hesychius' 
«i  0  Q  X  8  g*  xcav  ?>oQxd8o)v  ^oioov  evioi  he,  i]?iixiav  hXd(fov» 
and  «i  V  Q  X  8  g*  aiyeg  ctyQiai-  1)0x0 i"/i68g.»  Thus  we 
come  back  to  the  same  source  of  blunder,  which  is  due 
to  the  Arabic  glosses  to  Isidore;  and  Oppian,  in  spite 
of  the  dedication  of  his  poem  to  Caracalla,  is  an  VIII. 
century  forger. 

While  the  confusion  of  lynx  and  tragelaphus  was  due 
to  the  juxtaposition  of  lynx,  camelopard  and  chameleon 
in  Isidore  and  the  Arabic  gloss  to  chameleon,  there  was 
another  important  factor  which  aided  in  the  creation 
of  a  deer  with  leopard  spots,  and  that  was  the  Roman 
commercial  name  for  the  jackal  or  lynx.  In  Dio- 
cletian's Edict  we  find  "pellis  lupi  cervari,''^  translated 
by  «88()iia  Xvxov  xe^doxou  (A,TJvyiov,  A,iJxiov)»,  where  the 
Greek,  which  already  betrays  a  confusion  of  lynx  and 
wolf,  slavishly  renders  cervarius  by  "horned,"  whereas 
cervarius  is  a  poor  rendering  of  Heb.  ^^1  zeeb  or  zeev, 
or  Egyp.  sab  "the  jackal."  Solinus  knows  the  cervarius 
as  a  variety  of  the  wolf  and  different  from  the  lynx.* 
In  Pliny  there  is  a  reference  to  the  cervarius  as  a  wolf, 
but  under  the  influence  of  the  interpolated  passage 
on  the  chama,  he  adds  that  a  cervarius  was  brought 
into  the  arena  of  Pompey  from  Gaul:  "sunt  in  eo 
genere  qui  cervari  vocantur,  qualem  e  Gallia  in  Pompei 

1  II.  296-299. 

2  III.  3. 

3  VIII.  35. 
'  II.  37. 


THE  ALCE  67 

Magni  harena  spectatum  diximus."^  Here  the  inter- 
polator still  maintains  that  the  cervarius  is  a  wolf, 
while  previously  the  chama  or  rufius  was  mentioned 
in  connection  with  the  giraffe  and  unquestionably 
was  taken  to  be  a  cervus  luparius,  as  which  the  lOQXog 
appears  full-fledged  in  Oppian. 

1  VIII.  84. 


VII.     THE   ANTHOLOPS. 

Ad-Damiri  describes    the  j.>*^.   yahmur   as   follows: 

"The  yahmur  is  a  wild,  fast  running  animal,  with  long 
serrated  horns,  with  which  it  cuts  the  trees.  When  it 
is  thirsty  and  goes  down  to  the  Euphrates  to  drink,  it 
finds  the  trees  intertwined,  which  it  cuts  with  its  horns. 
It  is  said  to  be  the  same  as  the  jy\  yamur.     Its  horns 

are  like  those  of  a  deer.  It  sheds  them  each  year. 
They  are  solid  and  have  nothing  concave  about  them. 
They  are  reddish  in  color  and  are  faster  than  the  deer."^ 
Al-Qazwini  writes  similarly:  "The  ydmur  is  a  wild, 
fast  running  animal,  whose  two  horns  are  like  saws. 
It  resembles  much  a  wild  ox.  It  lives  in  thickets  whose 
woods  are  intertwined.  It  becomes  lively  at  the  sight 
of  water  and  runs  there  and  plays  among  the  trees. 
And  its  horns  frequently  get  caught  in  the  tangle  of 
twigs  so  that  it  cannot  free  itself.  Then  it  calls,  and 
hearing  its  call  people  come  and  catch  it."^  Ibn  Said 
says:  "The  ydmur  is  a  kind  of  ibex,  which  has  one 
horn  with  many  branches  in  the  middle  of  the  head."' 
The  nearest  approach  to  Al-Qazwmi's  account  is 
the  one  found  in  Pseudo-Epiphanius,  who  writes: 
"  Urns,  animal  omnium  maximum,  similis  est  bovi, 
duoque  habet  cornua  in  modum  serrae,  estque  prae 
omnibus  animalibus  terribile  aspectu:  itaque  proceras 
arbores  quatiens,  illas  dissecat,  ramosque  praescindit, 
nee  est  ullum  animal  illo  fortius.     Pascitur  non  longe 

'  S.  Bochart,  Hierozoicon,  sive  bipertitum  opus  de  animalibus  s.  Scripturae, 
revised  by  D.  Clodius,  Francofurti  ad  Moenum  1675,  vol.  I,  col.  912. 
^Ibid.,  col.  912  f. 
*/6td.,  col.  913. 


THE  ANTHOLOPS  69 

ab  Oceano,  continuo  vero  ut  bibit,  veluti  ebrius  ludit, 
cornibusque  tanquam  bos  terram  petit.  Est  autem 
illic  arbor  dicta  tanus,  viti  similis  et  alba  ramis,  quos 
cum  urus  capite  concutit,  cornu  vincitur.  Accedit 
itaque  venator,  et  cornu  alligatum  deprehendit,  illum- 
que  opprimit.  Tu  igitur,  o  spiritualis  homo,  considera 
quanto  te  uro  generosiorem  fecerit  Deus.  Loco  enim 
duorum  cornuum,  duo  tibi  dedit  Testamenta,  Novum 
videlicet  et  Vetus,  quae  cornua  sunt  contra  potestates 
adversas,  ut  ne  te  circumveniat  diabolus,  ait  enim 
Propheta:  In  te  inimicos  nostros  venti- 
labimus  cornu.  Oceanus  copiam  divitiarum 
significat,  tanus  vero,  vitae  voluptatem,  qua  implicitus 
homo  fidem  negligit.  Venator  igitur,  hoc  est  diabolus, 
ilium  aggreditur,  quem  voluptatibus  mancipatum, 
fidemque  negligentem  inveniens,  in  suam  potestatem 
redigit."^ 

Here  ydrnur  has  become  ur  otQoc,.  In  the  Arabic 
version  of  Ad-Damiri  we  read  ^^Ju  ;^^l  j^_  ''he  finds 
intertwined    trees."      The    accusative   ij^\    a^-saga- 

ratan  "the  thickly  growing  trees"  was  read  by  those 
who  translated  the  Arabic  Physiologus  as  the  name  of 
the  forest  or  kind  of  tree  that  the  ydmur  cuts  down. 
This  is  proved  beyond  a  shadow  of  a  doubt  by  the 
Ethiopic  Physiologus,  where  we  read:  "Here  there  is 
a  tree  whose  name  is  zartane,  the  branches  of  which  are 
long."^  In  Pseudo-Epiphanius  this  §agaratan  broke 
into  two  words,  §agar  "the  densely  growing  tree" 
becoming  8sv8qov,  and  the  second  part  appearing  as 
Tocwg,  the  name  of  a  tree  with  white  branches  resem- 
bling a  vine.  In  other  Greek  versions  we  have  x6j\n\, 
xdvo^  as  the  name  of  the  tree."^    In  another,  again,  we 

1  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  XLIII,  col.  519  f. 

2  F.  Hommel,  Die  aethiopische  Ueberseizung  des  Physiologus,  Leipzig  1877. 
'  A.  Karnyeev,  Materialy  i  zamyetki  po  literaturnoy  istorii  Fiziologa,  1890, 

p.  352. 


70      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

read  the  corruption  «8aTi  hk  8X8i  eQixivr]  (sQeixr],  8Q8ixiva) 
}.EKi6yikovog»^     The  Arab,  o^y^   sagarat  not  only  means 

"a  densely  growing  tree,"  but  in  a  tradition  it  means 
'*the  grape  vine,  or  the  tree  beneath  which  allegiance 
was  sworn  to  the  Prophet,"  hence  the  statement  in  the 
Greek  Physiologus,  "the  name  of  a  tree  with  white 
branches  resembling  a  vine." 

The  oldest  Latin  version  of  the  yamur  is  found  in  the 
Liber  glossarum,  ascribed  to  Ansileubus,  the  Visigoth, 
who  wrote  it  about  the  year  750.  Here  we  read: 
*^  Autolops,  animal  est  acerrimum  nimis,  adeo  ut  nee 
venatores  ei  possint  adpropinquare.  Habet  autem 
longa  cornua  serrae  figuram  habentia,  ita  ut  possit 
etiam  arbores  secare  altas  et  magnas,  et  ad  terram 
deponere.  Cum  autem  sitierit,  venit  ad  magnum 
Euphraten  fluvium,  et  bibit;  et  est  ibi  frutex,  qui 
dicitur  graece  hericina,  habens  virgulta  subtilia  atque 
prolixa.  Veniens  autem  incipit  ludere  cornibus  suis  ad 
hericinam;  et  dum  ludit,  obligat  cornua  sua  in  virgultis 
eius.  Cum  autem  diu  pugnans  liberare  se  non  possit, 
exclamat  voce  magna:  tunc  audiens  venator  vocem 
eius  venit,  et  oceidit  eum."^ 

This  story  is  identical  with  the  one  given  by  Ad- 
Damiri,  and  so  represents  the  oldest  form  of  the  story, 
without  the  hermeneutic  element  attached  to  it. 
The  Berne  MS.  233,  supposed  to  be  of  the  eighth 
century,  has  the  following  text:^  "  De  autalops.  Est 
animal  acerrimum  nimis,  ita  ut  venatore  possit 
adpropinquare.  Habet  autem  longa  cornua  serrae 
figuram  habentia,  ita  ut  possit  etiam  arbores  secure 
altas   et   magnas,    et   ad   terram   deponere.      Et   cum 

1  F.  Lauchert,  Geschichte  des  Physiologus,  Strassburg  1889,  p.  267,  and 
Karnyeev,  loc.  cit. 

2  A.  Mai,  Classicorum  audorum  e  vaticanis  codicibus  editorum  tomus  VII, 
Romae  1835,  p.  591. 

^  C.  Cahier  and  A.  Martin,  Melanges  d'archeologie,  d'histoire  et  de  littera- 
ture,  Paris  1851,  vol.  II,  p.  117  f. 


THE  ANTHOLOPS  71 

sitierit,  venit  ad  magnum  fluvium  Eufraten,  et  bibit. 
Est  autem.  ibi  flutex  qui  dicitur  grege  herecine,  habet 
autem  virgulta,  subtilia  atque  prolixa.  Veniens  autem, 
incipit  ludere  cornis  suis  ad  herecinam;  et  dum  ludit, 
obligat  cornua  sua  in  virgultis  ejus.  Quum  autem  diu 
pugnans  liberare  se  non  posset,  exclamat  voce  magna. 
Audiens  autem  venator  vocem  ejus,  venit  et  oceidit 
eum.  Sic  et  tu  homo  Dei,  qui  studes  sobrius  esse  et 
eastus,  spiritaliter  vivere,  cui  dua  sunt  cornua  duo 
testamenta  quem  potes  resecare  et  excidere  abs  te 
omnia  vitia  corporalia:  hoc  est  adulterium,  fornica- 
tionem,  avaritiam,  invidiam,  superbiam,  detractionem, 
aebrietatem,  luxuriam,  et  omne  ludibrium  hujus  saeculi 
pompam.  Tunc  congaudent  tibi  et  omnes  caelorum 
virtutes.  Cave  ergo,  homo  Dei,  aebrietatem;  ne 
obligeris  luxoria  et  voluntati,  et  interficiaris  a  diabolo. 
Unum  enim  et  mulieres  apostatare  faci- 
unt    homines    a    Deo." 

A  variant  of  this  text  is  recorded  in  a  MS.  of  the  elev- 
enth century:  "Est  et  animal  autula  nomine,  acerrimum 
nimis,  ita  ut  nee  ullus  venatorum  ei  potest  appro- 
pinquare.  Habet  enim  cornua  longa  in  similitudine 
serre  quibus  secare  potest  maximas  quercus.  Condensa 
et  superflua  queque  arborum  incidendo  secat  in  nullo 
resistens.  Quando  vero  sitierit  venit  ad  iiumen  magnum 
eufraten  et  bibit.  Sunt  autem  ibi  virge  viticee  subtiles 
et  molles;  incipit  autem  et  animal  illud  ludere  cum 
virgulis  illis.  Et  in  ludendo  obligat  semetipsum  cornu. 
Obligatusque  ambis  cornibus;  vociferatque  cum  rugitu. 
Quia  evadere  non  potest  gracilibus  virgulis  circum- 
septus  et  tunc  quilibet  venatorum  absconditus  audiens 
vocem  ejus  currit  et  ligatum  inveniens  oceidit.  De  qua 
re  et  tu  homo  qui  profeceris  abstinentiam,  sicut  fisus 
cornibus  tuis,  abscidisti  fore  detractiones,  cupidates, 
libidines,  silvam  secularem  et  pompam  diaboli.  Con- 
gaudent tibi  angelice  virtutes.     Duo  cornua  duo  sunt 


72      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

testamenta,  Sed  noli  ludere  cum  vino  in  quo  est 
luxuria,  nee  te  obliges  et  incidas  in  muscipulam 
adversarii,  qui  te  videns  obseptum  vitio,  occidit. 
Vir  autem  sapiens  et  prudens,  a  vino  et  muliere  se 
avertit.  Sunt  enim  duo  lapides  ignari,  masculus  et 
femina.  In  ergo  professor  intellige  multos  periisse 
propter  vinum  et  feminas,  et  cautus  esto  ut  salvus  fias."^ 

Greek  dv&6Xoi|j  indicates  an  original  Latin  reading 
antholops,  which  in  one  of  the  above  texts  is  misread 
autolops,  austulapsa^  and  aptalops,^  and  occurs  in  the 
reduced  forms  autula,  autala^  One  form  of  this 
abbreviation  was  antula,  as  recorded  in  the  French 
Physiologus,^  although  here  also  the  forms  attula, 
aptolops,  atalos^  are  found.  This  antula  is  unquestion- 
ably the  origin  of  Fr.  andouiller,  Eng.  antler.  The  Arab. 
sagar{an  occurs  in  French  as  hericine,  evenchine,"^  but 
seems  to  have  produced  no  words  in  the  other  Romance 
languages. 

The  ydmur  is  obviously  taken  out  of  a  Syriac  source; 
but  the  story  of  the  animal  which  goes  to  the  river  to 
drink,  and,  playing  with  the  bushes,  is  caught  in  the 
tree,  is  just  as  certainly  a  transformation  of  the  Esopic 
story  of  the  stag  which  goes  to  the  water  and  there 
despises  its  thin  legs,  but  is  very  proud  of  its  serrated 
horns,  and  then  is  caught  in  the  forest  by  its  horns, 
while  pursued  by  hunters  or  a  lion: 

«ajro'  8^aq)o\j  de  cervo  hi^i]'  A,iJiopi8Vo;  siti  defi- 
EAotcpog-     supieyeOTig    ceruus         ciens 

bone  magnitudinis  naQayivexai  aduenit 

coQtt-   ^£QO\jg   aestiuo  tem-  em-riva- jiriyTivadquendam 

pore  fontem 

»  G.  Heider,  Physiologus,  Wien  1851,  p.  27. 

2  M.  F.  Mann,  Der  Bestiaire  divin  des  Guillaume  le  Clerc,  in  Franzosische 
Studien,  vol.  VI,  part  2,  p.  33. 

'  Cahier,  op.  cit.,  p.  96.  ''  Mann,  op.  cit.,  p.  31. 

*  Cahier,  op.  cit.,  p.  116.  ^  Ihid.,  p.  118  ''  Ibid.,  p.  116. 


THE  ANTHOLOPS 


73 


SiavY^l*   J^cii*  potO^tav  limpi- 

dum  et  altum 
xar  mwv  et  cum  bibisset 
oaov  T]0^e^ev  quantum  uolu- 

erat 
TOoa8ix,ev  adtendebat 
XT]'  xov  oooiiaxog  a  corporie 
xai*    ixaA^iOTQ-    pi8V8QT]vi    et 

maxime  quid  laudabat 
rr]v    cpuaiv    t(ov    xEQatcov 

naturam  cornuorum 
avaT8Ta|xevcovT8     excelsissi- 

mam 
8ig"  noXvv  aeQa  in   multo 

aere 
xai-  (og*  Kcoc,'  pioa8iv  et  quod 

ornamentum  esset 
jiavTi*  ICO"  (TcofittTi  omni  cor- 
poris 
e\[jeY8v  §8  culpabat  autem 
TTiv  Tcov  x8^v(ov  crurum 
^e:iT8Tr|Ta  exilitatem 
cog*  oi^xoicovre*  ovrcov   quas 

non  esset' 
EQiv  TO*  pttQog  ferre  pondus 
ev*  oig*  88'  Jigog*  xoutoug*  r\v 

sed  cum  in  his  esset 
vXayj\XE-  xivcov  latratus  ca- 

num 
eq^viSicog*  axou*  tai    subito 

audiit 
Kai*    xvvY\yzxz'    tiKegiov    et 

uenatores  proximo 

This  gave  the  Christian 
to  transform  the  story  by 

*  Hermeneumata  leidensia,  in  Goetz, 


0*   68*  jiQoaq)UYTiv  coQfxa  at 

ille  in  fugam  ibat 
Kav  \iE%Qiq-  ojiov   et  quan- 

diu  quidem 
6ia*  ji86i(ov  per  campos 
8J1018T0*  xov*  8qojiov  f aciobat 

cursum 
8aca^8xo  liberabatur 
ijjio*  xr\q'  oziXT]xog  a  ueloci- 

tate 
xcov*  oxe^cov  crurum 
8JII*  §8*  8ig*  jnjxvT]v  sed  ubi 

inspissam 
xai*  baoiav  et  condensam 
vXev  8Ji8a8V  siluam  incidit 
evJi?iax8vx(ov*  ai^xco  obligatis 

ei;  inplicatus 
TCOV  X8Qaxcov  cornibus 
8aA,ca  captus  est 
jisiQtt*  ^ladoDV  modo  perdis- 

cens 
oxi*  aga*  abiKovoBV  quod  in- 

iustus  esset 
xcov*   i8i(ov'  HQixrjg   suorum 

index 
\j?8Y0L)V'  [A.8VI  culpas  quidem 

uituperans 
xa*  oo^ovxa*  auxov  quae  sal- 

uabant  eum 
8Jiaiv(0V*  88  laudans  autem 
i3\|)CDV*  jTQo888oxai  a  quibus 

deeeptus  esset."^ 

moralizer  the  opportunity 
referring  to  the  horns  as 

vol.  Ill,  p.  40. 


74      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

emblematic  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testaments  and 
to  the  entwining  branch 3s  as  the  vices  that  beset  man. 
If  man  confided  in  his  horns  rather  than  his  legs,  that 
is,  in  the  Old  and  New  Testament  rather  than  in  the 
stimuli  of  vice,  he  would  escape  the  devil. 

The  Hermeneumata  leidensia  will  prove  of  extreme 
importance  in  our  study  of  the  German  Antiquitas, 
since  it  is  apparently  the  first  bilingual  glossary,  from 
which  the  Germanic  glossaries  and  the  essential  points 
dealt  with  in  the  Antiquitas  were  derived.  Now  the 
fables  begin  with  the  words:  "Nunc  ergo  incipiam 
fabulas  scribere  aesopias  et  subiciam  exemplum  per 
eum  enim  pictur§  constant  sunt  enim  ualde  necessarig 
ad  utilitatem  uitae  nostrae  primo  ergo  loco  fabulam 
incipiam  de  ceruo."^  The  title  De  ceruo  is  in  Greek 
ajio  8A,oc(poD,  and  it  is  clear  that  this  produced  autolops, 

most  likely   through    an   Arab,    (j-^)   read  fj^\  atlfs, 

hence  autolops. 

In  the  Old  High  German  version  we  read:  "an  dem 
wazzere  sint  manige  gerten  chleine  unde  lange,"^  where 
Arab,  sagartan  is  abbreviated  to  gerten,  as  it  is  to  zartdne 
in  the  Aethiopic  version.  In  the  Keronian  glosses  we 
find  "sceptrum  virga  regalis  garte  chuninclich,"  but  in 
one  version  we  have  "sceptrum  kertia.'"  From  this 
develops  the  meaning  "stimulus,"  but  in  Gothic  we 
have  the  anomalous  gazds,  in  ASaxon  gad,  in  ONorse 
gaddr   "stimulus,    prick." 

1  Ibid.,  p.  39  f. 

2  Lauchert,  op.  cit.,  p.  288. 


VIII.     THE  URUS. 

Urus  in  Pseudo-Epiphanius,  for  tamurus,  that  is,  for 

the  Arab.   jjJlr    tdmur  is  due  to    a   gloss   in   Jerome, 

where  some  glossator's  Arabic  equivalent  was  given  for 
"bubalus."  Wherever  the  Bible  has  yahmur,  the 
Latin  translation  is  buhalus,  and  this  animal,  later 
identified  with  an  African  gazelle,  was  supposed  to  be 
exceedingly  fierce,  and  was  from  the  start  confounded 
with  a  wild  ox,  chiefly  on  account  of  the  seeming 
derivation  from  ''Poijg,  bos."  When  Martial  wrote 
"illi  cessit  atrox  buhalus  atque  bison, "^  he  did  not  con- 
found the  buhalus  with  the  bison,  but  simply  mentioned 
the  two  fierce  animals  together.^  Jerome  glossed  Amos 
VI.  12,  "numquid  currere  queunt  in  petris  equi,  aut 
arari  potest  in  hubalisf,''  as  follows:  "posteriores 
(bubali)  tam  indomiti  sunt,  ut  jugum  cervicibus  non 
recipiant,  et  cum  silvestres  boves  sint,  propter  f eritatem 
nolint  terram  vomere  scindere."^  This  led  to  Isidore's 
*^  bubali  vocati  per  derivationem,  quod  sint  similes 
boum;  adeo  indomiti  ut  prae  feritate  iugum  cervicibus 
non  recipiant;   hos  Africa  procreat."^ 

Everywhere  else  we  find  the  urus  substituted  for  the 
"bubalus,"  and  it  will  now  be  shown  that  in  each  case 
we  have  an  interpolation,  if  not  a  downright  forgery. 
We  read  in  Vergil,  Geor.  II.  373-375,  as  follows: 

'*  Cui  super  indignas  hiemes  solemque  potentem 
silvestres  uri  adsidue  capreaeque  sequaces 
inludunt,  pascuntur  oves  avidaeque  iuvencae." 

1  De  Spedaculis,  XXIII.  4. 

2  We  shall  later  see,  however,  that  this  passage  is  based  on  a  forgery. 

3  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXV,  col.  1065. 
"XII.  1.  33. 


76      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

This  is  found  in  all  the  manuscripts  in  which  the 
passage  in  the  Georgics  is  preserved,  the  Palatinus, 
Romanus,  Schedae  Veronenses,  Mediceus.  The  second 
half  of  line  374  occurs  in  Ausonius'  Cento  nuptialis,  18, 
hence  it  would  appear  that  the  three  lines  quoted  from 
Vergil  must  have  existed  in  the  fourth  century;  but 
Ribbeck  bracketed  them^  on  the  ground  that  they  were 
tautologous  with  the  three  lines  following,  and  assumed 
that  Vergil  had  intended  to  delete  them  and  substitute 
for  them  the  following  three  lines,  while  Peerlkamp 
went  further  and  took  the  questionable  lines  to  be 
the  interpolation  of  a  grammarian. 

Whichever  way  we  take  it,  it  is  impossible  for  Vergil 
to  have  spoken  of  uri  in  Italy  or,  in  fact,  anywhere 
else.  Not  a  poet,  nor  grammarian,  nor  lexicographer 
of  the  first  few  Christian  centuries  knows  anything  of 
the  bison  by  that  name.  The  one  exception  is  Seneca, 
who,  in  his  Phaedra,  has  "tibi  villosi  terga  bisontes 
latisque  feri  cornibus  wn"  (65),  but  unfortunately 
Seneca  has  come  down  only  interpolated,  and  no  con- 
clusion can  be  drawn  from  this  reference  to  uri;  besides, 
one  series  of  manuscripts  reads  tauri.  Already  Cerda^ 
was  greatly  puzzled  by  Vergil's  reference  to  uri  in  the 
passage  quoted  and  suggested  that  this  was  a  mis- 
written  tauri. 

It  might  be  supposed  that  uri  was  already  in  exist- 
ence in  the  fifth  century  from  its  presence  in  a  Later- 
culus  of  Polemius  Silvius,^  where,  under  the  heading 
"  Nomina  cunctarum  spirancium  atque  quadrupedum," 
we  read  "visons,  urus,  bos,  bubalus."  Unfortunately 
this  Laterculus  has  come  down  only  in  a  XII.  century 
MS.,  and  there  are  a  number  of  animals  in  the  list 

1  Prolegomena  critica  ad  P.  Vergili  Maronis  opera  maiora,  Lipsiae  1866, 
p.  32. 

2  P.  Virgilii  Maronis  Bucolica  et  Georgica,  Coloniae  Agrippinae  1647, 
p.  319  f. 

3  MGH.,  Aud.  ant.,  vol.  IX,  p.  543  f. 


THE  URUS  77 

which  were  not  known  before  the  eighth  century.  We 
have  here  the  quadruped  arcomus,^  which  is  a  ghost 
word,  the  list  "lacerta,  lacrimus,  adis,""  where  the  latter 
is  the  Ger.  Eidechse,  from  an  Arabic  word,^  the  reptile 
ablinda,^  of  doubtful  antiquity,  and  the  swimming 
animal  serra,  a  retranslation  of  a  Syriac  or  Arabic  word 
in  the  VIII.  century.^  Thus  not  the  slightest  faith  can 
be  placed  in  this  Laterculus,  since  its  interpolations 
are  of  the  VIII.  or  later  century. 

But  we  have  distinct  references  to  the  Vergil  passage 
in  Servius  and  Macrobius.  Servius  writes :  "Silvestres 
uri  boves  agrestes,  qui  in  Pirenaeo  monte  nascuntur, 
inter  Gallias  et  Hispanias  posito;  sunt  autem,  exceptis 
elephantis,  maiores  animalibus  ceteris,  dicti  uri  dub  xcov 
OQecov,  id  est  a  montibus."^  The  gloss  to  Georg.  III. 
532-3,  which  in  the  manuscripts  reads  "et  uris  inpa- 
ribus  ductos,"  etc.,  is:  "bubus  agrestibus  et  ipsis  inae- 
qualibus:  nam  uri  agrestes  boves  sunt,  ut  diximus 
supra;  et  hoc  poetice  dicit."^  The  Brevis  Expositio  in 
Verg.  Georg.  reads  for  the  first:  "silvestres  uri  qui  in 
Pyrenaeo  monte  nascuntur  inter  Gallias.  Uri  autem 
boves  silvestres,  quos  vulgo  'bobalos'  appellant.'" 
It  is  clear  that  one  depends  upon  the  other,  but  the 
absurd  "inter  Gallias  et  Hispanias"  for  "inter  Galliam 
et  Hispaniam"  or  "inter  Gallias"  of  Servius,  at  once 
marks  the  first  as  derived  from  the  second.  Since  the 
second,  by  its  last  sentence,  is  immediately  related  to 
the  passage  in  Pliny,  both  passages  must  be  later  than 
Pliny,  and  it  will  be  shown  further  down  that  in 
Pliny  we  have  an  VIII.  century  interpolation,  hence 

^  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  II,  p.  94  f. 

2  See  this  volume,  p.  309. 

3  See  p.  307. 

*  See  p.  287. 

*  G.  Thilo,  Servii  Grammatici  qui  feruntur  in  Vergilii  Bucolica  et  Georgica 
eommentarii,  Lipsiae  1887,  vol.  Ill',  p.  251. 

«/6id.,  p.  317. 

'  Ibid.,  vol.  IIP,  p.  306. 


78      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

neither  passage  can  be  of  an  earlier  date.  If  we  turn 
to  Isidore,  we  find  for  uri^  a  quotation  from  Pliny, 
followed  in  the  Codex  Toleianus,  and  only  there,  by 
"dicti  uri  djio  xcbv  oqscov,  id  est  a  montibus,"  which 
is  from  Servius.  This  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
Servius  gloss  is  an  VIII.  century  Spanish  insertion, 
which  found  its  way  also  into  Isidore.  We  have  still 
another  evidence  of  the  lateness  of  the  Servius  gloss. 
To  Aen.  II.  64  we  read^  in  Servius:  "quidam  inludere 
per  ludum  ac  iocum  saevire  in  iniuriam  alicuius  intelle- 
gunt,  ut  'silvestres  uri  adsidue  capraeque  sequaces,'" 
which  is  acknowledged  to  be  a  late  interpolation, 
hence  corroborates  the  lateness  of  the  Vergil  passage, 
without,  of  course,  proving  it. 

Macrobius,  after  discussing  the  Greek  words  in  the 
Aeneid,  goes  on  to  say:  "nee  non  et  Punicis  Oscisque 
uerbis  usi  sunt  ueteres,  quorum  imitatione  Vergilius 
peregrina  uerba  non  respuit  ut  in  illo 

siluestres  uri  adsidue, 
uri  enim  Gallica  uox  est,  qua  feri  boues  significantur. 

Camuris  hirtae  sub  cornibus  aures. 
Camuris  peregrinum  uerbum  est,  id  est  'in  se  redeun- 
tibus'.  Et  forte  nos  quoque  camaram  hac  ratione 
figurauimus."^  Both  words  are  interpolations,  based 
on  the  VIII.  century  reading  of  Vergil's  Georgica. 
As  there  is  not  in  existence  an  investigation  of  Macro- 
bins'  text  as  to  interpolations,  such  as  we  have,  for 
example,  for  Nonius,  the  interpolation  in  this  case 
appears  from  the  following  outside  considerations. 
The  reference  to  urus  being  a  Gallic  word  arises  from 
Servius'  location  of  the  animal  in  Gaul,  where  it  does 
not  exist,  and  was  not  located  by  anyone  else.  The 
juxtaposition  of  urus  and  camurus  is  the  same  as  in 
Isidore,   where  immediately  after  the  urus  we  have 

1  XII.  1.  34. 

2  Thilo  and  Hagen,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  227. 

3  VI.  4.  23. 


THE  URUS  79 

the  camel,  with  the  following  etymology:  "quia 
curvus  est  dorso;  xa|ioi3Q  enim  verbo  Graeco  curvum 
significat."^  Of  course,  all  this  is  nonsense,  but  since 
camurus  is  here  given  as  a  Greek  word,  Macrobius' 
scholium  was  totally  unknown,  and  the  information 
in  the  Etymologiae  came  from  another  source.  We 
shall  later  see  that  the  juxtaposition  is  Arabic,  both 
being  derived  from  Arabic  words,  but  here  we  can 
only  point  out  the  uniqueness  and  unrelatedness  in 
Macrobius  to  anything  recorded,  although  the  refer- 
ences are  intelHgible  and  easily  explained  from  later 
references. 

Before  returning  to  Pliny  and  Solinus,  it  becomes 
necessary  to  point  out  that  the  existing  manuscripts 
of  the  Georgica  are  of  late  origin.  The  whimsicalness 
and  unreliability  of  the  science  of  palaeography  is  well 
brought  out  in  this  case.  Ribbeck  placed  all  of  the 
manuscripts  in  the  V.  century  or  earlier,  on  the  sup- 
position that  the  capital  writing  was  not  found  after 
that  period.^  Conington  and  Nettleship^  placed  the 
Mediceus  in  the  V.  century,  because  at  the  end  of  the 
Eclogues  there  is  a  "subscriptio"  by  Apronianus  Aste- 
rius,  dated  A.  D.  494.  But  M.  Hoffmann^  says  that 
it  is  not  certain  that  we  have  here  the  "subscriptio" 
of  Apronianus  for  the  whole  work,  since  it  is  not  at 
the  end  of  the  book,  and  may  be  a  mere  copy,  and  so 
comes  to  the  conclusion  that  only  palaeography  could 
decide;  but  this  leaves  us  in  the  lurch,  "as  it  generally 
does."  Therefore  he  concludes:  "All  that  we  may 
say  with  certainty  is  that  the  Mediceus  is  considerably 
old;  it  is  probable  that  it  belongs  to  the  transition  age 
from  antiquity  to  the  Middle  Ages." 

iXII.  1.  35. 

2  Op.  cit.,  p.  231. 

3  The  Works  of  Virgil,  London  1898,  vol.  1,  p.  CI. 

^  Der  Codex  Mediceus,  PL  XXXIX,  N.  1,  des  Vergilius,  Berlin  1889,  p.  XV. 


80      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

The  same  uncertainty  of  dating  exists  in  the  case 
of  the  Schedae  Veronenses,  of  which  E.  Chatelain^  says: 
"Another  manuscript  of  Verona,  numbered  XL  (38), 
contains  books  XXVIII-XXXV  of  the  Moralia  in  Job 
of  Pope  Gregory  the  Great  in  Lombard  writing  of  the 
IX.  century.  The  second  half  of  the  volume  is  pal- 
impsest. There  they  found  fifty  one  leaves  of  a  manu- 
script of  Vergil  in  large  capitals,  of  which  each  page 
contained  only  thirteen  verses,  with  broad  margins 
reserved  for  scholia.  These  scholia,  in  small  inclined 
writing,  are  probably  contemporaneous  with  the 
transcription  of  Vergil,  and  may  go  back  to  the  IV.  or 
V.  century.'* 

As  the  Palatinus  and  Romanus  are  obviously  of  the 
same  period,  it  will  suffice  to  discuss  the  latter.  The 
Romanus  is  a  beautiful  manuscript  in  rustic  capitals 
and  contains  a  large  series  of  illustrations.  It  has  been 
variously  dated  as  belonging  to  the  second,  fourth, 
fifth,  eighth,  and  even  thirteenth  century.^  De  Nolhac,^ 
quoting  Ribbeck's  investigation,  shows  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  date  any  of  the  manuscripts  of  Vergil  under 
discussion,  but  insists  that  the  Romanus  is  of  the  VIII. 
century.*  Traube^  tried  to  save  the  antiquity  of  the 
MS.,  but  was  unable  to  assign  to  it  a  date  earlier  than 
the  VI.  century:  "Palaeography  entitles  us  to  say 
that  the  Romanus  is  not  a  very  old  manuscript;  it 
permits  the  assumption  that  it  belongs  to  the  VI. 
century."^  When  one  considers  that  the  Utrecht 
Psalter   uses    the    same    kind    of   rustic    capitals    and 

^  Les  palimpsestes  latins,  in  Annuaire  1904,  Ecole  Pratique  des  Hautes 
Etudes,  p.  7. 

^  Codices  e  vaticanis  selecti,  phototypice  expressi  iussu  Leonis  PP.  XIII, 
Romae  1902,  vol.  II,  p.  II  f. 

'  Le  Virgile  du  Vatican  et  ses  peintures,  in  Notices  et  extraits  des  manu- 
serits  de  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale  et  autres  Bibliotheques,  vol.  XXXV,  p.  683  ff. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  684. 

*  Das  Alter  des  codex  Romanus  des  Virgil,  in  Strena  Helbigiana,  Lipsiae 
1900,  p.  307  ff. 

•/btd.,  p.  314. 


THE  URUS  81 

similar  illustrations  as  the  Romanus,  and  yet  certainly 
is  not  of  an  earlier  date  than  the  VIII.  century,  one 
must  confess  that  De  Nolhac's  date  comes  nearer  the 
truth  than  any  other.  Had  the  Utrecht  Psalter  not 
made  use  of  uncials  for  beginnings  of  lines  and  titles, 
the  resemblance  between  the  two  would  be  overwhelm- 
ing. However  it  may  be,  palaeography  is  of  no  use 
to  us  in  the  present  case,  and  the  date  of  the  MSS.  will 
have  to  be  decided  differently. 

Solinus  is  based  on  Pliny.  Here  we  read:^  "sunt  et 
uri,  quos  inperitum  vulgus  vocat  bubalos,  cum  bubali 
paene  ad  cervinam  faciem  in  Africa  procreentur;  istis 
porro  quos  uros  dicimus  taurina  cornua  in  tantum 
modum  protenduntur,  ut  dempta  ob  insignem  capaci- 
tatem  inter  regias  mensas  potuum  gerula  fiant."  This 
is  based  on  two  passages  in  Pliny:  "iubatos  bisontes 
excellentique  et  vi  et  velocitate  uros,  quibus  inperitum 
volgus  bubalorum  nomen  inponit,  cum  id  gignat  Africa 
vituli  potius  cervique  quadam  similitudine,"^  and 
"urorum  cornibus  barbari  septentrionales  potant  urnis- 
que  bina  capitis  unius  cornua  inplent."^ 

It  is  clear  that  in  the  Pliny  passages  we  should  have 
"iubatos  bisontes  excellentesque  et  vi  et  velocitate 
tauros,  quibus,"  etc.,  and  ''  taurorum  cornibus,"  etc.,  be- 
cause we  know  of  no  other  animal  resembling  the  bison 
in  Germany,  and  because  universally  "bubalus"  was 
applied  to  the  bison,  as  in  Venantius  Fortunatus  and 
Gregory  of  Tours.  Besides,  when  we  read  in  Pliny 
"cum  arbore  exacuant  limentque  cornua  elephanti  et 
uri,"^  it  is  not  plausible  that  Pliny  did  not  speak  of 
the  tauri,  since  the  bison's  horns  are  very  short  and  not 
used  in  attack  so  prominently  as  those  of  the  tauri,  of 
whom  Pliny  says  "cornibus  in  procinctu  dimicationem 
poscentibus."^ 

'XX.  5.  ''VIII.  38.  ^  XI.  126 

'  XVIII.  2.  6  vin.  181. 

11 


82      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

When  we  now  turn  to  Solinus,  we  at  once  recognize 
that  "istis  porro  quos  uros  dicimus"  is  an  interpolation, 
since  the  ridiculous  tautology  "the  oxhorns  of  those 
whom  we  call  uri"  is  obvious.  "  Taurina  cornua" 
could  have  arisen  only  from  ''taurorum  cornibus"  in 
Pliny,  not  from  '' urorum  cornibus."  Similarly,  the 
statement  "quibus  inperitum  volgus  bubal orum  nomen 
inponit,"  etc.,  in  both  is  certainly  an  interpolation, 
since  we  have  nowhere  any  record  of  the  presence  of 
the  bison  in  Italy,  where  the  "inperitum  volgus" 
could  have  called  it  by  that  name.  The  first  time  such 
a  mistake  could  have  been  made  outside  of  patristic 
literature  and  learned  references  was  in  the  year  595, 
when,  as  we  are  told  by  Paulus  Diaconus,^  the  hubalus 
was  introduced  into  Italy.  That  must  have  been  the 
Asiatic  buffalo,  which  is  still  found  in  the  south  of 
Europe,  and  then  and  then  only  could  the  "inperitum 
volgus"  have  confused  the  two.  Before  that  the  con- 
fusion, if  there  was   any,  was  by  the  "periti  docti." 

What  really  happened  is  this.  The  lemma  in  Jerome 
had,  no  doubt,  the  Arab,  tamur  written  over  "posteri- 
ores,"  which,  on  account  of  the  following  "tam  indom- 
iti,"  was  read  as  "tam  urV  or  "tamen  uri,'"  thus 
leading  to  the  ghost  word  uri.  When  we  turn  to  the 
Syrio- Arabic  glosses,  we  find  a  number  of  times  \LLJ. 

^j>   c^j-^-j  j_^Ulj  jj^Uj  jj^l,,  that  is,  the  Syr.  yahmurd 

is  rendered  by  Arab,  al-tamur  or  gdmus  barriyy,  the 
latter  meaning  literally  "bos  silvester,"  for  gdmus  is 
"buffalo"  and  barriyy  "wild."  It  is  clear,  therefore, 
that  in  the  case  of  the  Arabic  gloss  we  have  a  reference 
to  Jerome's  "bubalus  bos  silvester,"  and  to  the  Syr. 
ij'aiLii-i,  which    produced    Arab,  ydmur,    ndmur,  tdmur. 

It  is,  no  doubt,  in  the  German  Antiquitas  that  uri 
received    its    full    acknowledgment,    the    name    being 

1  Historia  Langobardorum,  IV.  10,  in  MGH.,  Scrip,  rer.  lang.  et  ital.,  p.  120. 


THE  URUS  83 

transferred  to  the  German  bison.  In  the  Liher  glos- 
sarum,^  which  is  generally  ascribed  to  the  middle  of 
the  VIII.  century,  but  is  probably  somewhat  later,  we 
have   the  following  entries:     De   Gls. 

Vri  Fere  humiles  boum 

Vri  Uituli  agrestes  quos  bubalos  uocant 

Vri  Agrestes  boues  sunt  in  germania  habentes  cornua 
intantum  protensa  ut  regiis  mensis  insigni 
capacitate  ex  eis  gerule  fiant  die  autem  uri 
cxjtoi^ovGQUGV,  id  est,  a  montibus.^ 

The  first  two  glosses  are  not  found  elsewhere,  and 
the  third,  although  given  in  Isidore,  in  the  Codex 
Toletanus,  is  not  given  as  from  Isidore,  but  apparently 
like  the  other  two,  "de  glossis."  The  first  two  are  of 
extraordinary  importance,  since  the  reference  to  "small 
beasts  of  oxen"  and  "wild  calves  called  bubali"  shows 
once  more  that  uri  stands  for  tamuri,  and  is  nothing  but 
the  Biblical  "l^^H!  yahmur,  which  ultimately  led  to 
the  antholops.  In  any  case,  in  these  two  glosses  the 
glossators  were  still  on  Biblical  ground.  In  Sangallensis 
912  we  read  ""  uros  bos  siluaticus,"^  where  the  expla- 
nation is  still  that  of  Jerome,  while  the  lemma  has  uros, 
instead  of  "bubalus."  While  two  of  the  Graeco- 
Latin  vocabularies  simply  record  '^  urus  PoiJSaAog,"'^  one 
has  " iirus  ^ovc,  Fepjiavog,"^  which  coincides  with  the 
third  gloss  in  the  Liber  glossarum.  That  this  urus, 
like  camurus  discussed  below,  was  not  in  the  original 
Vergil  is  obvious.  This  is  further  corroborated  by  the 
fact  that  the  Glossae  Vergilianae,^  which  of  all  glosses 
should  have  had  these  two  strange  words,  have  neither. 
To  make  matters  worse,  the  great  Vergilian  glossary 

^Facsimiles  of  Parisinus  Latin  11530,  E.  ]''-6.5vand  ff.  23l"^-2-10v,  in  the 
Harvard  Library.    Unfortunately  this  goes  only  from  F-L  and  from  Ue-Us. 

2  Fol.  240V. 

3  Goetz,  vol.  IV,  p.  297. 

4  Ibid.,  vol.  II,  p.  259,  vol.  Ill,  p.  258. 
^Ibid.,  vol.  II,  p.  211. 

« Ibid.,  vol.  IV,  p.  427  ff. 


84      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Codex  Bernensis  XVI,^  which  goes  from  A-E,  has 
neither  camurus,  nor  cornua  camura.  Nor  is  urus  found 
in  any  of  the  numerous  glosses,  outside  of  the  two 
mentioned.  This  is  fatal  for  the  presence  of  the  word 
in  Vergil. 

We  can  now  turn  to  Caesar's  uri.  Here  we  read: 
"Tertium  est  genus  eorum,  qui  uri  appellantur.  Hi 
sunt  magnitudine  paulo  infra  elephantos,  specie  et 
colore  et  figura  tauri.  Magna  vis  eorum  est  et  magna 
velocitas,  neque  homini  neque  ferae,  quam  conspexe- 
runt,  parcunt.  Hos  studiose  foveis  captos  interficiunt. 
Hoc  se  labore  durant  adulescentes  atque  hoc  genere 
venationis  exercent,  et  qui  plurimos  ex  his  interfece- 
runt,  relatis  in  publicum  cornibus,  quae  sint  testimonio, 
magnam  f  erunt  laudem.  Sed  adsuescere  ad  homines  et 
mansuefieri  ne  parvuli  quidem  excepti  possunt.  Am- 
plitudo  cornuum  et  figura  et  species  multum  a  nostro- 
rum  boum  cornibus  differt.  Haec  studiose  conquisita 
ab  labris  argento  circumcludunt  atque  in  amplissimis 
epulis  pro  poculis  utuntur."^  The  latter  part  of  the 
account,  which  deals  with  the  use  of  bisons'  horns  for 
drinking  purposes,  is  identical  with  the  account  of  the 
horns  of  the  Paeonian  bull,  and  does  not  refer  to  Ger- 
many, but  to  Macedonia.  We  have  already  seen  how 
the  Germanic  urus  arose  from  Bible  glosses.  Thus  there 
is  nothing  left  in  the  story  which  Caesar  could  have 
written.  The  forgery  of  this  part  of  the  Hercynian 
Forest  is  obvious. 

^  Thilo  and  Hagen,  op.  cit.,  vol.  IIP,  p.  453  flf. 
2  VI.  28. 


IX.     THE  MONOPS. 

There  is  a  passage  in  the  spurious^  X.  book  of  Aris- 
totle's De  animalibus,  where  we  have  a  complete 
account  of  the  bonasus:  "  The  bison  is  found  in  Paeonia 
on  Mount  Messapium,  which  separates  Paeonia  from 
Maedica;  and  the  Paeonians  call  it  the  monapos.  It 
is  the  size  of  a  bull,  but  stouter  in  build,  and  not  long 
in  the  body;  its  skin,  stretched  tight  on  a  frame, 
would  give  sitting  room  for  seven  people.  In  general 
it  resembles  the  ox  in  appearance,  except  that  it  has  a 
mane  that  reaches  down  to  the  point  of  the  shoulder, 
as  that  of  the  horse  reaches  down  to  its  withers;  but 
the  hair  in  its  mane  is  softer  than  the  hair  in  the 
horse's  mane,  and  clings  more  closely.  The  colour  of 
the  hair  is  brown-yellow;  the  mane  reaches  down  to 
the  eyes,  and  is  deep  and  thick.  The  colour  of  the 
body  is  half  red,  half  ashen-grey,  like  that  of  the  so- 
called  chestnut  horse,  but  rougher.  It  has  an  under- 
coat of  woolly  hair.  The  animal  is  not  found  either 
very  black  or  very  red.  It  has  the  bellow  of  a  bull. 
Its  horns  are  crooked,  turned  inwards  towards  each 
other  and  useless  for  purposes  of  self-defence;  they  are 
a  span  broad,  or  a  little  more,  and  in  volume  each  horn 
would  hold  about  three  pints  of  liquid;  the  black 
colour  of  the  horn  is  beautiful  and  bright.  The  tuft 
of  hair  on  the  forehead  reaches  down  to  the  eyes,  so 
that  the  animal  sees  objects  on  either  flank  better 
than  objects  right  in  front.  It  has  no  upper  teeth, 
as  is  the  case  also  with  kine  and  all  other  horned  animals. 
Its  legs  are  hairy;  it  is  cloven-footed,  and  the  tail, 
which  resembles  that  of  the  ox,  seems  not  big  enough 
'  Dittmeyer,  op.  cit.,  p.  V  ff. 


86      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

for  the  size  of  its  body.  It  tosses  up  dust  and  scoops 
out  the  ground  with  its  hooves,  like  the  bull.  Its 
skin  is  impervious  to  blows.  Owing  to  the  savour  of 
its  flesh  it  is  sought  for  in  the  chase.  When  it  is 
wounded  it  runs  away,  and  stops  only  when  thoroughly 
exhausted.  It  defends  itself  against  an  assailant  by 
kicking  and  projecting  its  excrement  to  a  distance  of 
eight  yards;  this  device  it  can  easily  adopt  over  and 
over  again,  and  the  excrement  is  so  pungent  that  the 
hair  of  hunting-dogs  is  burnt  off  by  it.  It  is  only 
when  the  animal  is  disturbed  or  alarmed  that  the  dung 
has  this  property;  when  the  animal  is  undisturbed  it 
has  no  blistering  effect.  So  much  for  the  shape  and 
habits  of  the  animal.  When  the  season  comes  for 
parturition  the  mothers  give  birth  to  their  young  in 
troops  upon  the  mountains.  Before  dropping  their 
young  they  scatter  their  dung  in  all  directions,  making 
a  kind  of  circular  rampart  around  them;  for  the  animal 
has  the  faculty  of  ejecting  excrement  in  most  extraor- 
dinary quantities."^  A  similar  account  is  given  in 
Aristotle's  equally  spurious  IleQi  ^av\xaoiodv 
dzcuajidtcov. 

'0  88  Povaaog  yiyve-  IleQi    0^aD|iaaio)V 

Toti  JX8V  8V  XT]  IlaiGvia  8V  T(p  (x  X  0  V  a  [X  d  T  CO  V. 

oQsi  TO)  M8a0ajii(p,  o  oQi^si  'Ev  xf]  IlaiGvig  cpaalv  sv 

Tf]v  IlaiQvixrjv  xai  ty]v  Mai-  xw  oqsi  xco  'Haamo  xaA,oii- 

8ixriv  xcoQav,  xa^o^cn  8'  ait-  [xsvco,  o  xr\v  IlaiGvixriv  xai 

xov  01  riaioveg  |i  6  v  a  jt  o  v  xr\v  Mai8ixT]v  6qi^8i,  8ivai  xi 

x6  bk  [xeyeO'og  eaxiv  fi^iixov  ^tiqiov  x6  xaXovyiZvov    P  6- 

TaxJQog,  xai  saxiv  oyxcoSecrxs-  ?i  i  v  d  o  v,  vm  be  xcJav  11  ai- 

Qov  f|  poijg*  01)  yag  jiQopir]-  ovcov  [x  6  v  a  i  Ji  o  v   xoijxov 

xeg  eaxiv  x6  88  SsQpia  ai)Xo\3  ?^sY0Dai  xfjv  \i£V  6^t]v  cpvaiv 

xax8X8i  8ig  8JtxdxXivov  djio-  jiaQajr^rjcriov  eivai  pot,  8ia- 

xa^Ev  xal  x6  dXXo  8'  8L8og  cp8Q8iv  88  xco  fX8Y80^8i  xai  xfj 

1  J.  A.  Smith  and  W.  D.  Ross,  The  Works  of  Aristotle,  Oxford  1910, 
vol.  IV,  p.  630. 


THE  MONOPS 


87 


opioiov  pot,  ;jiA,f]V  xctitriv  exei 

ijuiog*  piaAaxcoTSQa  6'  f)  O^qi^ 
TTJg  xoD  IJT3X0U,  xal  jiQoae- 
oxaXiiEYY]  \iidXXov  XQw^a  8' 


8X£l  TOU  TQlXC0|XaTOC 


iav&ov 


q)&a?.^i(0'V  xaOrjxoijaa  f)  x«i^fi1 
eati  xal  jiuxviy  to  Se  XQWjAa 
8X81  Toij  tQixcop-ttTog  [AEaov 
xecpQoiJ  xal  jil'qqoij,  oi)'/  oiov 
at  jiaQcbai  iJtJioi  xa?ioijpi8vai, 
d^A,'  aiJXfxriQOTSQav  tt]v  tqi- 
Xa  dvoo^sv,  xdTOL)0^8v  8QI(o8ti* 
[XEA.av8g  6'  i]  jtijqqoI  ocpoS^a 
ov  yiyvovxai-  q)(jovr]v  8'  6|iol- 
av  e'xouai  Pot,  xsQata  88 
ya\iy^d,  X8xa!i|i8va  JtQog  ak- 
Xr^ka  xal  dxQil(5Ta  jiQog  to 
d|i'i)V8aOai,  tco  |18Y£^el  ojii- 
dajiiaia  f|  j,iixQcp  [isi^co,  nd- 
Xog  8'  030T8  %(x)Qf\oai  piY]  jioA,- 

A,(p  e^aTTOV  flfllXOV  8xdT8Q0V 

f]  88  |i8A,avia  xaA,ri  xal  ^ijia- 
Qa  ToiJ  xeQttTog*  to  88  jtqoxo- 
|xiov  xa^r|X8i  8Jil  Toijg  oqp^aA,- 
j-ioijg,  oSaT'  8i(;  to  jt^vdyiov 
jtaQOQdv  [idAAov  f|  8Lg  to 
jiQoaO^ev  686vTag  88  Toijg  d- 

VOiO^EV  OIJX  8X81,   &OjIEQ  oi)8s 

Poijg  01)8'  d?iXo  T(ov  x8QaTo- 
q)6Q(ov  oxtSev,  axsA-Ti  88  8a- 
0sa-  xal  eoTi  8ixaA-6v  X8q- 
xov  8'  kkdxxod  f|  xaTa  to  pi8- 
ye^og,  6|ioiav  ttj  toij  Poog* 
xal  dvaQQiJtT8L  tyjv  xoviv  xal 


8l)Q0L)OTia,  JlQOOSTl  88  Xal  Tfi 

XaiTi]-  e'xsi  ydQ  dno  xov  av- 
X8Vog,  coajt8Q  6  ijijiog,  xaTa- 
T8ivoi)aav  Pa0^8iav  a(p68Qa, 
xal  djto  Trig  xoQuqpfig  ecog 
Tcov  ocpO^a^ijiov  Ttt  88  x8QaTa 
ovx  dSajisQ  01  p68g,  d?iA,d  xa- 
T8c?TQa^iji8va,  xal  to  o^v  xd- 
T03  jiaod  Ta  coTa*  y^MQEiv  bk 
ai)Td  fipiixoou  jr^8iov  8xdT8- 
Qov  ai)Tcov,  xal  |isA,ava  ocpo- 
8Qa  8ivai,  8ia(JTi^68iv  88  w- 
oavel  A,8?i8Jtiopi8va-  oTav  88 
Ex8aQfi  TO  88Qji,a,  xaTsxeiv  x6- 
jiov  oxTaxA-ivooj"  fjvixa  88 
:xh]yf\,  cp8iJY8i,  xdv  8|a8iJ- 
vaToiJv  |i8V8r  'ioxi  bk  ^bv- 
xQ8a)v  d^njv8Tai  88  A,axTi^ov 
Kal  jiQoaaq)o88ijov  cog  sjil  tst- 
TaQag  oQyiJidg'  Qa8icog  88 
XQTJTai  ToiJTcp  xal  Jto^i^idxig 

TCp    8l88l,     xal        83TLXai8L    8' 

wctt'  dno^ryizad^ai  Tag  xgi- 
Xag  TCOV  xuvcov  T8TaoaY[xs- 
vov  [i£V  ovv  ToiJTO  J10181V  cpa- 
ol  Tov  d(po8ov,  dTaQttxov  88 
[ii]  ejTixaisiv  OTav  88  tixtco- 
01,  jiA,8iovg  yEv6\izvoi  xal 
(nJvax0^8VT8g  dpia  ji:dvT8g  oi 
lieyicTToi  TixTOTJCTL  xal  xiJxXcp 
n;QocTacpo88TJOTJ(Tr  Jto?ii)  ydg  ti 

TOIJTOV  TOIJ   Jl8QlTTC0piaT0g  TO 

§r]Qiov  jtQoteTai  (p.  830a). 


88      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

OQiJxtBi  &OKEQ  xavQoq'  bzQyia 
8'  e'xBi  ^Qoq  tag  nky]yaq  ioyy- 
Qov.  'ion  6'  fi8iJxQ8a)v,  6io 
xal  OriQeiJouaiv  amo'  otav  hk 

otav  e^aSvvatfj*  d^iwetai  8e 
?iaxTi^cov  xai  jtQoaaq)o88l3(ov 
xai  elg  TettaQag  OQyviag  dcp' 
gaiJToij  QLJtTcov  QctSicog  Se 
XQi'ixaL  ToiJTG)  xai  jtoA,A,dxig, 
xai  ejiixaiei  ware  diio^r\XE- 
oO^ai  tag  TQi%aq  to5v  xdvcov 
T£TaQay[i8voiJ  piev  oiJv  xai  q)o- 
6ov|X8Vou  ToiJTo  jioiei  f)  x6- 
jtQog,  dtaQaxTov  8'  ovtog  oijx 
ejTLxaiei'  f)  |i8V  ovv  I8ea  xoij 
OrjQiov  xai  f|  cpvGiq  xoiavvt] 
Tig   e0Tiv   otav  8'   cSpa   fj 

TOIJ  Tixteiv,  d^QOOl  TlXTOUaiV 

ev  Toig  oQeaiv  jteQi  88  xov 
TOJiov  dcpo88iJO'uai  jrQ6T8Qov 
jToiv  t8X8iv,  xai  jioioijaiv  olov 

JC8Ql6o?lOV  JlQOlSTai  yOLQ 
TO  ^QlOV  JtO^lJ  Tl  jiA,fj0^og 
Toxrrov  xov  jieQiTTcbfxaTog 
(p.  630). 

The  two  passages  prove  conclusively  that  the 
iJtjreA-aqpoi  previously  mentioned  is  a  later  interpolation, 
for  the  sentence  y^aixif]v  e%£i  ^i%Qi  Tfjg  dxQco^iiag  wajreQ 
ijutog  of  De  animalibus  was  before  this  used  in  con- 
nection with  the  iJiJieA-acpoi:  hence  it  is  only  neces- 
sary to  show  the  spuriousness  of  the  passage,  in 
order  to  prove  the  spuriousness  of  both  bonasus  and 
iJureA-aqpoi  wherever  found.  We  find  a  reference  to  the 
throwing  of  the  excrement  by  the  povaaog  in  Aelian 


THE  MONOPS  89 

and  in  Antigonus  of  Carystia.  The  first  writes: 
«Zco6v  80X1  riaiovixov,  xal  xixkrytai  \i  6  v  (n  ^,  xai  eoixe 
TttTjQq)  Xaaico  to  ^isye^og*  ovxoc,  ovv,  ov  ^xovcojia  xaXovoiv 
ol  Ilaioveg,  otav  SicoxTixai,  TapatTOjievog  dq)iTiai  jtiJQcoSeg 
xai  8Qi|i,i)  djTOJtdxTiiia,  wg  dxoijco*  ojieQoiiv  el  TiQooniooi  T(p 
To5v  ^QOTCrtV  djxEXX8iv8V  ain;6\'».^  The  second  writes: 
«T6v  bk  piovoDXov  YiveoO^ai  |i8v  cpaaiv  ev  naiovi(?,  ev  x(p 
6q8i  Mapadvcp*  686vxag  §8  xovg  dvcod8v  ovTi  e^eiv,  03ajt8Q 
poiiv,  01)6'  dX,A,o  xcov  6ix8Qdx(ov  ovbiv  xai  xd?i.A,a  jtQocr8|x- 
cp8Q8g  elvai  xq)  xa^jQcp-  8io)x6[i8Vov  ^8,  jiQoaaq)o88i38iv  Jtoo- 
Q0)^8V,  xai  xtjv  x6:xQov,  oxav  ;n:8q:o6Tipi8Vog  xoijxo  Jioirjori, 
8Jtixd8i'V  ouxcog,  o5ax8  xdg  XQi%ag  dnoQQEiv  xwv  xxrivcov  dv 
6'  dvsD  q)66o\)  xoiJxo  Jioirjon,  oi)88v  Jidax8iv,  oi)8s  pXdjix8- 
a^ai-  0  8'  dv  o^eijar],  xai  eyxuov  Jioirjo]],  xoiixou  ndXiv  ov% 
d:tx8adai».^ 

The  Aelian  passage  is  obviously  an  interpolation, 
since  the  repetition  «xal  xex^Tjxai  ix6v(oi|)»  and  «ov 
piovcojia  naXovaiv  ol  naiov8g»  is  inconceivable  for  the 
lucid  style  of  Aelian.  That  both  are  interpolations 
and  forgeries  follows  from  the  fact  that  the  account 
given  by  them  does  not  refer  to  the  ox  or  bison,  but 
to  a  bird,  the  bustard.  Aelian  says  of  the  bustard, 
d)xig,  that  it  alone  of  all  the  birds  fears  the  dog,  and, 
because  it  flies  low,  hides  in  swamps  and  thickets: 
«M6vT]  08  T)  (bxig  :n;8cpQix8  xijvag,  xo  aixiov,  PaQeiai  xe  ei- 
ai,  xai  aaQxcbv  oyxov  JiEQicpeQcvoiv  ovxoojv  aijxdg  aiQei  xe 
xai  eXaqpoi^ei  xd  jTX8Qd  paSicog*  xai  8id  xovxo  xaji8ivai  jie- 
xovxai  xai  xdxco  ji8qi  y^v,  PQiBovxog  xo€'  oyxoD  aiixdg*  at- 
Qowxai,  88  VTib  xc5v  xi^vcov  jtoA,^dxig-  6jt8Q  eauxaig  aw8i- 
8mai,  oxav  dxoijacooiv  vA.axfjg,  eg  xoijg  O^dfivoo^g  xai  xd  8/\.t] 
xaxadeouai,  jTQo6a^^6^i8vai  eavxwv  xawa,  xai  Qvojievai 
aqpdg  ex  xwv  jtapovxcov,  xai  \idXa  eiiJiOQCog*.^ 

>  VII.  3. 

2  J.   Beckmann,   Anfigoni  Carystii  Historiarum  mirabilium  collectanea, 
Lipsiae  1791,  cap.  LVIII. 

3  v.  24. 


90      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

The  bustard  is  in  Arabic  described  by  Ad-Damiri  as 
follows:  "Al-Gahiz  states  that  it  possesses  a  treasure 
in  its  anus  and  bowels  which  always  contain  thin 
excrement,  and  when  a  hawk  persists  in  pursuing  it, 
it  voids  it  over  the  hawk,  so  that  all  its  feathers  fall 
off,  in  consequence  of  which  it  dies.  God  has  verily 
created  its  excrement  a  weapon  (of  defence)  for  it. 
A   poet   says: 

'They   left   you   more    voiding   thin    dung   than   a 

bustard 
Which  has  seen  a  hawk,  and  more  fleeing  than  an 

ostrich! 

One  of  its  peculiarities  is  that  it  is  seized  as  prey 
but  does  not  itself  seek  (other  birds)  as  objects  of 
prey."^  Al-Gahiz  wrote  in  the  middle  of  the  IX. 
century,  and  his  story  arose  from  an  extension  of  the 
account  of  the  ibis,  due  to  an  Arabic  pun. 

The  ancients  considered  the  ibis  as  a  wise  bird,  which 
purged  itself  by  introducing  its  beak  into  the  anus. 
"Purgatu  autem  alvos  ibes  Aegyptiae  curant;  "^ 
«AiYiJjrTioi  xXvo[io.xa  xai  xdOaoaiv  yaoxobg  ovx  ex  tivog 
EJtivoiag  dvOQcojiiVTig  Xiyovai  jxa{}8iv,  bibdoxaXov  hi  acpioi 
Toi3  idiiaTog  Tovb^  Tr[V  i'Piv  d6oDaiv».^  The  Arabs  called 
the    Otis  tijV*-    hubdrd,    from    Cop.    hiboi    "ibis,"    and 

confused  it  with  the  ibis,  as  in  the  Arabic  translation 
of  Isaiah,  where  the  Gr.  1615  is  rendered  by  this  word.^ 
But  Al-Gahiz  or  his  predecessor  could  not  escape  the 
pun  which  was  current  as  a  proverb,  jj^\  ^,  which 

may  mean  both  "the  bustard's  dung"  and  "the  bust- 
ard's weapon,"  and  so  said,  "God  verily  created  its 

^  Op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  505. 

2  Cicero,  De  natura  Deorum,  II.  50. 

3  Aelian,  II.  .35.     Other  references  are  recorded  in  Leemans'  Horapollo, 
Amstelodami  1835,  p.  246. 

^  Bochart,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II,  col.  282. 


THE  MONOPS  91 

excrement  a  weapon  for  it."  Thus  arose  the  Arabic 
account  of  the  bustard's  throwing  the  dung  to  save 
himself.  But  the  account  in  Aelian  V.  24  spoke  of  the 
fear  the  otis  had  of  the  pursuing  dogs.  Movt]  dbxig  used 
there  was  taken  by  the  interpolator  of  Antigonus  to  be 
the  name  of  the  animal  which  threw  the  dung,  and  this 
[AOVCOTog  became  Li6va)i[',  }.i6va.:T:og,  fxovaijiog  in  the  others. 
But  in  the  interpolation  in  Aristotle  it  is  specifically 
mentioned  that  the  animal  does  so  in  order  to  save 
itself  from  the  hunting  dogs. 

We  can  see  how  the  composite  error  arose  of  con- 
necting the  buhalus  with  the  otis.  Jerome  used  ibex 
in  Job  XXXIX,  1,  where  St.  Augustine  wrote  tra- 
gelaphus.  In  the  commentary  to  this  passage  Olympi- 
odorus  wrote  «TQo.yEkacpoc  fjioi  olyaaTQoq:>,^  the  latter 
for  aiyayQcg,  as  in  the  Graeco-Latin  glosses  ''ibex 
aiyayQcg,"^  and  this  is  the  ibex.  The  Hebrew  has 
in  this  passage  "^^l  yd' el  "ibex,  chamois,"  and  we 
shall  soon  see^  that  the  Arab,  gdmus,  originally  the 
name  of  the  buffalo,  became  confused  with  the  ibex 
and  chamois  and  led  to  Ger.  Gemse.  Thus  we  have 
an  all  around  confusion  of  urus,  buffalo,  ibex,  chamois. 

1  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  XCIII,  col.  412. 

2  Goetz,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  431,  90. 

3  See  p.  94. 


X.     THE   GAMMUS. 

The  Glossae  graeco-latinae  give  "jiXaxi^xEQCOi;  gam- 
mus"^  and  the  Hermeneumata  vaticana  has  "jrA.aTixeQO(; 
gammus."^  In  the  first,  the  arrangement  is  alphabetical 
and  the  exact  meaning  of  gammus  is  not  ascertainable, 
except  that  it  deals  with  a  broad-horned  animal.  In 
the  second,  the  order  aiyayQcg,  fxovoxeQOi;,  :n:oo6aTaYQiO(;, 
ji^atixeQcg,  makes  it  certain  that  we  are  dealing  with 

Arab,  u^y^  gdmus,  whatever  the  precise  identifica- 
tion of  the  animal  may  be.  This  is  further  confirmed 
by  the  glosses  "tragelafum  quern  nos  dicimus  plato- 
ceruum,''^  "tragelafus  uel  platocerus  elch."^  Nonius 
says:  ^^ earner um,  obtortum:  unde  et  eamerae,  tecta 
in  curvitatem  formata.  Vergilius  Georgicorum  lib. 
III.  55:  et  cameris  hirtae  sub  cornibus  aures."  But 
Nonius  is  full  of  interpolations,  such  as  the  ridiculous 
''tibinos,  a  tibiis  modos."^  The  explanation  of  the 
gloss  is  the  same  as  in  Macrobius,  but  in  the  latter  it 
must  be  observed  that  eamuris  is  a  correction  of  eam- 
usis.^  The  same  juxtaposition  of  eamurus  and  eamera 
is  found  in  Servius,^  ''earnuris  {eumeris,  eamyris, 
camiris,  cameris)  id  est  curvis,  unde  et  eamerae  appel- 
lantur,"  and  in  Paulus  Diaconus'  excerpts  from  Festus, 
''camara  et  camuri  boves  a  curvatione  ex  Graeco  xdiiJiT] 
dicuntur."  We  have  in  Isidore:  ''eamerae  sunt 
volumina  introrsum  respicientia,   appellatae  a  curvo, 

1  Goetz,  vol.  II,  p.  409. 

^Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  431. 

3  Codex  Vaticanus  1468,  ibid.,  vol.  V,  p.  517. 

*  Epinal  Glossary,  ibid.,  p.  396. 

6  Ed.  of  W.  M.  Lindsay,  Lipsiae  1903,  vol.  I,  p.  XXXIX  f. 

« Ed.  of  F.  Eyssenhardt,  Lipsiae  1868,  p.  373:    "vid.  fuisse  camusis." 

'  Thilo,  op.  cit.,  vol.  IIIS  p.  280. 


THE  GAMMUS  93 

xapiovQ  enim  Graece  curvum  est,"^  while  '' camuri 
boves"  is  not  found  there;  but  in  etymologizing  for 
camel,  as  we  have  seen,  xajio\)Q  is  adduced.  Here  the 
very  old  MS.  K,  marked  by  Lindsay  as  of  the  beginning 
of  the  VIII.  century,  reads  camus. 

We  turn  to  the  vocabularies.  In  the  excerpts  of 
the  Liher  glossarum^  we  read  '' camuris  et  uergilius  et 
camuris  iste  sub  cornibus  aures"  and  '' camuris  curuis 
unde  et  camesa  appellatur."  Thus  we  for  the  third 
time  get  an  s  for  the  r.  Not  a  single  one  of  the  early 
vocabularies  has  the  word.  It  is  found  only  in  Codex 
Cassinensis  402  as  '' camuri  sunt  bobes  qui  introrsus 
habent  cornua  conuersa,"^  which  is  repeated  in  a  late 
addition  to  Servius,  *'camuri  boves  sunt,  qui  conversa 
introrsus  cornua  habent,"^  and  in  Placidus,^  ''camiris 
introrsum  respicientibus  croce  (curue)  unde  camiris 
cornibus  contraria  patula  dicuntur  camiris  cornua 
fletibus  rotunda,  camuram  curuam,"  and  "cameram 
curuam."^  Two  glosses,  in  the  Sangallensis  912^  and 
Amplonianus  Secundus^  read  ''camurihus  (no  doubt 
for  camuri  boues)  breuibus  cornibus." 

The  readings  ''camuram,  cameram  curuam"  are 
significant,  because  this  is  repeated  in  an  Arabic 
gloss,  "camura  '^j'^'  <-5l.,"^  literally  "a  female  animal 

bending  the  head,  crooked,"  and  they  show  that 
camera  arose  only  as  a  misreading  of  camusa  as  camura, 
producing  camera  "chamber."  That  camusus,  camusa 
is  the  original  and  refers  to  the  chamois,  of  this  there 

1  XV.  8.5. 

2  Goetz,  vol.  V,  p.  175. 
"  Ibid.,  p.  549. 

<  Thilo,  op.  cit.,  vol.  IIP,  p.  280. 

»  Goetz,  vol.  V,  p.  52. 

«/6iU,  p.  11. 

'  Ibid.,  vol.  IV,  p.  213. 

8  Ibid.,  vol.  V,  p.  275. 

» C.  F.  Seybold,  Glossarium  latino-arabicum,  Berolini  1900,  p.  53.     We 

also  have  here  "uri  agrestes  ^f^^^]    ji,"  p.  545. 


94      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

cannot  be  a  ghost  of  a  doubt.  In  the  Laterculus  of 
Polemius  Silvius  camox  stands  after  "ibix,"  which 
identifies  it  at  once  as  the  chamois.  Now,  the  glosses 
for  camurus  show  that  attempts  were  made  to  identify 
camurus  with  an  ox-like  animal  with  horns  twisted 
back,  and  it  is  clear  from  the  glosses  in  Servius  and  the 
Liber  glossarum  that  the  urus  was  similarly  supposed 
to  be  a  small,  calf-like  animal  in  the  Pyrenees,  that  is, 

the  chamois.    As  both  urus  and  the  Arab.  ^^J^^-  gdmus 

referred  to  the  bubalus  of  the  Bible,  a  similar  attempt 
was  made  to  identify  the  gamus  with  the  chamois. 
This  produced  OHG.  gamz,  for  which  Grimm  assumed 
the  old  form  gamuz  or  gamiz,  and  with  which  he  relates 
Ital.  camozza,  camozzo,  camoscio,  Ladin  gamouc,  gam- 
orza,  carnuotsch,  Piedmont  camossa,  camoss,  Fr.  chamois, 
Prov.  camous,  Port,  camuga,  camurga,  Span,  camuza, 
gamuza,  Catal.  gamussa}  These  forms  show  that  the 
camurus,  camura  of  the  texts  should  have  been  camusus, 
camusa,  as  we  have  found  three  times.  But  camurus 
is  given  in  the  vocabularies,  not  only  as  the  name  of 
"an  ox  with  horns  turned  back,"  but  also  as  an  adjec- 
tive meaning  "turned  back,  curved  back."  This  pro- 
duced, again  from  camusus  and  not  from  camurus, 
OFr.  camus,  Ital.  camuso  "snub-nosed,"  because  "re- 
tortus"  means  "thrown,  turned  back." 

Camurus  occurs  in  Prudentius,  Peristephanon  XII. 
53,  "tum  camuros  hyalo  insigni  varie  cucurrit  arcus," 
but  interpreters  have  not  been  able  to  explain  what 
the  passage  means,  and  some  large  specific  glossaries, 
such  as  Valenciennes  413^  have  no  comment  to  this 
obscure  word  and  line.  We  have  also  Avienus,  in  his 
translation  of  Aratus,  11.428  f.,  "et  ignis  utrimque 
sic  camuris  ardet   protractibus,  the   fire    burns   from 

1  For  other  forms  see  E.  Holland,  Faune  populaire  de  la  France,  Paris  1906, 
vol.  VII,  p.  217  f. 

2  J.  M.  Burnam,  Commentaire  anonyme  sur  Prudence,  Paris  1910. 


THE  GAMMUS  95 

the  crooked  horns".  It  is  interesting  to  observe  here 
that  Avienus  is  describing  the  constellation  Taurus. 
This  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the  VIII.  century- 
editors  slipped  this  word  in  from  their  knowledge  of 
Vergil  and  the  obvious  Vergilian  borrowings  of  both. 
In  both,  certainly,  camuris  is  quite  out  of  place,  since 
all  the  glosses  agree  that  camurus  refers  to  a  particular 
kind  of  ox,  and  not  to  taurus  in  general.  We  have  no 
manuscripts  of  Prudentius  earlier  than  the  IX.  and  of 
Avienus  earlier  than  the  X.  century,  and  so  it  is 
impossible  to  tell  what  stood  in  the  original  manuscripts. 
It  is  again  curious  to  observe  that  the  three  passages 
in  Vergil  containing  urus  and  camurus  are  all  in  the 
Georgics,  where  one  would  naturally  introduce  the 
animal  terms  from  the  Physiologus.  It  is  certainly 
remarkable  that  camurus,  so  persistently  glossed  in 
Spain,  did  not  leave  a  trace  behind  in  any  Romance 
language,  while  the  variant  camusus,  which  is  based 
on  the  Arab,  gdmus,  is  found  everywhere.  This  shows 
that  camurus  remained  a  book  word,  while  the  pho- 
netically more  correct  camusus,  derived  from  living 
speech,  lived  on. 

Aristotle's  description  of  the  bonasus  was  confused 
by  the  Arabs  with  that  of  the  bison,  and  it  was  really 
this  which  led  to  the  identification  of  camusus  with  an 
ox  whose  horns  are  crooked  and  turn  back.  Aristotle 
says  of  the  bonasus,  «x£Qaxa  hh  ya\i^\id,  xexaiiiieva  ngoq 
akhr\ka  xal  dxQif]axa  jiQog  to  d_uiJV£a&ai,»  "their  horns  are 
crooked,  turned  toward  one  another  and  useless  in 
defence."  Gr.  ya\iy\>d  would  be  rendered  in  Arabic  by 
j_^-*>-  gams,  which  would  at  once  suggest  that  the  gdmus 

"buffalo"  or  "bison"  had  crooked  horns  which  were 
turned   back   towards    one    another.      The   fact    that 


96      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

urus,  buhalus,  ^amus  were,  on  account  of  the  Biblical 
glosses  to  ydmur,  applied  to  a  variety  of  animals,  the 
bison,  the  buffalo,  the  chamois,  did  not  change  the 
indurated  error  that  gdmus,  camusus  referred  to  an 
ox-like  animal  with  crooked,  inverted  horns.  Nothing 
but  the  Greek  original  passing  through  the  Arabic 
could  produce  such  results. 


XI.     THE  BISON. 

In  the  Hermeneumata  montepessulana,  of  the  IX. 
century,  we  read  «poij6aXog  sisu,''^  which  has  greatly 
puzzled  the  editors,  who  have  tried  to  correct  it  to 
uisof  but  the  matter  is  obviously  quite  different. 
The  Glossae  graeco-latinae  have  «poij6a?iog  urus  bus 
siluester,''  where  one  MS.  has  "bos  silue,''  a  line  above 
silue  having  apparently  been  intended  for  the  ending 
-ster.  These  abbreviations  have  more  than  once  caused 
trouble.  In  this  case  silue  was  read  sisue,  producing 
the  above  gloss,  "poij6aA,og  si'stt." 

In  the  Liber  glossarum  we  have  had  the  glosses, 
"uri  uituli  agrestes  quos  bubalos  uocant,"  and  "uri 
agrestes  boues  sunt  in  germania,"  etc.  The  first  was 
read  "uri  uituli,  agTestes  quos  bubalos  uocant,"  and 
was  explained  as  "uri  uituli,  whom  the  rustics  call 
bubalos,"  or,  leaving  off  "bubalos,"  as  in  the  last 
quotation,  we  get  the  misunderstanding  that  the  "uri" 
were  called  uituli  by  the  rustics.  If  this  gloss  was  so 
misread  in  Germany,  the  natural  inference  was  that 
uitulus  was  the  "German"  name  for  the  urus.  If 
uitulus  is  written  with  a  line  over  it,  as  was  usually 
the  case  in  quoting  a  foreign  word,  we  get  uitulus, 
which  leads  to  the  assumption  that  the  line  stands  for 
an  omitted  n,  and  t  and  I  become  subject  to  misunder- 
standings. If  the  first  is  read  s,  the  second  t,  we  get 
visuntus  as  the  reading  for  "vitulus,"  and  a  Germanic 
name  for  the  animal  is  created. 

We  have,  fortunately,  a  Graeco-Latin  gloss  which 
shows   what  havoc   such   misreadings   play   with    the 

1  Goetz,  vol.  Ill,  p.  320. 

2  Ibid.,  vol.  VII',  p.  274. 

12 


98      HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

vocabularies.  There  is  a  Graeco-Latin  gloss,  ''battulus, 
uitulus,  hatubus  piOYi^ocA,og,"  where  the  ASaxon  gloss 
reads,  ''halbutus  stom,"  and  similarly  "balbus,  uattuus, 
ualuus  TQavAog."  We  have  also  the  proof  that  the 
OHG.  word  for  the  bison  is  a  comparatively  late  intro- 
duction. In  the  Epinal  Glossary  we  read  "bubalis 
uusend,'"  in  the  Corpus  Glossary,  "bubalis  weosend,'' 
which  are  glosses  to  the  lemma  "in  bubalis"  of  Amos 
VI.  13.  Here  the  OHG.  glosses  read  "in  bubalis  in- 
uvisuntun  {vuistun,  uuimstun)}  We  can  see  that  the 
line  above  s  caused  one  MS.  to  read  uuimstun.  But 
the  line  above  s  also  caused  the  original  word,  vvhat- 
ever  it  may  have  been,  to  be  read  uuisintun,  uuisantan. 
In  any  case,  this  variation  shows  that  a  definite  word 
in  the  language  did  not  exist,  or  else  the  glossator  would 
have  known  what  the  line  above  s  stood  for. 

The  word  is  not  recorded  in  the  Keronian  Glosses, 
but  the  glossary  ascribed  to  Rabanus  Maurus  slipped 
the  two  animals  in  after  "bubum  sorbellum"  of  the 
Keronian  Glosses,  which  is  the  common  gloss  "bombum 
sorbellum"  of  the  Latin  glossaries.  The  glossator 
misunderstood  "bubum"  for  "bubulum,"  and  wrote 
"bubulus  uuisunV  and  the  stupid  "sorbellus  elaho.'" 
The  uuisunt  had  become  fashionable,  although  no  one 
knew  exactly  what  it  was.  Now  the  oldest  glossary 
containing  Amos  VI.  13  is  the  Codex  Sangallensis  299, 

where  we  have  "bubalis  .i.  vr^m.''^  This  was  intended 
as  a  dative  plural  of  an  OHG.  ur  or  uro,  and  found 
its  way  into  the  ASaxon  Corpus  Glossary  as  "uris 
urum."  Thus  we  see  that  uuistun  of  the  other  glossaries 
must  come  from  a  fuller  explanation  of  a  gloss  in  which 
both  bubalus  and  urus  were  used.  But  this  brings  us 
back  to  the  Liber  glossarum  and  its  "uri  uiluli  agrestes 

'  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  vol.  I,  p.  673. 
2  Ibid.,  p.  671. 


THE  BISON  99 

quos  bubalos  uocant"  and  "uri  agrestes  boues  sunt 
in  germania,"  hence  uuistun  arose  from  uitulus,  as 
indicated  above.  With  other  words,  it  is  a  ghost 
word. 

But  the  unfortunate  line  over  the  word  produced 
even  worse  disorders:  uitulus  was  not  only  read  uisuntus 
but  it  was  also  taken  to  be  a  Latin  word  in  Cod.  Clm. 
14747,'^  "visuntus  uuisunC  It  is,  no  doubt,  the 
contraction  uuisus,  for  uuisuntus,  that  produced  the 
Graeco-Latin  gloss  "PcuTQayog  boisos,''^  though  this 
could  just  as  easily  have  arisen  from  a  misreading  of 
buhalus,  written  as  buualus  of  the  gloss,  "uri  uituli 
agrestes  quos  bubalos  uocant."  In  any  case  the  word 
is  a  ghost  wor<L 

The  same  buualus  or  boisos  produced  Povaaog, 
po^ivfl-og  of  Pseudo-Aristotle,  bonassus  of  Pliny.  But 
visuntus,  under  the  influence  of  the  Bistones  of  Thrace, 
led  to  Lat.  bisontes,  Gr.  piaovteg.  However,  Gr. 
p6Aiv9^0(;  may  have  similarly  arisen  from  visuntus  or 
from  a  confusion  of  the  two.  The  OH  German  glosses 
read  "bubalus  uuisunt,  uuisant,  wisint,  wisent,''^  but 
the  Lex  Alamannorum  has  "si  quis  vesontum  (visontum, 
bisontum,  bissontum,  bisantum,  bissontem,  bisentum, 
bisitonem,  bisonem)  bubalum,  si  cervum,  quod  brugit, 
furaverit."^  This  law  is  merely  a  literary  effort  on  the 
Latin  glosses  "cervus  bardit  rugit  eXacpog  XQatsi,"^ 
and  "bubalus  bos  silvester."  Vesontus  and  bubalus 
are  not  two  animals,  but  one  and  the  same,  as  is  evi- 
denced by  the  constant  glosses  "bubalus  wisunt,''  and 
so  the  origin  of  the  law  from  glosses  is  made  clear. 

In  Dio  Cassius  LXXVI.  1.5  we  have  «Piacov£g 
(poow  Ti  xomo  8i8og,  PaQ6aQixov  to  yivoc,  xal  tt]v  6il)iv).» 

1  Ibid.,  p.  801. 

2  Goetz,  vol.  Ill,  p.  18. 

'  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  pp.  273,  36G,  3GS. 
*  MGH.,  Leges,  sect.  I,  vol.  V,  p.  28. 
6  Goetz,  vol.  II,  p.  294. 


100    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

This  refers  to  a  spectacle  in  the  arena  in  the  year  202. 
I  have  already  dealt  with  some  interpolations  in  Dio 
Cassius,^  Unfortunately  we  have  no  variant  readings 
for  this  particular  passage,  and  the  fact  that  Zonaras 
does  not  quote  from  Dio  Cassius  concerning  the  bison, 
although  he  quotes  verbatim  the  passages  preceding 
it  and  following  it,  cannot  be  adduced  as  a  proof  of 
the  absence  of  the  quotation  in  the  real  Dio  Cassius, 
as  the  passage  omitted  is  too  long  to  have  been  entirely 
absent  from  the  original  draft.  But  the  explanation  of 
the  meaning  of  Piacov,  and  of  piooo'V  alone,  and  the  ex- 
tremely questionable  statement,  «paQ6aQiK0V  to  yiwc, 
xai  TT]v  6\l)iv,»  show  that  at  least  the  bison  is  interpo- 
lated here. 

Timotheus  of  Gaza,  writing  in  the  XII.  century,  says 
^oTi  £0x1  poijg  Piocov  xaA,oij|X8vog,  og  exei  xr\v  yXiaooav  (bg 
oaQxccpdYov  eaxi  §8  djTo  BiatcoviSog  Yf\(;».'^  It  is  assum- 
ed that  this  is  an  abbreviated  statement  of  Oppian's 
account  of  the  bison,  but  the  reference  to  the  meat 
eating  of  the  bison  is  taken  from  the  account  of  the 
meat  eating  bull  of  Aethiopia,  as  quoted  in  Strabo  from 
Artemidorus,  «xai  xavooi  6'  eloiv  dyQioi  xai  ffaQxccpdyoi, 
[xeye^ei  koXv  xovc,  JtaQ'  fi(.iiv  'UJt8Q6e6XT]^i8Voi  xai  tdxsi, 
jiuQQoi  xr\v  XQoa-v."^ 

In  Pliny  we  find  the  statement  that  the  Greeks  did 
not  mention  the  urus  and  bison  in  their  medical  works, 
"nee  uros  aut  bisontes  habuerunt  Graeci  in  experi- 
mentis,  quamquam  bove  fero  refertis  Indiae  silvis."* 
This  statement  is  correct,  but  it  is  equally  correct  for 
any  period  up  to  the  VIII.  century,  and  so  may  have 
been  made  much  later.  In  another  place  in  Pliny  we 
read,  "paucissima  Scythia  gignit  inopia  fruticum, 
pauca  contermina  illi  Germania,  insignia  tamen  boum 

'  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  69,  162. 
2  Hermes,  vol.  Ill,  p.  18. 
'  XVI.  4.  16. 
*  XXVIII.  159. 


THE  BISON  101 

ferorum  genera,  iubatos  bisontes  excellentique  et  vi  et 
velocitate  uros,  quibus  inperitum  volgus  bubalorum 
nomen  inponit,  cum  id  gignat  Africa  vituli  potius 
cervique  quadam  similitudine."^  It  has  already  been 
shown  that  this  is  an  interpolation.  Here  it  is  inter- 
esting to  observe  that  "uri  uituli  agrestes  quos 
bubalos  uocant"  of  the  Liber  glossarum  arose  out  of 
''uros,  quibus  inperitum  volgus  bubalorum  nomen 
inponit,  cum  id  gignat  Africa  vituli  potius  cervique 
quadam  similitudine. "  Of  course,  the  statement  is 
impossible  for  Pliny,  since  bubalus  was  extremely 
common  in  Rome  in  his  time  and  earlier,  by  the  side 
of  bubulus,  as  an  adjective  referring  to  the  common 
cattle.  It  was  only  the  Bible  which  introduced  bubalus 
as  a  noun  for  cattle  in  the  general  sense.  The  trans- 
ference to  an  Egyptian  animal  was  only  accidental, 
through  the  occurrence  of  the  word  in  the  Lausiac 
History.  It  was  only  at  the  end  of  the  VI.  century 
that,  according  to  Paulus  Diaconus,  the  Asiatic  buffalo 
was  seen  in  Europe,  where  it  was  named  bubalus, 
buvalus,  bufalus.  Hence  the  statement  in  Pliny  is 
impossible  before  the  VII.  century. 

It  is  extremely  doubtful  that  Gr.  ^ov&a'kic,  for  "ga- 
zelle ' '  is  genuine  in  the  works  in  which  it  occurs.  In  Her- 
odotus IV.  192,  «jiiJYaQYoi,  xai  ^oQxdSeg,  xai  ^ov6dXiEq,» 
the  latter  may  be  an  interpolation,  due  to  the 
juxtaposition  in  the  Septuagint.  The  references  to 
^ov^aXiq  in  Arcadius  and  Hesychius  are  of  no 
avail,  because  they  are  late,  and  the  latter  is  in- 
terpolated. Eustathius,  in  his  scholia  to  Homer,  says: 
^nXiyEi  §8  KoX  oTi  xata  xriv  bdiiaXiv  2oq)oxXfig  eqpT]  y\\YEVY\ 
poij6aA,iv  xai  AioyyXoq,  XeovToxoQxav  poij6a^iv  veaite- 
QOV».^  But  the  gloss  is  of  the  XII.  century  and  no 
other  author  records  these  passages  from  Sophocles  and 

1  VIII.  38. 

2  P.  1625.  43  f. 


102    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Aeschylus,  and  otherwise  there  is  no  trace  of  such  a 
word  in  the  classic  authors.  In  Aristotle  poij6a?io5 
occurs,  apparently  for  "antelope,"  a  line  before  the 
doubtful  Povaoog  is  mentioned,^  and  ^ov^olic,  is 
mentioned  by  the  side  of  eAacpog  and  JtQO^,  apparently 
again  as  "antelope;"^  but  the  question  is  whether  this 
is  more  genuine  than  ^ov6aXoc,  in  Aristotle.  In  the 
Latin  writers  only  the  spurious  Ammianus  has  "in 
aridis  (Aegypti)  capreoli  vescuntur  et  huhali,'"^  where 
bubali  seems  to  refer  to  antelopes;  but  this  brings  us 
back  to  the  grazing  ox  of  the  Lausiac  History.  It  is 
most  likely,  therefore,  that  Gr.  Po'u6aA,ig  is  due  to 
(in)   buhalis  of  Amos  VI.  13. 

The  bison  is  mentioned  in  Seneca's  Phaedra,  64-5: 
"tibi  villosi  terga  bisontes  \  latisque  feri  cornibus  itn." 
For  the  latter  word  a  series  of  supposedly  interpolated 
MSS.  read  tauri.  A  few  lines  below  this  spot  several 
lines  are  disarranged,  which  would  indicate  some  tam- 
pering in  its  vicinity.  It  is  impossible  to  say  what 
stood  in  the  place  of  bisontes.  The  interpolations  or 
forgeries  of  Martial  are  pointed  out  elsewhere.^  Here 
we  read  the  line,  "turpesessedaquodtrahuntfezson^es,"^ 
although  we  are  informed  everywhere  that  the  bison 
could  not  be  tamed.  Again  we  have  "nee  rasum  cavea 
latus  bisontis,"^  where  it  is  not  at  all  clear  why  the 
bison's  side  should  be  shaven  or  bare,  when  the  usual 
epithet  of  the  animal  is  "villosus."  In  his  De  specta- 
culis"^  we  have  "illi  cessit  atrox  bubalus  atque  bison,'' 
which  makes  matters  rather  worse,  since  so  far  we 
have  found  bubalus  only  as  an  ox  or  a  gazelle,  but 
that  only  in  Christian  times.     The  adjective  "atrox" 

1  P.  663. 

2  Pp.  515,  516. 

3  XXII.  15.  14. 
'  See  p.  200  flf. 

^  I.  104.  8. 
« IX.  57.  10. 
^  XXIII.  4. 


THE  BISON  103 

is  inapplicable,  except  as  an  extension  of  " Silvester" 
or  "agrestis"  of  patristic  literature.  Again,  if  a 
bubalus  and  a  biso  are  two  distinct  animals,  we  have 
to  add  to  "urus"  and  "bison"  an  unknown  third. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  in  these  poems  we  have 
VIII.  century  forgeries.  Pausanias  calls  the  Paeonian 
bull  (3i(Ta)v,^  which  is  again  impossible,  since  the  Paeonian 
bull  was  certainly  not  the  bison,  as  we  have  learned 
from  Athenaeus.  Hence  the  least  we  can  say  of  the 
passage  is  that  Piacov  is  interpolated. 

We  can  now  turn  to  the  wretched  forgeries  of  Oppian, 
where  the  bison  is  mentioned.  With  brazen  effrontery 
the  Kvvr\y  ^x  iTid  and  the  'A  A,  i  8  v  x  i  x  d  are  dedi- 
cated to  the  Antonines,  whence  it  has  been  argued  that 
they  belong  to  the  end  of  the  II.  and  the  beginning  of  the 
III.  century.^  The  antiquity  of  the  'A  "ki&vtiTid  has 
been  further  accepted,  because  of  its  mention  in  Jerome' s 
Commentary  to  Ezechiel,  chap.  XLVII:  "Et  plurimae 
species,  immo  genera  piscium  erunt  in  mari  quondam 
mortuo.  Quos  pisces  ad  dexteram  partem  jubente 
Domino  extraxit  Petrus,  et  erant  centum  quinquaginta 
tres:  ita  ut  prae  multitudine  eorum  retia  rumperentur. 
(Aiunt  autem  qui  de  animantium  scripsere  naturis  et 
proprietate,  [qui  dXiEVXiKO.  tam  Latino,  quam  Graeco 
didicere  sermone,  de  quibus  Oppianus  Cilix  est,  poeta 
doctissimus,]  centum  quinquaginta  tria  esse  genera 
piscium  quae  omnia  capta  sunt  ab  apostolis,  et  nihil 
remansit  incaptum,  dum  et  nobiles  et  ignobiles,  divites 
et  pauperes,  et  omne  genus  hominum  de  mari  hujus 
saeculi  extrahitur  ad  salutem.)  Quod  autem  sequitur."^ 
It  is  impossible  for  Jerome  to  have  used  such  Latinity 
as  is  given  by  me  within  brackets,  and  it  may  be  that 
all  the  matter  within  the  parentheses  is  spurious. 
Indeed,    in    Rabanus    Maurus'    version    of   the   same 

1  X.  13.  1-3. 

2  G.  Burner,  Oppian  und  sein  Lehrgedicht  vom  Fischfang,  Bamberg  1912. 

3  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXV,  col.  474. 


104    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

passage,  "de  quibus  Oppianus  Cilix  est,  poeta 
doctissimus "  is  placed  in  parentheses.  A  similar 
interpolation  is  observable  in  Athenaeus,  I.  22: 
«oijTco  xal  taiJTTiv  ttiv  xsxvriv  dxQi6oi  \idXkov  xco-v  ToiaxJxa 
jigoTiYOD^8Vco(;  8x8s8oox6t(ov  ji;oii]jiaTa  i]  GvyyQd\i\iaxa, 
KaixiA,iov  Aeyw  xov  'AQyeiov  xccl  Noi^piriviGV  xov  'HpaxA^- 
(jdxr[v,  nayxgaxTiv  xov  'AgxaSa,  rioaeiScoviov  xov  Koqiv- 
Oiov,  [xai  xov  o^aycp  tiqo  t]^icov  yevojievov  'Ojuiiavov  xov 
KiXixa.]  xoooTJxoig  ydg  evexu/o^iEV  enojioioig  'AA,iE\rcLxd 
yEyQacp6ai.»  Here  «xai  xov  o^iyo)  TtQO  i]|i63V  yEvo^iEvov 
'OjTJiiavov  xov  KiAixa»  is  certainly  spurious.  Under 
the  year  174  we  have,  in  Jerome's  translation  of  the 
Chronicle  of  Eusebius,  "Oppianus  Cilix  poeta  cognos- 
citur,  qui  Halieutica  miro  splendore  conscribit,"^  while 
Syncellus,  in  the  IX.  century,  says,  under  the  year  165, 
"M.  Aurelio  Antonino  imperante  .  .  .  Oppianus 
poeta."^  It  has  long  been  observed  that  these  state- 
ments are  impossible,  since  the  interpolators  have 
mixed  up  Antoninus  Caracalla  with  Marcus  Aurelius. 
All  these  interpolations  are  due  to  the  primary  interpo- 
lation of  the  story  in  the  Historia  tripartita,^  where  it 
is  given  in  the  introduction  as  being  from  an  address 
of  Sozomenus  to  Theodosius  the  Younger,  whence  it 
found  its  way  as  a  preface  to  the  Ecclesiastic  History 
of  Sozomenus,^  where  we  read:  «Oiov  hk  aEavxov  jieqi 
rove;  Xiyovrac,  JiaQE^Eig,  ov  xoiowoi  Kgrixwv  oi  ^idXai  syE- 

VOVXO  JIEQL  xov  doiSlJiOV  EXEIVOV  "0|LIT]Q0V,  Y\  'AA,E\^d8ai  JlEQl 

2i|xa)vi8iiv,  f|  Aiovuoiog  6  Sixe^uiag  xijQawog  jteqi 
n?idxcova  xov  Scoxgd-xovg  ExaiQov,  f\  ^iXiTUioc,  6  MaxsScbv 
jiEQi  Seonoymov  xov  ovyyQacpEa,  xal  ^EirfJQog  6  KaioaQ  jieqi 
'O.TiJTiavov,  xov  sv  xolg  [LiEXQoig  xwv  ixOiJcov  xd  yEvr]  xal  xfjv 
cpvoiv  xal  xT]v  On]Qav  dqpriyriodpiEvov  KQfjxEg  \ikv  ydQ  ev 

'  Ibid.,  vol.  XXVII,  col.  629. 
=  Ibid.,  P.  G.,  vol.  CVIII,  col.  1199. 

'  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  30  S.,  where  it  is  shown  that  the 
Historia  tripartita  is  interpolated. 

*  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  LXVII,  col.  843  flf. 


THE  BISON  105 

XiXioig  vo\iia\iaoiv  "0\iy]Qov  dfxeiijjdfxevoi  Tf\c,  Emmiaq,  cog 
dvujt8Q6^TiTov  cpiXoTifxiav  avyovvxEq,  ev  aTrjA,!]  Sriiioaig  triv 
8coQ8dv  eyQa^avTO*  'AA,£\jd8ai  8e  xai  Aiovijaiog  xai  $i- 
XiJiJtog,  ovx  dv  aTeyavcoxeooi  Kqtitwv  iyivovxo'  tcav  em 
jio?iiT8ia  dtijcpo)  xcxi  cpdoaoqpco  0£\ivvvo\iiv(x)V'  dA,Xd  xd^og  dv 
xfiv  8JC8ivo)v  oxr|A,Tiv  8|Xi|iTi(javxo,  8L  ^iT]  xaxojtiv  fjorav  xf]  8(o- 
Q8g.  S8\jfiQog  88  ji8XQiag  jioir|a8Cog  xqvoovv  xocxd  axL^ov 
'Ojutiavw  8coQT]ad!X8Vog,  owco  xfj  q)iA,oxi^iig  xaxeix^rilev, 
(bg  XQUod  8JIT]  xd  'OjtJTiavoij  e'lg  exi  vvv  jca^d  xoig  Jio?iA,oig 
6vo!.id^8o9ai».^ 

If,  in  spite  of  this,  there  was  an  Oppian  who  wrote 
the  Kvvr\y  £X  ixa  and  another  Oppian  who  wrote  the 
'A^i8vxixdin  the  beginning  of  the  III.  century,  the 
works  which  have  come  down  to  us  are  VIII.  century- 
forgeries,  as  will  now  be  shown. 

In  the  Kwriyexixd  we  read  of  the  wild  oxen 
called  histories,  so  called  from  Bistonis  in  Thrace. 
They  shake  their  shaggy  manes  about  their  fat  necks 
and  soft  chins,  just  like  yellow  royal  lions.  Their  sharp 
hook-like  horns  do  not  incline  against  each  other  as  in 
other  animals,  but  the  bloody  goads  supinely  look  up 
to  heaven.  Their  tongues  are  narrow  and  very  rough, 
like  an  iron  file,  and  they  draw  blood  from  the  skin, 
which  they  lick. 

«"Eaxiv  d[.iai^,dx8xov  cpovioig  xaiJQoioi  yzMz^'kov,  \  xovg 
y.alAoMGv  Bioxcovag,  8JC8i  jtdxQTig  x8?i8O^oij0l  |  Bi(Txovi8og 
Opfixrig,  dxttQ  'iXkayjo^  dhza  xoia-  |  q)QixaA,8riv  laix-^v  fxe'V 
8Ji(jo|xa86v  aiOuacroDcriv  |  avyiav  nvakiovcsy  xai  d|ACp'  dxaXoiai 
Yevsioig,  |  old  X8  Xa5(vri8VX8g,  dQiJiQ8Ji8g  8i8og  e'xovcri  |  ^av- 
O^oxopioi.  pXoavQoi,  ^qc5v  |X8880vx8  Aeovxeg- !  b\zlai  xs- 
pdcov  Se  jcuQiyAcoxivsg  dxcoxai,  |  x«^>teioig  yvapuixoiaiv  ejiei- 
xeA-oi  dyxiaxQoiaiv  |  akV  ovx  (he,  exeQciaiv  evavxiov  dXkr]' 
Xoiai  I  vevovai  crxiiyeQcbv  x8Qd(ov  ejtixaQcriov  aiXM-riv  ( "UJtxia 
8'  8i(Too6o3Vxa  jioog  aiO^sQa  qpoivia  xevxQa*  |  xow8X8v  ojtjioxe 

'  Ibid.,  col.  845  f. 


106    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

xev  Tiv'  ejiiXQipi^coai  xi/ovxeg  |  y]  potov,  rj  xiva  ^ga,  pietrj- 
OQOV  d^iQovol•  yXdbaoa  hk  xoig  oteivv]  \ihv,  dxaQ  XQif\%eia 
p,d?ii(JTa,  I  ola  ai8r]Qo66Qoio  JieAei  xsxvaajia  oi8)]qou"  |  y^^totJ- 
OT]  6'  ai|.ida0ovx85  ctjio  XQoa  Xixpid^oxjcyi».^ 

I  have  already  shown  that  the  rough  tongue  of  the 
bison  is  borrowed  from  Strabo's  sarcophagous  Ethi- 
opian bull.  But  the  turned-back  horns  are  due  to 
the  same  confusion  which  produced  camurus  in  the 
Georgica,^  and  hence  is  post- Arabic.  The  Arab,  gdmus 
is  in  the  KDVYiyeTiya  split  up  into  three  animals, 
the  second  being  the  FA)QUX£Qcog,  which  corresponds 
to  the  platyceros  of  the  glosses,  the  third  being,  as 
before,  the  bubalus.  The  buhalus  is  smaller  than  the 
eiiQVXEQCog.  It,  too,  has  horns  which  are  turned  back, 
and  loves  its  home  inordinately.  If  it  is  taken  a  dis- 
tance away,  it  ultimately  finds  its  way  back  home. 

«Boij6aA,oc  atJxs  jieXei  jxeicov  hiyiaq  E'UQiJxeQcoxog-  )  jisicov 
EiiQDXsQCOxog,  dxcLQ  Aoqxgij  piey'  dQ£icov  |  ojiiiaoiv  aiYA,/)- 
815,  8Qax6g  XQoa,  cpaiSpog  iSeadai,  |  xai  xsQdcov  oqO^oi  |18V 
djio  XQaxog  Ji8cpija(yi|  dxQepioveg  jiQ0X8v&ig,  v\^ov  6'  ocvd-ig 
.^oxi  vcbxov  I  di|JOQQov  vEvovoi  jtdA,iYvd|iJixoi0iv  dxcoxaig.  | 
8§oxa  6'  at  xoSs  qpvA.ov  eov  86|xov  djiq)aYajid^8i  j  f|0^aA,8ag 
x'  Ewdg  (fiXiov  X8  vdjiaiai  |xsA,aO^Qov  eI  hi  xi  ^iiv  axQejrcfjai 
jTE8T](Tavx8g  pQoxi8soaiv  |  dYQ8\jxfiQ8g  aYOiEV  sjt'  dA,X.ovg  aii- 
xixa  xwQovg,  |  xtiA,60^i  S'  8v  prjoariaiv  8A8ij0^8qov  atO^i  A,i- 
jtoi8V,  I  QEia  jtoxi  yXvyi^Qov  b6\iov  r\kv^EV,  f)Xi  vaiEaxEV,  I 
01)8'  8X?ir]  |8iv6g  xig  kn  d^^o8ajtoi(Tiv  dXao^av  |  ovk  dga  xoi 
liowoiai  q)i^ri  jidxQT]  jxeQOJtEaoi'  j  xal  paA,io)v  88  jtoO^og  xig 
svsaxaxxai  cpQzol  Otiqo3V».^ 

The  description  of  the  Poij6a^og  even  more  closely 
resembles  the  Arabic  gdmus,  for  of  this  Ad-Damiri 
says:  "It  is  sagacious,  for  if  the  pastor  calls  out  to 
one  of  the  she-buffaloes,  'O  such  a  one,'  the  one  that 

'  11.  159-175. 
2  See  p.  78. 
3 II.  300-314. 


THE  BISON  107 

is  called  comes  to  him.  It  is  a  part  of  its  nature  to 
yearn  much  for  its  native  place,  and  it  is  said  that  it 
never  sleeps  at  all,  owing  to  its  great  watchfulness  on 
its  own  account  and  that  of  its  young  ones."^  It  is 
clear  that  Oppian  could  not  have  written  about  the 
poi36aXog  before  the  Arab,  gdmus  found  its  way  into 
the  Physiologus.  Similarly,  the  antholops  of  the  Phy- 
siologus  becomes  the  Pov6aA,Lg  in  the  'A  A,  i  8  u  t  i  x  d : 

"The  Lybian  Buffal  thus,  while  o'er  his  Eyes 

The  Shrubs  entwine  their  gloomy  Shade,  defies 
The  Lion's  stern  Approach;  with  Head  reclin'd 

Stupid  he  stands,  and  hopes  th'  Invader  blind 
In  his  own  Want  of  Sight:  the  royal  Beast 

Leaps  on  his  Prey,  and  tears  the  bloody  Feast, 
He  thrusts  his  Forehead  deeper  in  the  Brake, 

And  ev'n  in  Death  approves  the  gross  Mistake."^ 

Here,  again,  the  evolution  of  the  ^ov6aXiq,  out  of  the 
Esopic  stag,  into  an  animal  that  gets  caught  in  the 
branches,  because  it  likes  to  play  there,^  shows  con- 
clusively that  the  'A  A,  i  8  d  x  i  x  d,  as  well  as  the 
Kvvi[]y&XiKd,  was  based  on  VIII.  century  sources. 
There  is  no  escape  from  the  conclusion  that  Oppian  is 
a  myth,  even  though  fragments  of  this  work  are  already 
recorded  in  an  Egyptian  papyrus.^  B.  P.  GrenfelP  says 
that  it  is  "a  fourth  century  fragment,"  but  W.  Schubart 
more  cautiously  says,  ''etwa  aus  dem  4.  Jahrhundert," 
and  the  tendency  towards  a  cursive  indicates  a  much 
later  time. 

1  Op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  399. 

2  J.  Jones,  Oppian's  Halieuticks  of  the  Nature  of  Fishes  and  Fishing  of  the 
Ancients,  Oxford  1722,  Part  II,  IV.  771-778;   in  the  original,  IV.  624-629. 

^«Tfi?    6'    fJTOQ  ouoiiov,    ov6e  xaQT)vov|  ayxXivei,  bo%eti   8e  xal    oA-XuM-evT) 
mg    d?nj^ai,»  IV.  628  f . 

*  Berliner  Klassikertexte,  vol.  V,i  p.  80  f. 

^  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  vol.  XXXIX,  p.  23. 


XII.     THE  PHILOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE 

PEARL. 

There  is  a  root  muk  or  mun  in  the  Dravidian  langu- 
ages meaning  "before,  in  front  of,"  which  is  of  extra- 
ordinary dissemination  in  the  Asiatic  and  European 
languages,  and  is  sporadically  found  in  the  Indo- 
European  and  Semitic  languages.  We  have  Kan.  muk 
"the  front,  the  nose,"  rnugu  "the  nose,  forepart, 
snout,  bill  or  beak,  nozzle  of  a  vessel,"  mun  "that 
which  is  before,  in  front  of,  or  preceding  in  space  or 
time,  that  which  is  following,"  mundu  "the  front 
part  or  side,  the  state  of  being  in  front  or  anything 
that  is  behind,  following,  succeeding,  the  state  of 
being  future,"  munna  "the  front,  in  front,  before, 
formerly,  previously,  first  of  all,  prior  to,  following, 
henceforth,  after,"  mone  "a  point,  an  extremity,  an 
end,  the  state  of  being  before  or  preceding,  an  affray, 
fight,  battle,"  monne  "the  day  before  yesterday, 
lately,"  mun  "that  which  is  before,  in  front  of," 
munkanisu  "to  advance,  proceed,  stretch  forth," 
muncu  "a  man  of  the  front,  chief,  leader,  to  be  or  go 
before  or  first,  go  beyond,  exceed,  outdo,  surpass, 
excel,"  munce  "in  advance,  in  the  first  place,  previously, 
formerly,  first,  before,  earlier  than,"  mum  "that  which 
is  before,  at  a  previous  time,"  mumbu  "the  forepart, 
vanguard,  the  state  of  being  previous,"  musudu, 
musuli,  miiti,  mori  "the  face,  mouth,  snout,  muzzle, 
the  nose  or  nostrils  of  a  horse,"  mu  "the  nose,"  modal 
"the  state  of  being  first,  in  front,  prior,  the  root,  base, 
extremity,  tip;"  Tam.  mutal  "the  first,  beginning, 
to  become  first,"  mutir  "to  grow  old,  become  mature, 
exceed,  excel,  surpass,"  mutu  "old,  ancient,  original," 


THE  PHILOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  PEARL    109 

muntu  "to  take  precedence,  be  prior  in  time,  origin, 
dignity,  rank,  to  meet,  come  in  front,"  munta  "previous- 
ly, formerly,  first,"  mun  "before,  antecedent,  previous, 
beyond,  future,  side,  antiquity;"  Malay al.  mu  "before, 
in  front,  chief,"  rnukka  "to  grow  old,  ripen,  culmin- 
ate," mukku  "the  nose,"  munni  "the  face,"  mudal 
"the  beginning,  chief  person,  cause,  since,  from," 
mudiruga  "to  grow  up,  become  mature,"  mudu  "old, 
prior,  stronger  upper  part  of  animals,  the  back," 
muna  "a  sharp  point,  promontory,"  muni  "going 
before,  excited,"  mun  "priority  in  space  or  time,  first, 
former,  before;"  Tul.  mum  "before,  in  front,"  mungei 
"the  fore  arm,  elbow,"  mundana  "priority,  first,  prior, 
future,"  muku  "the  nose,  bill,  beak,"  muke  "a  man 
who  snuffles  or  speaks  through  the  nose,"  muganu 
"the  front,"  muppu  "old,  aged,"  mula  "a  root,  origin, 
commencement,  main,  principal,"  munda  "the  front, 
before,  in  former  times,  in  future,"  mutte  "the  beak, 
bill,  snout,  kernel  of  a  nut,"  muduru  "to  be  mature, 
arrive  at  the  period  of  full  growth." 

This  basic  root  is  represented  in  Polynesian  mua, 
Maor.  mua  "the  front,  forepart,  former  time,  origin," 
Sam.  mua  "the  first,  the  shout  of  victory,"  Tah.  mua 
"first,  foremost,  before,  headquarters  of  the  chiefs, 
sacred  places,"  omua  "a  leader,"  muraa  "before,  in 
former  time,"  etc.  It  is  found  in  Japanese:  mukaha 
"  the  front  teeth,"  mukaeru  "  to  go  out  to  meet,"  mukai 
"the  opposite  place,"  mukamomo  "the  front  of  the 
thigh,"  mukashi  "ancient,  old,"  mukau  "to  face,  front, 
stand  opposite,"  muki  "the  direction  or  frontage, 
fitness,  suitableness,"  muku  "to  turn  the  face  towards, 
to  be  fit  or  suitable,  being  pure  or  unalloyed." 

Chin,  mien  "the  face,  countenance,  front,  plane, 
surface,"  muh  "the  eye,  chief,"  are  unquestionably 
both  derived  from  the  same  root,  which  is  represented 
in  Chin,   moh,  old  pronunciation  mah,  "the  tip  of  a 


110    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

branch,  end,  last."  This  is  shown  in  Annamese  mat, 
which,  with  varying  accents,  means  "the  tip  of  a 
branch,  face,  eye,"  each  of  them  formed  with  the  same 
determinative  of  pronunciation.  This  is  shown  still 
better  in  the  Malayo-Polynesian  languages,  where 
mata  ' '  a  point,  extremity ' '  combines  all  these  meanings  :^ 
Sam.  mata  "the  eye,  face,  point,  edge,  source,"  Fiji 
mata  "the  eye,  face,  front,"  etc.^ 

In  the  Tatar  languages^  we  have  the  group  man, 
men  "in  front,  above,  first,"  such  as  Yak.  manual  "first 
beginning,"  Cag.  manlai  "front  part  of  body,  brow," 
Kir.  manap  "chief,  old  man,"  etc.  But  in  most  cases 
the  root  in  Tatar  has  passed  over  to  a  form  bur,  Cag. 
horun  "at  first,"  horun,  hurun,  murun  "protruding  part, 
nose,  promontory,"  Osm.  hurun  "nose,  promontory," 
Yak.  harin  "some  time  ago,"  murun  "nose."^  That 
the  Ugro- Finnish  languages  in  Europe  originally  had 
a  form  mur  or  muk  for  this  is  shown  by  Basque  moko 
"beak,^  point,  extremity,"  which  is  preserved  in  Fin. 
nokka  "beak,  nose,  snout,  front  of  a  thing." 

In  the  Indo-European  languages  it  is  only  Sanskrit 
which  has  a  full  set  of  derivatives  from  this  root,  while 
the  words  get  more  and  more  scarce  as  we  proceed 
westwards,  which  would  indicate  that  the  original 
Indo-European  language  had  no  such  root,  and  that 
it  is  borrowed  from  the  neighboring  tongues.  Sansk. 
mukha  "mouth,  face,  beak  of  a  bird,  snout  or  muzzle 
of  any  animal,  direction,  looking  towards,  facing, 
forepart,  head,  top,  chief,  best,  most  excellent,"  is 
clearly  derived  from  Drav.  muk.     There  can  be  little 

■  This  connection  between  Polynesian  mata  and  muka  was  already  sug- 
gested by  E.  Tregear,  The  Maori-Polynesian  Comparative  Dictionary, 
Wellington,  N.  Z.,  1891,  p.  257,  at  the  end  of  mua. 

2  See  the  enormous  mass  of  related  words  in  Tregear,  op.  cit.,  p.  220  fif. 

'  H.  Vdmbery,  op.  cit.,  p.  214. 

« Ibid.,  p.  200. 

*  R.  Cruel  (Die  Sprachen  und  Volker  Europas  vor  der  arischen  Einwande- 
rung,  Detmold  1883,  p.  33)  long  ago  observed  that  the  original  meaning  of 
this  word  was  "something  protruding." 


THE  PHILOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  PEARL    111 

doubt  that  muncati  "to  loose,  let  go,  set  free,  emit, 
discharge"  is  similarly  derived  from  the  Dravidian 
root,  even  as  Lat.  mungere  cannot  be  separated  from 
mucus,  and  this  from  Gr.  ^ii^ttiq  "nose,  nostril."  In 
the  Avesta  the  "nose"  word  is  completely  lacking, 
through  we  have  paitimaoc  "to  put  on,"  from  which  it 
follows  again  that  Sansk.  mukha  is  an  innovation. 
The  few  Greek  and  Latin  "nose"  words  of  this  type 
are  to  be  explained  as  borrowings  from  European  non- 
Arian  languages. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  give  an  exhaustive  account  of 
this  interesting  group,  which  would  need  a  separate 
volume,  but  only  so  much  of  it  as  is  necessary  in  order 
to  establish  the  universality  of  the  basic  muk  words, 
in  their  primitive  sense  of  "in  front."  We  can  now 
pass  over  to  the  Semitic  languages,  where  it  will  be 
observed  that  only  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Dravid- 
ians,  that  is,  in  Assyria,  do  we  have  the  full  contents 
of  the  "in  front"  words,  while  at  the  periphery  only 
fragments  of  them  subsist,  once  more  bearing  proof 
to  the  Asiatic  origin  of  the  group. 

Prak.  muhallao,  Hind,  muhrd,  mohra  "the  front, 
van,"  as  well  as  the  Dravidian  Gondi  massor  "nose," 
indicate  that  a  derivative  stem  of  muk  also  existed. 
This  is  shown  in  the  Assyrian  borrowing  from  a  Hindu 
or  Dravidian  word,  namely  mahru  "front,  before, 
former  time,"  mahru  "at  the  head,  first,  former," 
maharu  "to  be  opposite,  equal,  to  meet,  implore, 
accept,  be  at  the  head,"  mahiru  "price,"  mihirtu 
"opposite,  front,"  mzTtrii " fitting,  corresponding."  The 
other  Semitic  languages  have  but  the  bare  skeletons 
of  this  set,  Syr.  hm^  mahar  "be  taught,"  hmLs 
mahrd  "money  paid  for  a  bride,"  Heb.  "if?  indhar 
"to  hasten  away,  obtain  by  paying  the  price,"  "11!^ 
mohar    "price    paid   for    a    bride,"  Arab,   j^    mahara 


112    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

"he  gave  the  woman    a   dowry,"   ^^  mahr    "dowry, 

nuptial  gift." 

From  the  idea  of  "opposite,"  which  evolves  out  of 
"in  front,"  we  get  the  meaning  "reflection,  print, 
seal."  This  is  found  in  Pers.  muhr,  muhur  "a  seal,  a 
mark  branded  on  cattle"  and  muhr  a  "a  kind  of  small 
shell  resembling  pearls,  concha  veneris,  glass  beads, 
shell  used  for  giving  a  smoothness  and  glossiness  to 
paper,  an  iron  or  bone  polishing  instrument."  This 
has  changed  into  Sansk.  mudrd  "seal,  type,  token, 
image,"  which  has  reentered  into  Dravidian  and  other 
languages. 

This  shows  that  for  the  idea  "pearl"  we  may  expect 
a  root  which  originally  means  "in  front,"  then  "excell- 
ing, shining."  Therefore  the  Dravidian  "pearl" 
words,  Kan.  muttu,  Tam.  mutta,  muttu,  etc.,  are  cer- 
tainly derived  from  the  "in  front"  root,  which,  for 
the  specific  purpose,  was  muhr,  or  something  like  it, 
as  evidenced  by  the  Persian.  Indeed,  we  have  Malayal. 
muru  "oyster,"  in  which  the  original  form  seems  to 
be  preserved.  The  Sanskrit  has  a  form,  very  much 
like  the  Dravidian,  mutya;  but  by  far  more  popular, 
it  seems,  from  the  fifth  century  A.  D.  on,  was  mukia, 
as  though  it  meant  "the  liberated,   separated  one." 

The  Sanskrit  name  of  the  pearl  oyster  is  muktdgdra, 
from  muktd  "pearl"  and  agdra  "abode."  Sansk.  agdra 
is  late  and  rare,  and  the  origin  of  the  word  is  unknown. 
It  is  unquestionably  of  Dravidian  origin,  where  we  have 
some  gar-  words  for  "abode,"  such  as  Kan.  garudi, 
garadi  "abode,  place  or  resort,"  Tul.  garddi  "veranda, 
shrine,"  also  Marathi  gharatd  "bird's  nest,  house-site, 
a  hole  in  which  a  body  might  lodge."  All  these  are 
already  represented  in  Vedic  karta,  later  garta  "hole, 
cavity,"  Marathi  khalagd,  and  a  large  number  of  other 
words  in  the  Dravidian  languages,  all  of  which  ulti- 
mately go  back  to  Kan.  agarte,  agate,  agalte  "digging. 


THE  PHILOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  PEARL    113 

ditch,"  and  this  from,  a  root  agi,  age  "to  dig,  make  a 
hole  in  the  ground."  There  can  be  little  doubt,  there- 
fore, that  Gr.  ^aQyapog  represents  a  Hindu  compound, 
of  which  the  first  part  means  "pearl,"  the  second, 
"shell."  The  precise  Hindu  vernacular  from  which 
the  Greeks  derived  the  word  is  not  ascertainable,  but 
it  must  have  been  one  on  the  west  coast  of  India,  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  pearl  fisheries  in  the  Persian 
Gulf. 

In  Greek  there  are  recorded  the  forms  ^laQyaQog, 
[xaQyaQov,  iidoycxQa,  piaQyotQitTig,  [xaQyotQig,  while  the 
Latin  has  only   margarita.     The   Syriac   has  formed, 

from  the  Greek,  l^^--^r»»  margalitd,  l^*-^r**  margdnltd, 
while  the  Talmud  has  ivbp^fp  margalit,  «r>"':3n» 
margdnltd,  which  have  also  the  meaning  "jewel, 
diamond,"  to  which  must  also  be  added  ""'pjO  margdll, 
D''lp'^73"lD  margdlltls.  From  the  Syr.  margdnltd  comes 
Arab,  o^y  margdn,  also  murgdn,  which  later  acquired 
the   meaning   "coral." 

The  universality  of  margarita  is  due  exclusively  to 
the  Graeco-Roman  rule  in  Palestine  and  Syria,  for 
the  Semitic  languages  possess  a  number  of  terms  for 
the  pearl,  some  of  them  of  great  antiquity.  Thus  the 
Arabs     have    oji     durrah,    '/^     lu'lu\    y^y:     gauhar. 

The  latter  is  of  interest  to  us,  since  it  produced  the 
"jewel"  words  in  the  European  languages.  It  is 
not  an  old  word,  since  it  is  derived  from  Pers.  gohar 
"jewel,  matter,  origin,"  which  is  itself  from  Pehl. 
gdhr,  and  this  from  Sansk.  gotra  "origin,  race."  In 
Ingulfus  we  find  for  the  first  time  LLat.  jocalia  "jewel," 
and  this  is  unquestionably  for  jocaria  from  Arab. 
gauhar. 


114     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Another  word  for  "jewel,  pearl"  was  introduced 
into  Spain  by  the  Arabs,  but  has  entirely  disappeared 
from  the  Arabic  language.  We  have  in  Coptic  kasahel 
"earring,  pearl,  brass  ornament."  What  it  really  was, 
appears  from   a  comparison   of   the   word  in   several 

Semitic  languages.  We  have  Arab.  J-i^  hasl  "an 
egg  with  the  contents  removed,"  and  J^-^^  inuhassal 
"adorned  with  a  necklace,"  which  presupposes  a  mean- 
ing   "bell-shaped    trinket"   for  J^^  hasl.     Indeed,  we 

have  Syr.  l^J^-^^i-^—  hesltd  "an  ornament  from  a  beaten 
metal,  a  woman's  ornament,"  in  modern  Syriac 
"jewelry,"   and   Talm.  '^^D  hasal  "to  hammer."  This 

is  preserved  in  Span,  cascabel  "sleigh  bell,  small  round 
brass  bell,  with  a  little  clapper  inside."  Copt,  kasahel 
indicates    an    Arabic    plural  J>:^    haswal,    from   J^^ 

hasl,  but  the  Coptic  is  not  a  borrowing  from  the  Arabic. 
It  is  a  reminiscence  of  Egyp.  hsmn  "electrum,"^  which 

is   found   in    the    Bible    as  v^Ipn  hasmal.     In    Syriac 

this  became  confused  with  the  root  which  is  already 
found  in  Assyrian  as  hasdlu  "to  crush,"  hence  in 
Syriac  it  assumed  the  meaning  "to  hammer  metal." 
For  the  same  reason  the  Arabic  word  which  produced 
Span,    cascahel   was   merged   into    the   verb  Ji^    hasl 

"to  reject  as  base  and  worthless." 

It  is  still  necessary  to  show  that  Eng.  pearl  is  derived 
from    Lat.    beryllus. 

"Beryls,  it  is  thought,"  says  Pliny,  "are  of  the  same 
nature  as  the  smaragdus,  or  at  least  closely  analogous. 
India  produces  them,  and  they  are  rarely  to  be  found 
elsewhere.     The  lapidaries  cut  all  beryls  of  an  hex- 

'  A.  Erman,  Das  Metall  hsmn,  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  dgyptische  Sprache  und 
lAterthumskunde,  vol.  XXX,  p.  31  flf. 


THE  PHILOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  PEARL    115 

agonal  form;  because  the  colour,  which  is  deadened 
by  a  full  uniformity  of  surface,  is  heightened  by  the 
reflection  resulting  from  the  angles.  If  they  are  cut 
in  any  other  way,  these  stones  have  no  brilliancy 
whatever.  The  most  esteemed  beryls  are  those  which 
in  colour  resemble  the  pure  green  of  the  sea.  .  .  In 
addition  to  the  defects  already  mentioned,  and  which 
are  pretty  nearly  the  same  as  those  to  which  the 
smaragdus  is  subject,  beryls  are  affected  with  cloudy 
spots,  like  those  on  the  finger-nails  in  appearance."^ 
The  defects  of  the  smaragdus  are  described  as  follows: 
"It  will  be  only  proper,  too,  seeing  that  the  prices  of 
these  stones  are  so  exorbitant,  to  point  out  their 
defects.  Some  defects,  no  doubt,  are  common  to  all 
of  them,  while  others,  again,  like  those  found  in  the 
human  race,  are  peculiar  only  to  those  of  a  certain 
country.  Thus,  for  example,  the  stones  of  Cyprus 
are  not  all  green  alike,  and  in  the  same  smaragdus 
some  parts  are  more  or  less  so  than  others,  the  stone 
not  always  preserving  that  uniform  deep  tint  which 
characterizes  the  smaragdus  of  Scythia.  In  other 
instances,  a  shadow  runs  through  the  stone,  and  the 
colour  becomes  dulled  thereby;  the  consequence  of 
which  is,  that  its  value  is  depreciated;  and  even  more 
so,  when  the  colour  is  thin  and  diluted. 

"In  consequence  of  the  defects  in  these  stones,  they 
have  been  divided  into  several  classe-?.  Some  of  them 
are  obscure,  and  are  then  known  as  'blind'  stones; 
some  have  a  certain  density,  which  impairs  their 
transparency;  others,  again,  are  mottled,  and  others 
covered  with  a  cloud.     This  cloud,  however,  is  alto- 

'  Bostock  and  Riley's  translation.  "Eandem  multis  naturam  aut  certe 
similem  habere  berulli  videntur.  India  eos  gignit,  raro  alibi  repertos. 
Poliuntur  omnes  sexangula  figura  artificum  ingeniis,  quoniam  hebes  unitate 
surda  color  repercussu  angulorum  excitetur.  Aliter  politi  non  habent 
fulgorem.  Probatissimi  ex  iis  sunt  qui  viriditatem  maris  puri  imitantur. 
Vitia  praeter  iam  dicta  eadem  fere,  quae  in  smaragdis,  et  pterygia," 
XXXVII.  76,  79. 


116    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

gether  different  from  the  shadow  above  mentioned; 
for  it  is  a  defect  which  renders  the  stone  of  a  whitish 
hue,  and  not  of  a  transparent  green  throughout; 
presenting,  as  it  does,  in  the  interior  or  upon  the 
surface,  a  certain  degree  of  whiteness  which  arrests 
the  vision.  Other  defects,  again,  in  these  stones,  are 
filaments,  salt-like  grains,  or  traces  of  lead  ore,  faults 
which  are  mostly  common  to  them  all. 

"Next  after  the  kinds  above  described,  the  smar- 
agdus  of  Aethiopia  is  held  in  high  esteem;  being  found, 
as  Juba  tells  us,  at  a  distance  of  twenty-five  days' 
journey  from  Coptos.  These  are  of  a  bright  green,  but 
are  seldom  to  be  met  with  perfectly  clear  or  of  an 
uniform  colour.  Democritus  includes  in  this  class 
the  stones  that  are  known  as  'herminei,'  and  as 
'Persian'  stones;  the  former  of  which  are  of  a  convex, 
massive  shape,  while  the  latter  are  destitute  of  trans- 
parency, but  have  an  agreeable,  uniform  colour,  and 
satisfy  the  vision  without  allowing  it  to  penetrate 
them;  strongly  resembling,  in  this  respect,  the  eyes 
of  cats  and  of  panthers,  which  are  radiant  without 
being  diaphanous.  In  the  sun,  he  says,  they  lose 
their  brilliancy,  but  they  are  radiant  in  the  shade, 
the  brightness  of  them  being  seen  at  a  greater  distance 
than  in  the  case  of  other  stones.  One  other  fault,  too, 
in  all  these  stones  is,  that  they  often  have  a  colour 
like  that  of  honey  or  rancid  oil,  or  else  are  clear  and 
transparent,  but  not  green. "^ 

All  the  later  writers  quote  Pliny  and  elaborate  upon 
him.^     From  all  the  sources  it  becomes  clear  that  the 

'  XXXVII.  67-70,  in  Bostock  and  Riley's  translation. 

2  "Beryllos  in  sexangulas  formas  Indi  atterunt,  ut  hebetem  colons  leni- 
tatem  angulorum  repercussu  excitent  ad  vigorem.  Beryllorum  genus 
dividitur  in  speciem  multifariam:  eximii  intervirente  glauci  et  caeruli 
temperamento  quandam  praeferunt  puri  maris  gratiam,"  Solinus,  LIT.  61. 
"Beryllium  lapis  glauci,  id  est  caesii,  colons  est,  marinae  tincturae  similis  et 
aeris,  amethysti  et  paederotis  habens  speciem  et  aquations,  id  est  albidioris, 
hyacinthi.  Fit  autem  ad  ima  montis,  qui  uocatur  Taurus.  Si  quis  autem 
uoluerit  hunc  ex  aduerso  solis  opponere,  uidetur  ueluti  uitrei  minuta  intrin- 


THE  PHILOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  PEARL    117 

beryl,  like  the  emerald,  was  considered  only  second 
to  pearls  in  value,^  that  it  was  chiefly  esteemed  for 
its  sea-green  brilliancy,  that  in  its  natural  state  it  was 
"blind,"  that  is,  did  not  reflect  the  sun's  rays,  and  that 
the  eyes  of  certain  wild  animals,  such  as  the  panther, 
emitted  a  bright  light  not  unlike  that  of  the  beryl. 

The  Greeks  employed  the  word  PiiQD^iXog  for  a  gem 
which  evidently  was  identical  with  the  beryllus  of  the 
Latin  writers,  and  it  has  been  assumed  that  it  represents 
Sansk.  vaidurya,  or,  more  correctly,  Pali  veluriya} 
Although  Bohtlingk  gives  the  meaning  of  beryl  for 
vaidurya,  other  Sanskrit  dictionaries  identify  it  with 
the  lapis-lazuli,  and  this  is  the  usual  rendering  for  the 

secus  habere  perlucida.  Alia  autem  beryllus  pupillis  oculorum  draconis  est 
similis.  Alia  rursus  est  beryllus  ueluti  coralli  speciem  magis  exhibens. 
Haec  autem  beryllus  iuxta  uiam  Eufratae  fluminis  uisa  est,"  Epiphanius, 
De  XII  gemmis  rationalis,  in  CSEL.,  vol.  XXXV,  p.  755.  "Beryllus  est, 
quasi  consideres  aquam  solis  fulgore  percussam  rubicundum  ac  decorum 
reddere  colorem:  sed  non  fulget  nisi  in  sexangulam  formam  poliendo  figure- 
tur.  Repercussu  enim  angulorum  splendor  illius  acuitur.  Significat  antem 
homines  quidem  ingenio  sagaces,  sed  amplius  supernae  gratiae  lumine  re- 
fulgentes,"  Rabanus  Maurus,  De  universo,  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  CXI, 
col.  468.  "Conspicuos  reddit  sexangula  forma  beryllos.  |  Qui  nisi  fiat  hebes, 
his  pallor  inesse  videtur.  |  Eximios  oleo  similes  lymphaeve  marinae  |  Esse 
volunt,  et  eos  probat  horum  gnara  vetustas.  |  Hie  lapis  ad  nostras  partes 
descendit  ab  Indis.  |  Hie  est  conjugii  gestare  refertur  amorem,  |  Et  se  por- 
tantem  perhibetur  magnificare.  |  Dicitur  et  sese  stringentis  adurere  dex- 
tram.  |  Infirmis  oculis  in  qua  jacet  unda  medetur,  |  Potaque  ructatus  simul 
et  suspiria  toUit.  |  Hepatis  et  cunctos  fertur  curare  dolores.  |  Istius  esse 
novem  species  voluere  magistri,"  Marbodus,  ibid.,  vol.  CLXXI,  col.  1747. 
"Beryllus  lucet  quasi  aqua  sole  percussa,  et  calefacit  manum  tenentis," 
ibid.,  col.  1774.  "Beryllus  lapis  est  magnus  et  lucidus.  Sculpe  in  eo  locus- 
tam  marinam  et  sub  pedibus  ejus  corniciam,  et  sub  gemma  pone  herbinam 
modico  auro  inclusam  consecrata  gestato  esse  malorum  omnium  victorem 
facit,  et  ad  oculorum  vitia  omnem  valetudinem  tribuit.  .  Invenitur  in 
India  similis  Smaragdo,  sed  cum  pallore,"  ibid.,  col.  1775.  "Beryllus  in 
India  gignitur,  gentis  suae  lingua  nomen  habens,  viriditate  similis  smaragdo, 
sed  cum  pallore.  Politur  autem  ab  Indis  in  sexangulas  formas,  ut  hebetudo 
coloris  repercussu  angulorum  excitetur;  aliter  politus  non  habet  fulgorem," 
Isidore,  Etymologiae,  XVI.  7.  5. 

1  "Next  in  esteem  with  us  are  the  pearls  of  India  and  Arabia.  .  .  The 
third  rank,  for  many  reasons,  has  been  given  to  the  smaragdus,"  "proximum 
apud  nos  Indicis  Arabicisque  margaritis  pretium  est.  .  tertia  auctoritas 
smaragdis  perhibetur  pluribus  de  causis,"  Pliny,  XXXVII.  62. 

2  O.  Franke,  Beziehungen  der  Inder  zum  Westen,  in  Zeitschrift  der  deutschen 
morgenldndischen  Gesellschaft,  vol.  XLVII,  p.  600. 


118    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

allied  words  in  the  vernaculars  of  India.  We  have 
Marathi  vaidugra,  Hindustani  vaidurya,  Singhalese 
weluriya,  Canarese  vaidurya,  vdyaja;  but  most  inter- 
esting is  Gujarati  rdjdvaral,  obviously  a  compound  of 
varal  and  raja,  hence  "King-beryl,"  because  it  lies  at 
the  foundation  of  Behar  lajhurud,  Pers.  lajwdrd,  which, 
in  its  turn,  produced  Arab,  alazward,  from  which 
ultimately  comes  our  lapis-lazuli. 

Vaidurya  obviously  was  the  name  of  a  number  of 
gems,  but  more  especially  of  the  lapis-lazuli.  Even  as 
in  India  the  beryl,  or  at  least  the  word  for  it,  was 
confounded  with  the  lapis-lazuli,  so  the  beryl  in  the 
West  designated  a  variety  of  gems.  In  Syriac  ]L<^ 
helUrd  refers  to  the  beryl,  but  ]  X^^>^  berUlhd  means 
"pearl,  crystal,  gemma  alba  splendida."  Similarly, 
the  Chaldaic  has  fc^/l''^  '^fT^  burld,  blrld  for  some 
kind  of  white  gem,  a  pearl,  but  more  generally,  a 
beryl.     Arab,  j^,  ballUr,  billaur,  bulur,  which  has  also 

entered  into  Persian  and  other  Oriental  languages, 
means  both  "beryl"  and  "crystal." 

In  the  early  Mediaeval  Latin  glosses  the  beryl  is 
conceived  merely  as  a  kind  of  shining  or  white  stone: 

Berillus  genus  lapidis.  Vat.  3321. 

Berolus  genus  gemmae,  berillus  saxi  candidi  genus,  Aff. 

Berulus  genus  gemme,  birillus  tantum  ut  aqua  splen- 
det,  Ampl.  I. 

Berillus  genus  lapidis  canditi.  Sang.  912. 

Berillus  genus  lapidi  candidi,  Amb. 

Berillus  genus  lapidis  candidi,  Ab.  maj. 

Berulus  genus  saxi  candidi,  Ampl.  II. 

Berillus  lapis  tantum  ut  aqua  splendit,  Abac. 

Byrillus  tamen  ut  aqua  resplendit,  Leyd. 

Birillus  ut  aqua  splendet,  berulus  geminae  genus. 
Cant.  Coll.  Corp.  Chr. 


THE  PHILOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  THE  PEARL    119 

The  reference  to  the  beryl's  shining  like  water  is, 
of  course,  taken  from  Pliny,  "  probatissimi  ex  iis  sunt 
qui  viriditatem  maris  puri  imitantur,"^  while  its  being 
like  a  white  stone  has  evolved  from  the  idea  of  its 
brilliancy.  No  definite  idea  can  be  formed  from  these 
glosses  as  to  which  gem  was  really  meant  by  the  word. 
The  Keronian  and  Hrabanian  glosses  repeat  the  Latin 
definition. 

Berillus  genus  saxi  candidi  (Steinmeyer  and  Sievers, 
vol.  I,  p.  54),  which  is  identical  with  the  definition  for 
the  crystal, 

Cristallum  genus  saxi  candidi  {ibid.,  p.  88),  but  which 
in  the  Hrabanian  gloss  appears  as 

Cristallus  lapis  splendidissimus. 

The  beryl  and  crystal  are  confused  and  the  stone  is 
called  white  or  splendidus  "brilliant."  In  the  Codex 
S.Galli  299,  of  the  IX.  or  X.  century,  berillus  is  trans- 
lated by  berala  {ibid.,  vol.  II,  p.  264),  which  at  once 
shows  that  the  German  word  is  derived  from  the 
Latin;  but  the  glosses  "margaritis  berulon''  {ibid., 
p.  76),  "lapillis,  i.  margaritis  unionibus,  berre''  {ibid., 
p.  77),  "uniones  berlin''  {ibid.,  vol.  IV,  p.  172),  "union 
berelon''  {ibid.,  vol.  II,  p.  497),  "uniones  berle"  {ibid., 
vol.  Ill,  p.  406),  "unio,  genus  margariti,  et  dicitur 
thuitisce,  -peruW  {ibid.,  vol.  I,  p.  654),  and  "calculus 
perela  {ibid.,  vol.  II,  p.  397),  perala  {ibid.,  p.  405), 
perula  {ibid.,  p.  579),  and  those  recorded  in  Graff, 
''berle  uniones,"  show  conclusively  that  the  beryllus 
was  very  soon  identified  with  the  pearl.  It  is  clear 
that  OHG.  perala  has  developed  from  berala,  and  this 
from  beryllus. 

At  all  times  the  beryl  was  identified  with  a  shining 
stone  par  excellence,  hence  later  berill-,  in  the  apoco- 
pated form  brill-,  lay  at  the  foundation  of  words  for 
"brilliancy"  in  the  Romance  languages.    In  the  XIII. 

» XXXVII.  7G. 


120    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

century,  Arnoldus  Saxo,^  repeating  the  older  sayings 
about  the  beryl,  adds,  "si  in  oculo  solis  opponitur  et 
rotundatur  ignem  accendit,"  which  shows  that  the 
beryl  was  used  for  crystal  lenses,  or,  what  is  more 
correct,  a  crystal  lens  was  called  "beryl."  Indeed, 
Arnoldus  says  also  of  the  crystal,  "hie  lapis  solis 
radiis  oppositus  ignem  concipit."^  Vincent  of  Beauvais, 
in  his  Speculum  naturale,  distinctly  confounds  the  beryl 
with  a  crystal  lens,  when  he  says  that  it  attracts  the 
rays  of  the  sun,  which  pass  through  the  stone  and  on 
the  other  side  attract  tow  or  cloth  or  anything  in- 
flammable and  consume  them,  nay  even  sting  the 
hand  of  him  who  holds  the  beryl  ;^  but  this  statement 
is  derived  from  those  of  Marbod,  quoted  above. 

Thus  it  becomes  clear  that  ultimately  beryllus  was 
confounded  with  any  crystal  lens,  hence  berillus,  paryll, 
beriillis,  beriil  are  given  by  Diefenbach  as  forms  for 
modern  Ger.  Brille  "eyeglasses."  In  OFrench  we  have 
heric,  bericle,  baricle,  all  obviously  from  beriil  for 
beryl,  and  berique,  bezique  for  "a  kind  of  ornament," 
hence  Fr.  besides  "eyeglasses."  On  the  other  hand, 
the  beryl  was  considered  a  cheap,  flashy  stone,  as  is 
evidenced  in  OFr.  berique,  hence  Ital.  brillo  "a  cheap  or 
false  gem,"  brillare  "to  flash,  scintillate,  glitter,"  and 
Fr.  briller  "to  shine." 

1  E.  Stange,  Die  Encyklopadie  des  Arnoldus  Saxo,  in  Program  des  konig- 
lichen  Gymnasiums  zu  Erfurt,  No.  278,  Erfurt  1905,  p.  70;  also  repeated  by 
Albertus  Magnus,  De  mineralibus,  II.  2.  2. 

2  Stange,  op.  cit.,  p.  71. 

3  "Berillus  est  lapis  conspicuus:  oleo  vel  aquis  marinis  colore  similis. 
Radium  solis  ad  se  trahit:  qui  scz  radius  lapidez  sine  continuitatis  solutoc 
penetrans.  Ex  altera  parte  lapidisque  scz  remotiorem  a  sole:  stupas  et 
panniculos  et  quecumque  sicca  et  comburenda  facile  attrahit  et  accendit. 
Manum  quoque  se  tenentis  adurere  dicitur,"  IX.  48. 


XIII.    THE  PEARL  IN  GREEK  LITERATURE 

In  the  Atharva-veda  there  is  a  prayer  in  which  the 
pearl  and  its  shell  are  mentioned  as  an  amulet  bestow- 
ing long  life  and  prosperity:  "Born  of  the  wind,  the 
atmosphere,  the  lightning,  and  the  light,  may  this 
pearl  shell,  born  of  gold,  protect  us  from  straits!  With 
the  shell  which  was  born  in  the  sea,  at  the  head  of  the 
bright  substances,  we  stay  the  Rakshas  and  conquer 
the  Atrins  (devouring  demons).  With  the  shell  we 
conquer  disease  and  poverty;  with  the  shell,  too,  the 
Sadanvas.  The  shell  is  our  universal  remedy;  the  pearl 
shall  protect  us  from  straits!  Born  in  the  heavens, 
born  in  the  sea,  brought  on  from  the  river  (Sindhu), 
this  shell,  born  of  gold,  is  our  life-prolonging  amulet. 
The  amulet,  born  from  the  sea,  a  sun,  born  from  Vritra 
(the  cloud),  shall  on  all  sides  protect  us  from  the  missiles 
of  the  gods  and  the  Asuras!  Thou  art  one  of  the  golden 
substances,  thou  art  born  from  Soma  (the  moon).  Thou 
art  sightly  on  the  chariot,  thou  art  brilliant  on  the 
quiver.  The  bones  of  the  gods  turned  into  pearl; 
that,  animated,  dwells  in  the  waters.  That  do  I  fasten 
upon  thee  unto  life,  lustre,  strength,  longevity,  unto  a 
life  lasting  a  hundred  autumns.  May  the  amulet  of 
pearl  protect  thee!"^ 

In  a  Sanskrit  drama,  Karpura-Manjari,  written 
about  900  A.  D.,^  the  jester  gives  a  more  detailed 
account  of  the  life-history  of  a  pearl  oyster :  ' '  Methinks 
last  night  in  my  vision  I  fell  asleep  by  the  Ganges. 
Well,  then  the  Ganges  put  her  graceful  little  foot  on 

1  M.  Bloomfield,  Hymns  of  the  Atharva-veda,  Oxford  1897,  in  The  Sacred 
Books  of  the  East,  vol.  XLII,  p.  62. 

2  Harvard  Oriental  Series,  vol.  IV,  p.  264  f . 


122     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

the  head  of  Qiva  and  washed  me  clean  away  with  her 
water.  Then  by  a  cloud  that  was  raining  at  the 
autumn  season  to  my  heart's  content  I  was  absorbed. 
And  then,  when  the  lordly  sun  had  entered  the  asterism 
of  Chitra,  the  great  cloud  went  near  the  place  where 
the  Tamraparni  empties  into  the  ocean.  I,  too,  as 
I  think,  am  within  the  cloud  and  go  with  it.  Then 
the  cloud  started  to  rain  there  with  great  big  drops  of 
water;  and  the  sea-oysters,  such  as  they  call  pearl- 
oysters,  emerged  from  the  waters  and  absorbed  me; 
and  I  was  within  them  and  became  a  monster  pearl. 
Then  in  f our-and-sixty  pearl  oysters  successively  I  was 
a  drop  of  cloud-water,  surpassing  the  opal  in  hue,  and 
then,  in  due  course,  I  attained  once  more  to  the  con- 
dition of  being  a  pearl,  one  of  perfect  roundness,  clear, 
and  flashing." 

The  Hindu  conception  of  the  birth  of  the  pearl  from 
lightning  or  from  raindrops  found  its  way  among  Greek 
authors.  Arrian  has  the  following  story  of  the  pearl: 
"Other  Indians  tell  this  story  of  Hercules,  namely, 
that  when  he  had  travelled  through  all  the  earth,  and 
purg'd  it  of  every  vice,  he  found  a  pearl  in  the  sea, 
such  as  the  merchants  at  this  day,  buy  up  in  India,  at 
a  great  price,  and  bring  to  us;  and  such  as  the  Greeks 
heretofore,  and  the  better  sort  of  Romans,  at  this  time, 
purchase  at  a  vast  expense.  Hercules  was  so  strangely 
taken  with  the  lustre  of  this  pearl,  that  he  commanded 
such  to  be  sought  for  throughout  all  the  coasts  of 
India,  wherewith  to  adorn  his  daughter.  Megasthenes 
writes,  that  the  shell  wherein  this  pearl  is  generated 
and  enclosed,  is  taken  in  netts,  and  that  a  vast  number 
of  other  shells  surround  it,  like  a  swarm  of  bees,  be- 
cause they  have  their  king  or  queen  as  bees  have; 
and  if  at  any  time  their  king  happens  to  be  taken  by 
fishermen,  they  all  suffer  themselves  to  be  taken  with 
him;    but  if  their  king  escapes,  the  rest  are  not  easily 


THE  PEARL  IN  GREEK  LITERATURE         123 

inclos'd.  The  Indians  suffer  the  meat,  or  flesh,  con- 
tain'd  between  these  shells,  to  putrify  but  preserve 
the  pearls  for  their  use.  Some  of  these  pearls  are  so 
much  esteem'd  by  the  Indians,  as  to  be  valued  at  three 
times  their  weight  in  gold,  tho'  gold  is  also  the  produce 
of  their  country."^ 

This  story,  as  far  as  it  is  quoted  from  Megasthenes, 
is  also  contained  in  the  much  longer  account  of  the 
pearl  by  Aelian:  "The  pearl  is  praised  and  admired 
by  the  foolish  and  the  women.  It  is  a  product  of  the 
Red  Sea,  and  is  said  by  the  fabulists  to  bring  forth  an 
issue  when  the  lightning  flashes  into  the  opened  shells. 
The  mussels,  the  mothers  of  these,  are  caught  in  good 
weather  and  a  calm  sea.  Having  caught  these,  the 
fishermen  take  out  the  pearls,  the  product  of  the  libid- 
inous mind.  In  the  largest  mussel  a  small  pearl 
may  be  found,  in  the  smallest  a  large  one,  while  some 
have  none.  One  has  not  more  than  one;  others  have 
many,  and  some  say  that  twenty  have  been  found  in 
one  mussel.  The  mussel  is  the  flesh,  and  the  pearl 
clings  to  it  like  a  fishbone.  If  one  should  open  a  mussel 
before  proper  time  of  bearing,  he  would  find  the  flesh, 
but  would  not  get  the  prize  of  his  fishing.  The  pearl 
resembles  a  porous  stone  and  does  not  contain  the 
least  amount  of  moisture.  Those  who  sell  or  buy  them 
value  their  beauty  and  price  from  their  whiteness  and 
size,  and  choose  them  accordingly,  and,  in  faith,  many 
dealing  in  them  have  become  very  rich.  I  am  not 
ignorant  of  the  fact  that  after  the  stones  have  been 
removed,  thus,  as  it  were,  paying  a  price  for  their 
redemption,  the  mussels  have  been  thrown  back  and 
have  produced  new  pearls.  If  the  mother  mussel 
should  die  before  the  pearl  has  been  removed,  the  latter 
putrefies  and  dies  together  with  the  flesh.     It  is  by 

^  Indian  History,  chap.  VIII,  in  Rooke,  History  of  Alexander's  Expedition, 
London  1729,  vol.  II,  p.  218. 


124    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

nature  round  and  smooth.  Should  any  one  wish  to 
polish  and  smooth  the  stone  differently  from  what 
it  is  in  its  natural  state,  it  would  betray  the  artifice, 
for  it  does  not  yield  to  it  and  becomes  rough  and 
shows  that  its  beauty  was  obtained  by  fraud. "^  In 
another  place  Aelian  says :  ' '  The  Indian  pearl  is  caught 
in  the  following  manner.  There  is  a  city,  by  the  name 
of  Perimula,  over  which  ruled  Soras,  a  man  of  royal 
descent,  at  the  time  when  Eucratides  reigned  in 
Bactria.  All  about  it  live  the  Ichthyophagi,  who  are 
said  to  catch  the  pearls  with  nets  which  are  stretched 
all  around  the  shore.  The  above-said  stones  are  born 
from  mussels,  resembling  snails,  which  svdm  about  in 
large  numbers,  led  by  leaders,  just  as  swarmE  of  bees 
are  led  by  queens,  and  these  leaders,  I  understand, 
excel  in  beauty  and  size.  The  divers  make  special 
efforts  to  catch  a  leader,  because,  when  he  is  captured, 
the  swarm  is  left  without  guidance  and,  so  to  speak, 

i«:'0  d86^£V05  \i£v  Jtagd  xoig  dvoTixoi?,  xai  ev  xalg  Y^J^oti?''  Oat'jACtOTog 
M.aQ7aoirn5*  ^QEn^ixa  \iiyxoi  xf\q  igv^gdc,  ^akaxTr\q  xal  ovJxos  eoxi,  xai 
xixxecrdiai  xe  axnbv  xeoaxo^tOYoiJcriv,  oxav  xalg  x6y5CO'-i?  dvecpYM-Evai? 
ln;LXdtJ,'»i)a)(TLv  al  dcrxQaJtai.  ©riQcovxai  8e  dga  ai!8e  at  ■aoyyiai,  al  xwv 
jtQoeiQrmsvcov  |j,T)X£oeg,  EUTnifpCag  x£  ouorig  xai  xfig  iJ^a^axxT)?  ^eia;*  oi  8e 
OTioaxai  ovXXa66vxeq,  eixa  d^EiXov  xouxov  bi]  xov  i^EXYovxa  xaq  xoov 
^tdxA-OOV  \^vxat;.  Ei>oel)-£iT|  6'  dv  xal  Iv  xoYXTl  \i£yi.crxx\  [.iixqo^,  xal  ev 
(Aixgai^  IxEYag-  xdxa  fi  ixev  ovbiva  e'xEi,  t|  8e  gu  niga  tou  eyoi;,  jtoXXal  6e 
xai  KoXXoix;,  eIoI  8e,  oi  Xiyova  xal  Eixoai  jtQocrjtEcpuxEvaiL  \iiq.  xoYXTl-  Kal 
ri  fiEV  tOYXil  xQEaq  eotIv,  ejtuiecpdxie  8e  aga  mc,  oxolooii  xavxa.  11  go 
xaiooO  8e  xal  xf\t;  wbivog  xfig  iyxeXovg,  eItteo  ovv  dvoi^ai  xig  xdg  x6YXf>^S. 
xQ&ag  ^,Ev  EVQTi,  xfic;  8e  ■OriQag  x6  ayoivia^a  oux  e^eu  AiiS'tp  8e  dga  6 
M-agYttQixTig  eoixe  jtEJtoogconE-vo),  xai  e'xeiv  ev  Eaux^,  xal  ctxeyeiv  vygov  ov 
XEtpttxEv  oiibe  oXiyov.  Aoxovoi  6e  dga  xoic;  xouxcov  xajti'i^oig,  xal  xoig 
djvoufi^voig,  ol  ttYOiv  ?iEvxoi  xai  ol  jxEYd^oi  xakXiaxoi  xai  xiixaXcpEOxaxcH, 
wcfXE  Exeivoii;  xglvEiv  avxcvg*  xai  Tikovcnoi  y£  ^?  auxcov  Iyevovxo  ov  ud 
Aia  bXiyoi,  olg  eoxiv  evxeO^ev  6  Piog.  Ovx,  dYvow  8e  ou8e  exeIvo,  oxi  dga, 
E^aigEdEvxoov  xwv  Xidcov  xdJv8E,  dtpEiOrjoav  audig  al  xoYxai,  oIoveI  Xvxga 
6ou0ai  xfji;  Eavrxcov  omxTigiag  to  a;toii8acr|.ia  to  fi8ri  jtgoEigrinEvov,  eIxq 
iKavifpvGay  aui^ig  auxo.  'Edv  8e  to  ^coov  xd  xgEcpov  avxdv,  kq\v  fj 
^£aigei)fivai  xov  ^agYctgCxiYV,  djtoi>dS'-n,  d>?  jrou  Xeyei-  xig  ^^dyo;;,  xfi 
oagxi  uEvxoi  <n»ooTiJT£xai  xal  fxcivog  xal  cuioXXvxai.  4>i3mv  bt  e'xei  xf\q 
jtfgicpEOEiag  to  Xeiov  xai  EUJi£giYQ'a<po^''  ^i-  8e  £{)e?.oi  xlc;  xwv  JiEcpvxoxcov 
^XEgcoc;  xivd  ooqpLag  xexvti  JtegiYgdil^ai  xe,  xal  ?.Eiov  dxotpfivai  x6  Xi^ov, 
66e  iXiyx£i  "cnv  em6ovXr\v  ov  yag  jtEi&Exai,  xgaxuTTixag  8£  vnavaqjijei, 
xai  6x1  dga  im6ov'kevexm,  iq  xd?i^og  xaxTjYogEi  xauxti,»  X.   13. 


THE  PEARL  IN  GREEK  LITERATURE         125 

\vithout  a  general,  and  is  captured,  just  as  a  flock  is 
left  to  a  hostile  fate  when  it  is  bereft  of  its  shepherd. 
If  the  leader  escapes,  he  rules  them  wisely  and  pre- 
serves them.  The  captured  mussels  are  salted  down 
in  small  vessels,  and  when  the  flesh  has  decayed  and 
deliquesced,  the  pearls  are  left.  The  best  Indian  pearls 
are  said  also  to  be  found  in  the  Red  Sea.  They  are 
also  found  in  the  Western  Ocean,  where  Britain  is, 
but  they  seem  to  be  there  more  yellow  and  less  brilliant. 
Juba  says  that  they  are  also  found  in  the  Sea  of  Bos- 
porus, but  here  they  are  inferior  to  the  British,  and  not 
at  all  to  be  compared  to  the  Indian  or  Erythraean. 
The  Indian  land  pearls  are  said  not  to  have  their  own 
nature,  but  to  be  the  product  of  the  crystal,  which 
grows,  not  through  cold,  but  in  the  earth. "^ 

We  can  observe  in  these  two  Greek  accounts  the 
origins  of  two  myths  connected  with  the  pearl.  The 
story  of  the  king  of  the  pearls  arose  from  the  fact 
that  the  large  round  pearl,  the  chief  object  of  the  diver's 

'  «'0  be  'lybbc,  udoYapoc;,  avto  vao  eIjtov  ksqi  tou  'Eoudoaiov, 
).au6dv£Tai  XQOJtcp  xoimbs.  n6?vi;  eatlv,  fii;  fiQ^e  2a)(>ac;  ovoiia,  6.vi\Q  yivovQ 
fiaaiXwov,  ore  -/al  BdxvXQOiv  fiox^'v  EwcQaTi8r|c;,  ovoiia  bk  xfj  jr6>vei 
riEQiHouSa.  KaxoixoiJoi  be  avxr\v  dvSgeg  'Ixih)c<pdYoi,  o^ev  oQixwuevoui; 
tmv  Toig  81.XTU015  qpaol  xovabz  xov;  .XQoeiQrjutvoug  n:eQt>^a|x6dv£iv  a.yv,(boi 
Hevd^.oig  aiYia?.ov'  y.mXov  ev^,Eyi^l].  FivEcrdai  8e  xov  nQoeigriiigvcyv  Xidoy 
ty.  xoYXT);  axQO]i6(p  eucpegoOg  M-^Ytt^o".  vVixecrOai.  xe  xaxd  ayiXac,  roiig 
uaoYdgoug,  xai  exeiv  fiYfU'Ovag,  wg  ev  xoig  oiit'iveolv  al  ^t'^tixxai,  xovq 
y-okovyiivovg  fiacnXia^-  uy.ovoi  bk  elvai.  xai  xovxov  fticutofjifi  xal  xi]v  XQoav, 
xcd  TO  \iiye-doc.  'AYcoviona  8e  dga  jcoioirvxai  <ruX?La6fiv  auxov  ol 
xoXvu,6r]xai  ol  urpufigoi*  xovxou  yuQ  riQTiiLievot»,  xal  xiV  ayiXr]^  alpoijai 
n^ciCTav  EQi'iuTiv,  (hz  dv  ftJtoi  xig,  xal  djXQooxdxeutov  ovoav  axQtuxi  Ydg, 
xai  oxm  fxi  jxooaEiaiy,  ola  Srinou  .xoiiivri  xov  vouea  dcpTigriMevri,  xaxd  uva 
xvxryv  ix^Qay  eo)?  6e  SiarpstiYEi,  xm  udXa  ye  f^ofpcb;  e^eXlxxei,  xai 
jrOoriYELxai,  xai  aco'Qei  x6  tu^tixooy.  Toitc;  be  ?.Ticp^Evxac;  ev  jXiOdxvaic  Xiyov- 
xai  xagi-xrueiv,  oxav  6£  t)  oag^  \ivbi]cn\  xai  nEQiggi'-ri,  xax(.  XeirtExai  i\ 
ilniqpo;;.  "Aoioxoc;  8e  dga  6  'Iv8ix6c:  YivExai,  xai  6  xfic;  ■Qal6.xxy]z  xfiq 
'Egu^gdg.  FivExai  8e  xai  xaxd  xov  eajiegwv  (bxEavov,  £v{>a  r\  BgExavixT) 
vfjcfoi;  eaxi*  8oxei  8e  nu)Z  XQ^ooi  ojtoxeooc;  I8fiv  fEvai,  xdc  xe  auYdc 
d|i.6^uxEgac;  e'xwv  xai  oxoxojSEaxegac.  FivectOoi  8e  cpT|0Lv  'loSai;  xai  ev  X(^ 
xaxd  BoOvTogov  JtogOuo),  xai  xaij  Bgrxxavixoi)  TixxdcrOim  auxov,  xcp  8e 
'Iv8(rt  xai  x(p  'Egu^gaio)  |j,t^8e  xtiv  dgxrV  avxixgivEa^ai.  'O  8e  ev  'Iv8w3t 
Xfgcraioc  ov  >,FYExai  cpi'irriv  fvfiv  ifti'av,  dA.>.d  dn:oY£v\-tiua  Elvai  xQvoiakXov, 
ov  XOV)  EX  Twv  Kayexui\  owioxanEvou,   d>.Xd  xoO  6guxxo€i,»  XV.  8. 


126    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

pursuit,  has  been  called  "royal,"  and  even  now  the 
Persians  have  the  word  sdhwdr  "royal"  for  the  large 
pearl.  The  story  that  the  pearl  cannot  be  polished 
without  betraying  the  fact  that  its  beauty  was  obtained 
by  fraud,  gives  rise,  as  will  be  shown  later,  to  the  story 
of  the  fairy  Morgain,  whose  beauty  is  of  a  homely 
nature. 

The  fullest  Greek  account  before  the  Physiologus  is 
found  in  Athenaeus:  "But  concerning  the  oysters 
which  are  grown  in  the  Indian  Ocean;  (for  it  is  not 
unreasonable  to  speak  of  them,  on  account  of  the  use 
of  pearls);  Theophrastus  speaks  in  his  treatise  on 
Precious  Stones,  and  says,  'But  among  the  stones 
which  are  much  admired  is  that  which  is  called  the 
pearl,  being  transparent  in  its  character;  and  they 
make  very  expensive  necklaces  of  them.  They  are 
found  in  an  oyster  which  is  something  like  the  pinna, 
only  less.  And  in  size  the  pearl  resembles  a  large 
fish's  eye.'  Androsthenes,  too,  in  his  Voyage  along  the 
Coast  of  India,  writes  in  these  terms — '  But  of  strombi, 
and  chaerini,  and  other  shell-fish,  there  are  many 
different  varieties,  and  they  are  very  different  from  the 
shell-fish  which  we  have.  And  they  have  the  purple- 
fish,  and  a  great  multitude  of  other  kinds  of  oysters. 
There  is  also  one  kind  which  is  peculiar  to  those  seas,. 
which  the  natives  call  the  berberi,  from  which  the 
precious  stone  called  the  pearl  comes.  And  this  pearl 
is  very  expensive  in  Asia,  being  sold  in  Persia  and  the 
inland  countries  for  its  weight  in  gold.  And  the 
appearance  of  the  oyster  which  contains  it  is  much 
the  same  as  that  of  the  cteis  oyster,  only  its  shell  is 
not  indented,  but  smooth  and  shaggy.  And  it  has 
not  two  ears  as  the  cteis  oyster  has,  but  only  one. 
The  stone  is  engendered  in  the  flesh  of  the  oyster,  just 
as  the  measles  are  in  pork.  And  it  is  of  a  very  golden 
colour,  so  as  not  easily  to  be  distinguished  from  gold 


THE  PEARL  IN  GREEK  LITERATURE        127 

when  it  is  put  by  the  side  of  it;  but  some  pearls  are 
of  a  silvery  appearance,  and  some  are  completely  white 
like  the  eyes  of  fish.'  But  Chares  of  Mitylene,  in  the 
seventh  book  of  his  Histories  of  Alexander,  says — 
'There  is  caught  in  the  Indian  sea,  and  also  off  the 
coast  of  Armenia,  and  Persia,  and  Susiana,  and  Baby- 
lonia, a  fish  very  like  an  oyster;  and  it  is  large  and 
oblong,  containing  within  the  shell  flesh  which  is 
plentiful  and  white,  and  very  fragrant,  from  which 
the  men  pick  out  white  bones  which  they  call  the  pearl. 
And  they  make  of  them  necklaces  and  chains  for  the 
hands  and  feet,  of  which  the  Persians  are  very  fond, 
as  are  the  Medes  and  all  Asiatics,  esteeming  them  as 
much  more  valuable  than  golden  ornaments.'  But 
Isidorus  the  Characene,  in  his  Description  of  Parthia, 
says  that  'in  the  Persian  sea  there  is  an  island  where 
a  great  number  of  pearls  are  found;  on  which  account 
there  are  quantities  of  boats  made  of  rushes  all  about 
the  island,  from  which  men  leap  into  the  sea,  and  dive 
down  twenty  fathoms,  and  bring  up  two  shells.  And 
they  say  that  when  there  is  a  long  continuance  of 
thunder-storms,  and  heavy  falls  of  rain,  then  the  pinna 
produces  most  young,  and  then,  too,  the  greatest 
quantity  of  pearls  is  engendered,  and  those,  too,  of 
the  finest  size  and  quality.  In  the  winter  the  pinna 
is  accustomed  to  descend  into  chambers  at  the  very 
bottom  of  the  sea;  but  in  summer  they  swim  about 
all  night  with  their  shells  open,  which  they  close  in  the 
day-time:  and  as  many  as  stick  to  the  crags,  or  rocks, 
throw  out  roots,  and  remaining  fixed  there,  they  gene- 
rate pearls.  But  they  are  supported  and  nourished 
by  something  which  adheres  to  their  flesh:  and  this 
also  sticks  to  the  mouth  of  the  cockle,  having  talons 
and  bringing  it  food:  and  it  is  something  like  a  little 
crab,  and  is  called  the  guardian  of  the  pinna.  And  its 
flesh  penetrates  through  the  centre  of  the  cockle-shell, 


128    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

like  a  root:  and  the  pearl  being  generated  close  to  it, 
grows  through  the  solid  portion  of  the  shell,  and  keeps 
growing  as  long  as  it  continues  to  adhere  to  the  shell. 
But  when  the  flesh  gets  under  the  excrescence,  and  cut- 
ting its  way  onwards,  gently  separates  the  pearl  from 
the  shell,  then  when  the  pearl  is  surrounded  by  flesh, 
it  is  no  longer  nourished  so  far  as  to  grow  at  all;  but 
the  flesh  makes  it  smoother,  and  more  transparent, 
and  more  pure.  And  so,  too,  the  pinna,  which  lives 
at  the  bottom,  engenders  the  most  transparent  sort 
of  pearl;  and  it  produces  them  also  very  pure  and  of 
large  size.  But  that  which  keeps  near  the  surface, 
and  is  constantly  rising,  is  of  a  smaller  size  and  a 
worse  colour,  because  it  is  affected  by  the  rays  of  the 
sun.  But  those  who  hunt  for  pearls  are  in  danger  when 
they  hastily  put  their  hand  into  the  opening  of  the  shell, 
for  immediately  the  flsh  closes  its  shell,  and  very  often 
their  fingers  are  sawn  off;  and  sometimes  they  die 
immediately.  But  all  those  who  put  in  their  hand 
sideways  easily  draw  off  the  shells  from  the  rock."^ 

It  appears  from  the  above  passages  that  the  Greek 
accounts  of  the  pearl  are  entirely  based  on  the  Hindu 
conception  of  its  origin,  to  which  are  added  a  few 
misconceptions,  such  as  that  of  the  king  of  the  pearls, 
from  the  Eastern  name  of  "  King  Pearl"  for  the  largest 
specimen.  Outside  of  the  Hindu  account  nothing 
whatsoever  is  said  about  the  pearl  in  any  Greek  author, 
and  Aristotle,  where  there  are  so  many  interpolations, 
none  the  less  has  nothing  whatsoever  in  regard  to  it. 
Nowhere  do  we  find  here  any  reference  to  the  birth 
of  the  pearl  in  the  morning,  which,  it  will  soon  be 
shown,  is  of  Arabic  origin. 

1  III.  45-46. 


THE  PEARL  IN  ARABIC  LITERATURE. 

Probably  the  oldest  Arabic  account  of  the  pearl 
preserved  to  us  is  found  in  an  account  of  the  IX. 
century:^  "The  formation  of  the  pearl  is  the  work 
of  divine  wisdom,  whose  name  be  praised.  The  pearl 
presents  itself  at  first  in  the  form  of  a  grain  of  asa- 
foetida,  of  which  it  has  the  color,  form,  size,  lightness, 
fineness  and  frailty.  It  moves  feebly  on  the  surface 
of  the  water  and  falls  upon  the  sides  of  the  divers' 
barges.  After  a  while  it  grows  stronger  and  larger  and 
assumes  the  solidity  of  stone.  When  it  has  acquired 
weight,  it  attaches  itself  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea, 
and  God  only  knows  what  it  feeds  on.  At  first  one 
finds  in  the  pearl  nothing  but  a  piece  of  red  flesh  which 
at  its  root  resembles  a  tongue,  and  has  neither  back, 
nor  nerves,  nor  veins.  However,  people  do  not  agree 
as  to  the  formation  of  the  pearl.  Some  authors  have 
said  that  the  shell  rises  to  the  surface  of  the  water  when 
it  rains,  and  opens  its  mouth  in  order  to  receive  the 
rain  drops,  which  are  changed  into  grains.  Other 
authors  maintain  that  the  pearl  is  engendered  by  the 
shell  itself,  which  is  the  more  likely  opinion.  Indeed, 
one  sometimes  finds  the  pearl  in  the  shell  in  the  form 
of  a  plant  which  adheres  to  the  shell  itself.  It  can  be 
separated.  And  this  the  merchants  who  voyage  on  the 
ocean  call  qala'  (^  ).     God  only  knows  how  it  is." 

The  author  knew  only  the  Hindu  and  Greek  accounts 
of  the  origin  of  the  pearl,  but  he  also  knew  the  Sanskrit 
appellation,   mukta  "separated,"  for  the  pearl,  which 

1  J.  T.  Reinaud,  Relation  des  voyages  fails  par  les  Arabes  el  les  Persans  dans 
I'Inde  el  a  la  Chine  dans  le  IX'^  siecle  de  Vere  chretienne,  Paris  1845,  vol.  I, 
p.  146  ff. 
14 


130    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

he  translated  by  the  Arabic    term  ^  qala',  from  ^ 
qala'a  "he  detached,  removed  from  its  place."     The 
same  cause  produced  Arab.   -x.^J  farid    "pearl,"   fromi 
ij  farada  "he  became  single,  sole,  one,  and  no  more." 

But  the  Arabs  had  still  another  term  for  "pearl," 
which  was  due  to  the  misunderstanding  of  the  passage 
in  Aelian,  where  he  tells  of  the  leader  of  the  pearls. 
The  sentence,  «vr]X£cr9(xi  is  xata  dyeXaq  xoug  LiaQyaQODg, 
xai  e'xeiv  r]yE\i6vac„»  was  understood  by  the  Arabs  to 
mean  that  the  very  large  pearl,  the  main  object  of 
the  pearl  divers,  was  called  f|Y8p,(ov.  Hence  they 
created  their  -^Lj^t*  higamdnah  "precious  pearl," 
which  is  preserved  in  Arab.  oL>-  gumdn  "pearls,  beads 

made  of  silver,  like  pearls."  But  fiyeficov  was  in  the 
VII.  century  pronounced  hiemon,  and  we  should  expect 
also  such  a  form  in  Arabic.  This  is  actually  recorded 
in  a  large  number  of  Latin  glossaries.  We  read:  hianio 
(Cod.  Vat.  3321,  Cod.  Sang.  912,  Lib.  Gloss.,  Ampl. 
Sec),  hiamio  {Ampl.  Prim.),  hiameo  (Corp.  Gloss., 
Epin.  Gloss.),  hinio  {Gloss.  Affat.)  "margarita  pretiosa," 
Outside  of  the  glossaries  this  word  is  totally  unknown. 
There  is  another  term  for  "precious  pearl,"  which  is 
due  to  Christian  influence.  "Pearl"  was  early  applied 
to  the  Virgin,  as,  for  example,  in  the  Coptic  Homily 
upon  the  Virgin  or  the  Birth  of  Christ:  "Mary  is 
likened  to  Gideon's  fleece,  to  a  well-watered  land  whence 
the  rod  of  Jesse  springs.  Joseph  renounced  all  worldly 
possessions  to  obtain  Mary.  She  is  a  pearl  in  the 
midst  of  other  jewels,  in  a  meadow  girt  about  by  the 
sea,  the  fish  in  which  live  all  at  peace.  When  the 
pearl's  time  is  fulfilled,  it  joins  that  other  pearl  which 
lies  below  the  water  in  its  shell  dzek,  and  together  they 
mount  up   and  illuminate  the  field  and  trees.     The 


THE  PEARL  IN  ARABIC  LITERATURE        131 

pearl  in  the  meadow  is  now  named  achates.''^  The 
interesting  alternative  achates  for  "pearl"  is  also  found 
in  Arabic,  where  oj5^.  ydqut  is  given  in  the  Latin- 
Arabic  vocabulary  both  for  achates  and  margarita. 
The  agate  is  frequently  mentioned  in  Arabic  literature 

as  the  gem  par   excellence,  hence  also   ^j>-  gauhar  is 

used  for  it.^  It  was  easily  associated  with  the  pearl, 
because  both  were  brought  from  Ceylon.^ 

The  relation  of  the  agate  to  the  pearl  is  for  the  first 
time  brought  out  in  Origen,  in  connection  with  a  dis- 
cussion of  Matth.  XIII,  45,  although  the  agate  is  not 
mentioned  by  name.  Origen  says:  "This  is  what  we 
have  learned  about  the  nature  of  the  pearl  from  those 
who  have  written  about  the  stones,  namely,  that 
there  are  land  pearls  and  sea  pearls.  The 
land  pearls  are  found  only  in  India,  and  from 
them  seals,  rings  and  necklaces  are  made,"  The 
whole  of  Origen's  discussion  of  the  pearl  runs  as  follows: 
«Iid?i,iv  ouoia  eotIv  fi  pa.ai?i8ia  xwv  ovQavcbv  dvfl^QCDJtco 
g^jiOQO)  ^T]Tox3VTi  KoXovq  \io.Qy aoixac;'  'Ejt8i8r]  r\  PaaiXeia 
Tcav  oi)Qavd)v  6\ioia  eotl,  jioXkGiV  ovtcov  e^iJtoQCOV  :n:oX^d 
eiiJioo8Dopi8V(ov,  oi)8f,vl  8X81VCOV,  TO)  8s  ^iqToijVTL  xovc,  xa- 
}^ovc,  ixaQyagixaq,  xai  sijqovxi  eva  dvrd^iov  tcov  jio^^wv, 
jioAiJTipiGv  ,uaQYaQLTT]v,  6v  dvTi  jidvTcov  riYopaasv,  eijXoYov 
i]yov\iai  xvyydv^iv  id  Jtegl  xfji;  qpijaswg  xov  ycaQyaQixov  8- 
^sxdaai.  naDaTi]g8i  Se  ejii|ieA,(Jc)g,  oil  oi)X  8iJi8V,  oxi  Jie- 
jiQaxF  jrdvxag  ovq  eiysv  ov  ydg  [lovoug  ovc,  6  ^r]X(ov  xaA,oi)g 
\io.Qyaoixaq  8(ovr|xai  :x8JtQax8v,  aXXa  xai  Jtdvxa  oaa  sixev, 
I'va  dyoQaar]  xov  ^laoyaQixriv  exeivov  E{5qo|18V  o^v  Jiapd 
xolc,  J1801  A,i§o)v  iiQay[iax£voa\i£voiq  Jt8Qi  xj\q  qpijcrscog  xoi3 
liaQyaQixov  xaijxa,  oxi  xwv  jiagyaQixdw  ol  [liv  £iai  x^Qoal- 
01,  01  be  daA,dxxioi*  xai  oi  \ikv  /SQcraioi  jiqq'  'IvSoig  ^ovoig 

»  W.  E.  Crum,  op.  cit.,  p.  36. 

-  Clement-Mullet,  Essai  sur  la  mineralogie  arabe,  in  Journal  asiatique, 
sixi^me  serie,  vol.  XI,  p.  30  ff. 
3  Ibid.,  p.  40. 


132     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

yivoATai,  jiQEJiovTEg  acpQayiai  xai  ocpevSovaig  xai  oQ^oig* 
oi  88  &a?odxxioi,  ol  |X8V  biacpegovxEg  jtaga  xoig  amolq  'IvSoig 
EijQiaxovxai,  oixiveg  etai  xai  apiaxoi,  evxf]  'EQudpa  ^aXdoox] 
yivo^evoi.  Aei^xEQeiJoi^ai  be  (he,  ev  ^laQyotQixaig  ol  ex  xoij 
xaxd  Bpexxaviav  'Qxsavoij  Xa\i6av6\i£voi'  xqixoi  Ss  xai  djio- 
?i8iJi6|i8voi  ov  [xovov  xd)v  jtq(ox(jov,  d^A,d  xai  xwv  SeuxsQcov, 
01  xaxd  BoojioQov  3X8qi  xv]v  2xi3§iav  eiJQiaxo^ievoi.  "Exi  be 
xavxa  eXsyexo  ji8Qi  xoii  'Iv8ixoi3  [LiaQyaQixo'u,  oxi  sv  xoyxoi? 
yiV8xai  jtQoaeoixoGi  xriv  cpvoiv  8i)^8ys^scri  axQ6!i6oig*  o^- 
xoi  58  loxoQoiJvxai  oiovei  xaxd  iXac,  x\]v  OaXdxxiov  jtoioij- 
JX8V01  vopiv,  xaMji8Q  dy8?.dQX0D  xivog  s^riyovjisvov,  :^eq6~ 
11X013  Tr]v  XQoav,  xai  x6  pieye^og,  xai  SiaqpeQovxog  xcbv  iiji' 
tt'uxov  0)0X8  dvaXoyiav  aiixov  e^siv  xco  xaXouptsvo)  eaafjvi 
li^XiooddV.  'laxoQTjxai  88  xai  jisqi  xy\c,  O^igag  xo5v  8iaqp8- 
Qovxcov,  xouxeaxi  xdw  sv  'Iv8ia,  xoioijxov  oxi  ji8QiA,a^i6d- 
vovxeg  01  sjtixcoQioi  81XXIJ015  xvxXov  aiyia?ioi)  jisyav,  xaxa- 
xoA,Dji6(baiv,  8va  8^  djidvxcov  xov  jipoT^yoij^ievov  8JtLxr]88'u- 
ovx8g  ^a68iv.  xoijxou  ydg  dXovxog,  cpaolv  d^xo^Oov  ysveaO^ai 
xT]v  Oi]Qav  xfjg  'UjTO  xoiJxcp  dyih'\(;,  ovhEVoq  8x1  dxQ8jAomTog 
Twv  vn  aijxfig,  dX}J  oiov  8s88[X8voi3  i|.idvxi,  xai  8jio|xsvov 
xcp  dysAdoxT].  Asyexai  88  xai  f)  yevsaig  xwv  sv  'Iv8ig  |.iaQ- 
yapixwv  XQovoig  anviaxaoO^ai,  xQOJidg  ?ia^6dvovxog  xou 
t,(X)ov  Jt?c8iovag,  xai  [,i8xa6oA,dg,  scog  xs^isiooOf].  "Exi  8s 
xai  xoitxo  icrxoQTixai,  0x1  8ioiy8xai  6  xoyyoc,  xadjiij 
'TaQaji?ir|aiojg,  6  xov  cpsQOVxog  xov  |iaQyaQm]v  towv, 
xai  8ioix^slg  xt]v  ovgdviov  sig  sauxov  8EX8xai  8q6(Jov 
fjg  sfXjrXrio&slg  xa^apag  xai  ddoAcoxoi),  jieQiaDyr]g  yivsxai, 
xai  ?loxsij81  usyav  xai  8'uqd{}[xov  xov  A,i\}ov.  Ei  8s  jtoxs  ejtti- 
xA-D^iEVTig,  xai  dvcofid^oij  %Ei\iEQiov  xs  \iExaXd6r\  8060013, 
6^iixA,038ri  xiJEi  ixaQyaQixriv,  xai  xrj^iaiv  sjiifxcovov.  "Exi  8s 
xai  xoi'xo  sijQOjisv,  0x1  si  [XEaoA,a6ri98iri  obEvodv  sjtl  xr]v  JiA-rj- 
Qcoaiv  0^  xijsi  }d^ov  vno  daxQajxfjg,  ^iijsi,  xai  coojieqeI  x(5 
8si|iaxi  (TxoQjii^si,  xai  8ia7Ei  xov  yovov  s'lg  xd  ?isy6|XEva  cpv- 
oi]|Liaxa.  "Eaxi  8£  oxs  xaOdjtSQ  f]Xix6\ir[va  yswaxai  P^a'/sa, 
xai  dxA,iJog  xi  s^ovxa,  jiA,tiv  sijQD^jxa.  "Exi  8£  xai  xoijxo 


THE  PEARL  IN  ARABIC  LITERATURE        133 

8X£i  6  'IvSixoc;  jxaQYO^Q^''^^]?*  ^otpd  xovq  aXkovc,  Xevkoc,  eoxi 
Tf]v  XQoav  dQyvQ(a  Siaqpavei  jtQoaqpeQfjg,  aiiy^'iv  te  V7ioxk(i>- 
Qitovoav  r\QE^a  8iaA,djiJX8iv,  (hq  ejiiJiav  Se  ax^~i[ia  e/ei  axQoy- 
yiJ^vO'v*  80X1  88  xal  xQi^qpepoxQcog,  xal  djia^a)X8Q0(;  t]  xaxd 
AiOov.  Ovxooi;  §8  eaxiv  ejtix8Qjifig  i8sa^ai,  (bg  xal  jiaQa  xoig 
8ji,cpav8ax8Q0ig,  xaM  6  dvayQCxiijag  8A,8yb  jcsqi  xc5v  A,i0^cov, 
dcpv^ivBiaOoci.  "Exi  xai  xoiJxo  or\[i£i6v  saxiv  olqiotov  ycaQ- 
yagixov  x6  xt]v  Ji8Qiq)SQ8iav  x8xoQV8iJ[X8vr]v  e'xsiv,  xal  x6 
XQco^ia  ^8Dx6xaxov  xal  Siai^yeaxaxov,  xai  xw  ji8y80^8L  ^le- 
yioxov.  Tauxa  piev  o^v  ji8qi  xov  'Iv8ixoi3'  6  §8  xaxd  Bq8x- 
xaviav,  qpaai,  XQvoodmq  \ihv  eaxt  xriv  sjxiXQOiav,  6\ii%k(jihii]c, 
hi  xig,  xai  xaig  ixaQ^iaQuyaig  d[i6XvxeQoq'  6  hk  ev  xcp 
jtoQO|i(p  xw  xaxd  BoajioQov  xv8q)0)8sax8Qog  xov  B()8xxavi- 
xoij,  xai  Jis^i8v6g,  xai  X8^8ov  dj^iDSgog,  dna'koc,  xe  xai  ^a- 
xQO|isy807](;.  Kal  y8wdxai  88  6  ev  xco  xaxd  BoajioQov  jioqO- 
\i(b  oi)x  8V  xaig  jiiwaig,  o  ecrxiv  oaxpaxcov  8i8og  [laQyaQixo- 
qpOQov,  dX),'  8V  xoig  jrQoaayoQsi)0|i8VOig  \ivai  xoijxoig  88,  ^8- 
yw  hr\  xoig  xaxd  Boojioqov,  fj  vo[iy\  kv  XEX\.iaoiv  saxiv.  'laxo- 
Qiqxai  88  xai  xexaQxov  yevog  8ivai  (laQyaQixwv  jisqi  xt]V 
'AxttQvaviav  ev  xaig  xwv  oaxgscov  jiiwaig-  ov  a3xou8aioi 
8e  0^X01  dyav,  dX?id  xai  aQQajOpioi,  xai  x6  axT\yio.,  xai  x6 
XQcojia  xsA,eov  8iax£0o?i(JL)!isvoi  xai  QUJiwvxeg*  Kai  dA,Xoi  88 
Jiapd  xoiJxoDg  eiai  jieQi  xf]v  aiixriv  'AxaQvaviav  Jidvxcov 
ev8X8v  dji66A,T]xoi.  Taijxa  8s  airvayaywv  sx  xfjg  jisqi  A,i^a)v 
jiQayuaxeiag,  qpTi^ii  xov  ^CDxfJQa,  ejiioxdpisvov  8iaq)0Qdv 
jxaQyagixdw,  d)V  sv  xw  ysvsi  sioi  xai  xa?ioL  xai  d?i^oi  qpaij- 
A,oi,  siQr]X8vai  xo*  '0}.ioia  soxiv  fj  Paoi^sia  xcbv  oiipavcov 
dvOQWJio)  s^iJiOQcp  ^r]xoiJvxi  xoug  xaXovq  iiagyaQixag-  ei  ydp 
yir\  xai  q)aiJA,oi  f\odv  xiveg  sv  ^OQyaQixaig,  oxix  dv  siQr^xai, 
^T]xoiJvxi  xaA,oijg  ^lapyaQixag.  'Ev  xoig  jtavxoSajioig  8s  s- 
jiayysX?io^EVOig  d^Oeiav  A,6yoig  xai  xoig  qpeQovoiv  aiixoug 
^rjxei  xoijg  ^lagyaQixag*  xai  eoxwoav,  iva  ovxcog  ovopidoco, 
01  djio  xfig  oxjQavioD  856001)  ovA,^a|x6dvovxsg  xoyxoi,  xat 
xijovxeg  e§  oiiQavov  ^oyov  dA,Tid8iag,  jtQoqpfjxai,  01  xaA,oi 
[xaoyaQixai,  oijg  6  xaxd  xr]v  jiqoxsi^i8vt]v  A<e|iv  ^t]xsi  epiJW)- 


134     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Qog  avOpoDJiog.  'O  §8  dye^totQX^?  "^^"^  [laQyaQiiibv,  w  eiJ- 
Qiaxoi-ievcp  xai  oi  ?ioiJtoi  airvsuQiaxovrai,  6  jio?iX)xi|ir]xog  \iaQ- 
yapmig,  6  Xgiaxog  toij  ©eoi),  6  vkeq  xd  xi|iia  yQd\i\iaxa 
xal  vorijiaxa  xoi)  v6\iov  xai  xc5v  jiQoqpTixwv  Xoyog,  ov  evqz- 
§8Vxog  xal  x'  oc?i?ia  jidvxa  Ei'jiaQcbg  jiaQaXaj,i6dvovxai.  Aia- 
Asyexai  §8  6  2coxf]Q  xoig  |iaOT]xaig  jrdaiv,  cog  dv&QWJioig 
EUJTOQOig,  ov  |i6vov  ^T]xoiioi  xoijg  xaAoijg  ycaQyaQixaq,  dXXa 
xai  evQoi^oiv  aiixoijg,  xai  x8xxr][i8voig,  8V  oig  q)Tiai'  Mr] 
pdXr]X8  xoijg  [.lagyaQixag  8piJtQoa0^8v  xcbv  ^oiQcov.  AfiA,ov  Se, 
6x1  xoig  jxaOT]X(xig  xavxa  ?i8}i8xxai  ex  xov  jxQ0X8xdx^8i  xcbv 
Aoycov  x6'  'I8o)v  §8  xo^ug  ox^ovg  dv86Ti  8ig  x6  oQog,  xal 
xaOioavxog  ai^xoij  jTQoafiXdov  aiixco  ol  jia^xal  amoij*  ev  ydQ 
xcp  8iQ^ico  xcbv  Aoycov  8X81VCOV  8iQTixai-  Mr)  8cax8  x6  dyiov 
xoig  xDOi,  \ir\bh  pdXrix8  xo'ug  [lapyaQixag  8[XJi;Qoa0^8v  xcbv 
XoiQcov.  Mrjjtox8  ovv  6  \ir\  e'xoiv  ^AapyaQixag,  f|  xov  jto^ijxipiov 
piaQyaQixriv,  ovbz  pia07]XT]g  eaxi  xov  2coxf]Qog,  xoijg  piagya- 
Qixag  xo'ug  xaXoiig,  ov  xoijg  V8cpcb88ig,  ovhh  xovq  dxA-ucb88ig, 
ojtoLOi  8iaiv  01  xcbv  8X8Qo86|cov  A,6yoi,  ov  JiQog  dvaxo?idg 
yewcD^ievoi,  dAA,d  JiQog  8uapidg  r|  JiQog  Poqqocv,  8l  XQi]  taiJxa 
jiQoojiaQa^ajx6dv8iv,  8i'  r\v  8ijQojx8v  SiaqpoQdv  ^lapyaQixcbv 
8V  SiacpoQoig  yivofxsvcov  xojxoig.  Tdya  8s  ol  xsO'o^co^ievoi  X6- 
yoi  xai  8V  xoig  egyoig  aagxog  xaxediyiievai  aigecreig  ol 
dx?iXJ0)8sig  sicTL  xai  ol  ev  xs^ijiaai  yivo^ievoi  [xaQyaQixai  ov 
KaXoi.  2ijvdi[)8ig  Se  xcb  ^t]xoijvxi  xaAoijg  [laQyagixag  x6* 
Ztix8lxs,  xai  evQricTexe"  xai  x6,  Ildg  6  ^T]xcbv  eijoicrxei.  Ti 
ydp  ^T]X8ix8;  i]  xi  Jidg  6  ^T]xcbv  eiiQioxei;  'Ajioxo^iiTicrag  ei- 
jtco,  xoi)g  fxapyaQixag,  xai  xov  ^iapyaQixiiv,  ov  6  jidvxa  80155 
xai  ^rifxico^eig  xxdxai,  81'  ov  cpiqaiv  6  naiJA,og*  Td  jidvxa 
8^T]|iico§Tiv,  iva  Xoiaxov  x8g8r|aco,  jidvxa  ^sycov  xo'ug  xa^ovg 
liaQyapixag-  iva  Xoioxov  xeQ8rioco,  xov  eva  jioA^TJxi^iov  \iaQ- 
yaQixT]v.  Ti|iiov  ^isv  o^v  Xvyvoq  xoig  ev  axoxsi,  xai  xgeia 
Xvyyov  8cog  dvaxeiA-T]  6  r\kwq'  xifxia  88  xai  f)  sjii  xoij  jiqo0co- 
Tiov  Mooijcrscog  So^a,  eycb  8'  oi[xai  6x1  xai  xcbv  JiQoqprixcbv, 
xai  xaA,6v  ^sa|ia,  81'  fig  siaayopieda  jiQog  x6  8irw]0iivai  i- 
Seiv  TTjv  86Hav  XQiaxoii,  fj  piaQxnQcbv  6  TlaxriQ  cpriaiv  Ov- 


THE  PEARL  IN  ARABIC  LITERATURE        135 

Tog  eaxiv  6  Yiog  pioi)  6  dyam\ioc„  eig  ov  'Y\vb6x^(ya.  'AXA,' 
oi)  SeSo^aaxai  to  SeSo^aaiievov  ev  totjto}  t([)  piegei  evexev 
Tf]g  'UJi£Q6aXXoTJ(Trig  So^rig,  xai  XQSia  fijuv  jiQoteQov  86§r]g 
tfjg  kmb^yo\i£^'^q  xaxdoyriaiv  vjieq  xf\q  'UJi8Q6a?iA,oijaT]g  56- 
^Tjg,  (bg  XQeia  yvcooecog  trig  ex  [isQoug,  fJTig  xaTaQYTiOrjaexai, 
oxav  eX^T]  TO  xsXeiov.  Ildaa  xoivuv  '^^vyx]  kQioiiivn]  eig 
vr]jri6TTiTa,  xai  o^eijoijaa  em  rriv  xeXeioTTita  Selxai,  piexQig 
evaxfi  aijxfj  x6  jiXrJQCopia  xo'O  xqovov,  JiaiSaycoyov,  xai  oi- 
xov6|icov,  xai  ejiixQOJtoov,  iva  [lexa  xaijxa  jidvxa  6  jiQoxeQov 
^iTi8ev  8iacpeQ(ov  8oijXou,  KiJQiog  jidvxcov  wv,  dnoXd6if\  eto- 
degco^eig  djto  jiaiSaycoYoi},  xai  oixovo^icov,  xai  ejiixgojicov 
xd  jraxQwa,  xd  dvdXoyov  xw  jioA,Dxi^rixcp  [xapyapix];],  xai 
x(p  eQXo^evo)  xeA-eico  xaxaQyoiJvxi  x6  ex  [xegoi^g,  oxav  x6  "0- 
jrepexov  xf]g  yvcoaecog  Xoiaxoij  %(.OQf\oai  xig  8irvT]9fi,  jtQO- 
£yy\)|xvaadjievog  xaig,  iv'  oijxcog  ovofidaco,  iJjieQexofievaig 
yvcooeaiv  vm  xfjg  Xqktxoij  yvcoaecag.  'AXV  oi  JioXA,oi,  \ix\ 
vorjaavxeg  x6  xdXAog  xcov  noXXcbv  [.laQyaQixcbv  vopiixcav,  xai 
xf]v  exi  ex  [legovg  yvcoaiv  xfjv  jtdaav  jrQoqpTjxixriv,  oiovxai 
^TJvaoO^ai  x^Qlg  exeivcov  xpavo-upievcov  xai  xaxa?iapi6avo- 
jxevcov  8i'  oA,(ov  exipeiv  xov  eva  jioA,Tjxi[iov  napyaQixriv,  xai 
iteoDQfjaai  x6  vtieqexov  xfig  yvcoaecog  Xqioxoi)  'Itiooij,  ot  ovy- 
XQiaei  Jtdvxa  xd  jiqo  xfjg  xriXixaiJXT]g  xai  xoaaiJXTig  yvcoaecog, 
01)  oxv6a}M  xfi  i8ia  qpijaei  xi^y/dvovxa,  axiJ6aXa  dvaqpaivexai, 
ojieQ  ecxL  xd  jiaQa6aA,X6|ieva  xd/a  xfj  ovKf[  vno  xov  d\im- 
XovQyov  xojtQia,  al'xia  xi^y^dvovxa  xoij  aiixriv  xaQjcoqpoQfjcrai. 
Toig  Jidai  xoivi^v  6  XQovog,  xai  xaiQog  xco  Jiavxl  jigdy- 
^axi  vno  xov  oi)Qav6v,  xai  eaxi  xig  xaigog  xoij  aorvayayeiv 
xoiig  xa?ioi)g  [xaQyaoixag  Aidovg,  xa^  xaipog  jiexd  xfiv  ovva- 
ycoyiiv  aiixwv  xou  eitpeiv  eva  jioXi)xi|iov  piagyaQixriv,  oxe 
xaO/jxei  djteX^ovxa  jrcoA-fjaai  jidvxa  oaa  xig  ex£i,  iva  dyo- 
Qdor\  xov  piaoyaQixT]v  exeivov  wojieQ  ydg  jidvxa  xov  eaofxe- 
vov  ooqov  ev  ?i6yoig  dA,i]&8iag  Serjaei  axoixeica8f]vai  jtqo- 
xeQov,  xai  ejil  jrAeiov  8ia6fivai  xfjg  axoixeiwoeog,  xai  jiegl 
noXkov  jToieiaO^ai  xfiv  axoixeiooaiv,  ov  \i\]v  djio|ieveiv  ev  xfj 
axoixeicooei,  6g  xifXTJoavxa  amriv  xaxd  xdg  dgxdg,  dXXd 


136    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

5ia6dvTa  sjil  xriv  xs^EioxriTa,  %dQiv  e'xsiv  tt)  eiaaycoYfi,  (bg 
XQTicFi^o)  Y8V0|,ievri  xata  td  jiQoxeQa-  oxjxo)  x8?i8i(og  vorid8\ 
xa  xd  vojiixd  xal  xd  jiQocprixixd,  axoixeicoaig  eaxi  jiQog  x8?iei- 
coaiv  vooTjpiEvov  x6  ETjayyeA-iov,  xal  jtdvxa  xov  ji8qi  xcov 
XQiaxoiJ  'Iriaoij  8QYcov  xal  ^oycov  vovv.»^ 

Here,  as  in  the  other  Greek  writers,  there  is  no  reference 
to  the  pearl's  birth  in  the  morning.  Nor  is  there  any  refer- 
ence to  it  in  Pseudo-Athanasius,  nor  in  Theophylactus: 
«'0  jiaQyaQixrig  sv  xfj  'EQudgg  ^aXdaor[  yLvsxai*  yiv8xai 
he  oijxoDg.  At  dxQai  xfjg  'Eoij^Qag  ^aXdoor\(;  'E,r\Qai  staiv, 
o^iyov  yvGiv  vhaxoq  'iy^ovoai.  EiiQiaxovxai  §8  8X8ia8 
6axQaxo5£Q^iaxd  xiva  ^aXdoaia  8V  7ido]\  xf]  'EquO^qoI 
O-aAdaoi]  8X8ivt],  Jiivvai  6vo\ia.t6\x£va.  "loxavxai  oiiv 
ai  jiLYvai  del  xexipmai,  ;  xai  8x887^6|.i8vai  pQcopiaxa  8ig 
XQoqpfjV  ai)xcbv.  'Ev  yoiJv  xw  laxaadai  aiixdg  x8XT]vuiag 
xai  8x88xoji8vag  xr]v  kavx(bv  XQoq)f]v,  ovyyibv  yevoptsvoov 
8X8ia8  xcov  daxQajicov,  KaTEQ%£xai  f)  daxQajiri  jiQog 
xfiv  jiiwav,  xal  Evgioxovoa  xd  xfjg  jiivvr]g  oaxQaxa 
dv8coy}X8va,  8iasQXSxai  8ig  atixrjv  i]  Se  jiiwa,  8i)di)g  ovaxeJ,- 
A,oji8VTi  xal  ovocpiyyo\iivr\  xa§'  sauxriv,  8vx6g  aiixfjg  diKy 
xA,8L8i  xr]v  daxQajtrjv.  'H  be  doxQam],  xvXiooo\iivr\  8ig  xcug 
cpOQ68io\)g  xcov  ocpda^piwv  xfjg  Jiiwrig,  xaxaA,api:JiQiJV8i 
aiixoirg,  xal  jtoi8i  aiixcug  piaQyaQixac.  'EH8Qx6pi8voi  bk 
ol  [xapyaQixai  djio  xfjg  Jiiwi]g,  jtiJixoDcyi  jiQog  xov 
aiyiaA^ov  xf|g  ^a^daai]g  ^x8LVT]g,  xal  oijxcog  8'uqicjxouo'I'V 
aiixoijg  01  yu()8iJ0vx8g  aiixoijg.  Oijxcog  }xoi  voei  xal  Jiegl  xfjg 
oaQxcbaecog  xoij  Aoyoi^.  QdXaaaa  \iEv  6  xoapiog,  xal  f) 
IlaQO^evog  xoyxTj?ir|.  "Icrxaxo  hk  f)  IlaQ^svog  xaOdjisQ  jiiwa 
8V  xcp  vacp,  Ex88X0[.i8VT]  xov  oi?Qdviov  ttQxov  Xqictxov  xov 
086v,  og  xal  xaxeA-^cbv  xal  8iO8?^,0^o3v  ev  aitxfj,  cog  doxQaTU], 
xal  evxexvXix^elg  ev  xaig  Xayooi  xf)g  jiap^eviag  amfig,  Aaji- 
jiQoei8fj  xaxeaxeiJaae  xr\v  jiavayiav  adpxa,  r\v  jtQoa8Ad6exo 
oaQxcodeig-  xal  ovxcog  eyewr|Oi]  e^  avxfjg  cog  xadapog  xal 
noXvxi\ir[xog  jiaQyaQixiqg  6  Aoyog  xoi3  0eoij  x^9^^5  dgpevog 

'  Migne,  P.  C,  vol.  XIII,  col.  848  S. 


THE  PEARL  IN  ARABIC  LITERATURE        137 

ODVouaiaaiioi}.  Kal  coajreQ  6  ^aQyotQ^t^O?  ovgdvioc,  koxi  xoX 
ejiiyBiog,  ovQavioc,  \i£V  xaid  Ti]v  doxQam]v,  ejiiyeiog  bh  xcc- 
xd  Tf|V  ov[\.jiXoxY\v  Tcbv  6qpda?L[icov  Tf\c,  jiLVVT]5*  omod  xai  6 
XgicTTog  oijQdviog  koxi  xal  ejiiyeiog*  oitQaviog  \i£v  xaxd  xfiv 
dEoxTjxa,  ejiiysiog  §8  xaxd  dvO^QCojioxrixa.  Kal  oSajieQ  6  [laQ- 
yaQixTig  xaxaaxevd^exai  dveu  oxn'oi^aiag  aQQevog  xai  §7]- 
A,8og  el  doxQajifjg  xai  xfjg  3Iivvt]5,  owcog  xai  6  XQiaxog  eysv- 
vf|OT]  dv8v  owouaiaofioij  aQQZVoq  xai  drj^ieog  ex  Tf\c,  ^eo- 
XT]xog,  xai  xfjg  oaQxog  xfjg  IlaQd^evoD.*^ 

«"E},iJioQoi,  01  6id  xoijxou  8ieQXO!^i8voi  xai  ^T]xoiJvxeg 
yvwaiv  xiva  aioeiv.  noA,A,ol  \ikv  o^v  8oxoijoi  jxaQyaQixai, 
al  xoov  jioXA,o)v  aoqpwv  66Sai-  eig  8e  6  jroA,iJxi|iog.  Mia  ydo 
f)  d?a]deia,  r]xig  eoxlv  6  Xgiaxog.  "Qamg  o^v  6  |iaQyaQixr]g 
laxopeixai  yewdaO^ai  sv  ooxQeo),  (busQ  dvoiyovxi  xdg  nxv^ac,, 
evoxiiJtxei  daxQamy  eixa  jidXiv  auyxXeiovxog  xaijxag,  ex 
xf]g  daxQajifig  xai  xf]g  Sqogo'u  cnj?i?ia[a6dv8xai  6  [.lapya- 
QixTjg,  xai  8id  xoi3xo  Xei^xoxaxog  eaxiv  omco  xai  6 
XQiaxog  ev  xfj  naQ&evo)  (nrveX/icpOri  e^  daxQajifjg  xfig  dvco- 
dev,  xov  dyiou  IlveiJiiaxog*  xai  motceq  6  ^-aQyaQixr]v  e'xoov, 
jToA,A,dxig  xaxEyo:)v  xoijxov  ev  xf]  x^^Q^^  avxhc,  \iEV  oiSe  jioaov 
nXovxov  e'xEi,  dA.A,oi  8e  dyvooiiaiv  oijxoo  xai  x6  Kr\Qvy[ia  ev 
xoig  dcpavecri  xai  Evx^Xiai  xQiJjixexai.  Aei  o^v  xovxov  xov 
f,iaQyaQLxr]v  xxdaOai,  jidvxa  8i86vxag.»^ 

Jerome  draws  from  the  same  Biblical  passage  the 
conclusion  that  the  purchase  of  the  pearl  makes  all 
the  other  gems  of  less  value:  "Bonae  margaritae,  quas 
quaerit  institor,  Lex  et  prophetae  sunt.  Audi,  Marcion; 
audi,  Manichaee:  bonae  margaritae  sunt  Lex  et  pro- 
phetae, et  notitia  veteris  Instruments  Unum  autem 
est  pretiosissimum  margaritum,  scientia  Salvatoris,  et 
sacramentum  passionis  illius,  et  resurrectionis  arcanum. 
Quod  cum  invenerit  homo  negotiator,  similis  Pauli 
apostoli,  omnia  legis  prophetarumque  mysteria,  et 
observationes   pristinas,   in   quibus  inculpate  vixerat, 

1  Ibid.,  vol.  XXVIII,  col.  790  flf. 
=  Ibid.,  vol.  CXXIII,  col.  289. 


138     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

quasi  purgamenta  contemnit  et  quisquilias,  ut  Christum 
lucrifaciat.  Non  quo  inventio  novae  margaritae  con- 
demnatio  sit  veterum  margaritarum:  sed  quo  com- 
paratione  ejus  omnis  alia  gemma  vilior  sit."^ 

We  do  not  possess,  it  seems,  an  Arabic  version  of  the 
Coptic  Homily  on  the  Virgin,  but  that  such  existed 
follows  from  the  story  of  the  pearl  in  The  Book  of  the 
Marvels  of  India:  ''Many  sailors  have  told  me  of  the 
famous  pearl  known  under  the  name  of  yatimah  (s^^. ), 

because  it  has  not  its  like  in  the  world.  The  one  who 
knew  most  about  its  history  told  me  that  there  was 
a  man  at  Oman,  by  the  name  of  Moslim  Ben  Bisr. 
He  was  an  honest  and  decent  man.  His  business  was 
to  fit  out  the  pearl  divers.  He  had  a  little  property, 
but  his  business  wil)i  the  divers  went  so  badly  that  he 
lost  nearly  all  his  property  and  one  day  was  left  without 
any  resources,  as  he  had  neither  any  valuables,  nor 
stuffs,  nor  any  other  object  which  he  could  turn  into 
money,  except  his  wife's  bracelet,  worth  a  hundred 
dinars.  'Give  it  to  me,'  he  said  to  his  wife,  'so  that 
I  may  get  with  its  price  enough  money  with  which  to 
fit  out  a  new  lot  of  divers.  Maybe  God  will  favor  us 
with  some  lucky  stroke  of  fortune.'  'Go,'  said  his  wife, 
'you  have  not  left  us  any  object  of  value  with  which 
to  save  ourselves  from  embarrassment.  We  are  lost 
and  reduced  to  beggary.  Let  us  at  least  live  on  what 
the  bracelet  will  bring,  rather  than  lose  it  at  sea.' 
But  the  husband  knew  a  pawnbroker  to  whom  he  took 
and  sold  the  bracelet.  He  used  all  the  money  to  fit 
out  some  divers,  with  whom  he  went  to  the  fisheries. 
It  was  agreed,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  place, 
that  the  fishery  should  last  two  months,  and  no  more. 
For  fifty-nine  days  the  men  dived  and  brought  up  the 
shells   and   opened   them,    without   finding   anything. 

1  Ibid.,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXVI,  col.  94  f . 


THE  PEARL  IN  ARABIC  LITERATURE        139 

On  the  sixtieth  day  they  dived  in  the  name  of  Iblis — 
God  curse  it — and  this  time  they  brought  up  a  pearl 
of  great  value.  Possibly  it  was  worth  as  much  as 
Moslim  had  possessed  since  the  day  of  his  birth. 
'  See  what  we  have  found  in  the  name  of  Iblis.'  Moslim 
took  the  pearl,  crushed  it  to  powder  and  threw  it  into 
the  sea.  'Well,'  said  the  divers,  'is  that  the  way  you 
do?  You  have  nothing  now,  and  you  are  reduced  to 
dire  extremity.  You  had  the  luck  to  find  a  splendid 
pearl  which  was  worth  thousands  of  dinars,  and  you 
crush  it  to  dust!'  'By  the  glory  of  God!'  he  answered, 
'  How  could  I  allow  myself  to  draw  profit  from  any- 
thing obtained  in  the  name  of  Iblis?  God  would  not 
bless  it.  He  simply  let  this  pearl  fall  into  my  hands, 
in  order  to  try  me  and  to  give  me  a  chance  to  prove 
my  faith.  If  I  kept  it,  you  would  alwaj^s  follow  the 
example  of  diving  in  the  name  of  Iblis, — a  sin  whose 
gravity  could  not  be  atoned  for  by  the  greatest  profit. 
By  the  One  God!  Even  if  I  had  all  the  pearls  of  the 
sea,  I  would  not  want  them  at  this  price.  Go,  dive 
once  more,  and  say — In  the  name  of  God  and  His 
benediction!'  So  the  divers  dived  according  to  his 
direction,  and  the  evening  prayer  of  that  day,  which 
was  the  sixtieth,  was  not  yet  said,  when  they  laid  their 
hands  on  two  pearls,  one  of  which  was  the  yatimah 
and  the  other  of  a  much  lesser  value.  Moslim  took 
them  both  to  the  Khalif  Rasid,  to  whom  he  sold  the 
yatimah  for  70000  dirhems  and  the  small  one  for 
30000,  and  returned  to  Oman  \Y\i\i  100000  dirhems. 
He  built  himself  a  large  house,  bought  some  property, 
and  acquired  wealth.  His  house  is  well  known  at 
Oman.     That  is  the  story  of  the  pearl  yatimah.''^ 

The  finding  of  two  pearls,  one  of  greater  value,  and 
one  of  lesser,  the  disposing  of  the  bracelet,  in  order 

1  P.  A.  Van  der  Lith,  Livre  des  merveilles  de  VInde,  Leide  1883- 1886, 
p.  134  ff. 


140    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

to  get  the  priceless  pearl,  the  connection  of  the  priceless 
pearl  with  God, — all  these  are  the  Christian  conceptions 
of  the  pearl,  as  explained  in  Origen  and  in  others. 
V^.  yatimah  is  derived  from  the  root  ^_  yatama  "he 

was  alone,  he  was  orphaned,"  which  shows  that  it  was 
another  translation  of  Sansk.  muktd  "separated."  In 
reality  this  is  only  popular  etymology,  for  the  Christian 
origin  of  the  story  shows  that  we  have  here  Gr. 
(^ttQYO'QLTTig)  xi\iioq  "the  precious  pearl."  In  the  story  of 
the  Virgin  Birth  of  Christ  the  Arabs  would  have 
naturally  used  the  word  Ji  bikr  for  "Virgin,"  because 
this  also  means  "unperforated  pearl,"  which  fits  the 
sense  perfectly.     But  ^.   bakr  also  means  "one  who 

rises  in  the  morning,"  hence  this  unavoidably  led  to  the 
birth  of  the  pearl  in  the  morning,  with  which  we  shall 
soon  meet  in  all  sources  affected  by  the  Arabic. 

Mas'udi  has  a  sober  account  of  the  pearl  in  his 
Meadows  of  Gold:  "The  pearl  fisheries  take  place  in 
the  Persian  Gulf  from  the  beginning  of  April  until 
the  end  of  September.  It  stops  during  the  other 
months.  In  our  previous  works  we  have  mentioned 
all  the  places  in  this  ocean  where  there  are  any  fisheries, 
because  the  pearls  are  found  only  in  the  Sea  of  Abys- 
sinia, in  the  country  of  Kharek,  Kotor,  Oman,  Ceylon, 
and  other  points  of  this  region.  We  also  spoke  there  of 
the  manner  in  which  the  pearl  is  formed,  and  of  the 
various  opinions  expressed  in  regard  to  this  matter, 
some  making  them  come  from  rain,  and  others  attribu- 
ting to  it  a  different  origin.  We  said  that  the  pearls 
were  known  as  the  old  and  the  new,  called  al-mahdr 
(jUJl)  and  known  under  the  name  of  al-balbal  (jr^Jl). 
As  to  the  animal  itself,  it  is  composed  of  a  conglomer- 


THE  PEARL  IN  ARABIC  LITERATURE        141 

ation  of  flesh  and  fat  which  is  found  in  the  shell. 
It  fears  for  the  pearl  the  approach  of  the  divers,  as  a 
mother  would  fear  for  its  child." ^ 

We  found  the  balhal  before  in  Athenaeus^  as  PepGeQi. 
This  is  apparently  the  inanimate  Singhalese  plural  of 
belld  "oyster,"  that  is,  helldval,  which  is  recorded  in 
the  dictionaries  as  bello,  since  it  is  an  animate  object. 
We  have  in  Singhalese  belisippiya  "oyster  shell,"  where 
sippiya  is  found  in  Arabic  as  d^^:*^  sabiyyah  "pearl, 
as  brought  up  by  the  diver."     But    j\^,ojU-  mahdr, 

mahdrah  "oyster,  mother  of  pearl  shell"  is  the  Pers. 
muhra    "a    kind    of    small    shell    resembling    pearls," 

already  discussed.  This  Arab.  jU^  mahdr  became  con- 
founded with  jii  naqr  "cymbals,"  because  ojU^  mahdrah 
also  means  "cavity"  and  J^   naqr  "he  hollowed  out." 

Hence  we  get  LLat.  nacara  "cymbals"  and  also  "mother 
of  pearl,"  hence  OFr.  nacaire  "small  drum,  cymbals," 
and  nacle,  nacre  "mother  of  pearl,"  etc. 

Arab,    o^y    margdn,    murgan,   from   Gr.    ^dQycxQog, 

was  early  applied  to  the  pearl,  and  became,  like  Mar- 
gareta,  a  common  name  for  a  woman,  as,  for  example, 
in  the  Arabian  nights.  In  this  capacity  there  was  not 
lost  sight  of  the  fact  that,  as  we  have  found  it  stated 
in  Greek  authors,  the  pearl  cannot  be  polished  from 
what  it  is  in  its  natural  state  and  "would  show  that  its 
beauty  was  obtained  by  fraud:"  hence  we  have  the 
harz  Murgdnah  "the  Morgan  talisman,"  "so  called 
because  it  was  worn  by  a  king's  concubine,  which  had 
the  power  to  make  her  loved  by  the  king,  although  she 
was  far  from  being  beautiful.  When  she  was  dying  and 
was  in  the  hands  of  the  washers  of  the  dead,  the  king 

'  C.  B.  de  Meynard  and  P.  de  Courteille,  Les  prairies  d'or,  Paris  1S61, 
vol.  I,  p.  328  f. 
2  See  p.  126. 


142    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

wanted  to  see  her  for  the  last  time,  but  he  found  her 
ugly.  Then  the  washers  took  the  talisman  and  put 
it  upon  her,  and,  although  she  was  an  old  woman,  the 
king  found  her  beautiful  and  fell  in  love  with  her  and 
wanted  to  marry  her.  She  bore  him  two  sons."^ 
It  is  this  talismanic  property  of  the  pearl  or  Morgan 
that  produced  the  Fee  Morgain  of  the  mediaeval 
romances.^ 

1  E.  Doutte,  Magie  et  religion  dans  I'Afrique  du  Nord,  Alger  1909,  p.  153. 
2 1  leave  it  to  Mr.  Phillips  Barry  to  work  out  this  interesting  development 
of  the  harz  Murgdnah. 


XV.     THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS. 

The  Ethiopic  version  of  the  pearl  story  runs  as 
follows:  "When  the  jeweler  wants  to  find  a  pearl,  he 
drops  a  net  into  the  ocean  and  ties  his  hook  to  it,  and 
approaches  the  place  where  the  pearl  is  found,  and 
there  stops.  While  allowing  the  hook  to  follow  the 
pearl,  he  makes  no  vacillating  motion,  since  he  knows 
the  uncleanliness  of  its  place,  and  thus  he  carefully 
takes  possession  of  the  pearl.  But  how  is  the  pearl 
engendered?  It  is  a  bird,  called  Bergdno,  which  arises 
from  the  sea  toward  the  east,  and  opens  its  mouth  and 
swallows  the  dew  of  heaven  at  the  rising  of  the  sun  and 
moon  and  stars.  And  of  all  these  rays  the  pearl  is 
made.  And  Bergdnd  is  a  bird  which  has  two  wings, 
with  which  it  surrounds  the  pearl  as  in  a  womb.  And 
this  resembles  our  Saviour  who  is  born  without  semen, 
from  the  Virgin  alone,  of  whom  John  the  Baptist 
said:  'Behold  the  Lamb  of  God,  which  taketh  away 
the  sin  of  the  world'  (John  I.  29).  But  the  pearl 
removes  the  uncleanliness  of  the  sea,  and  the  two 
wings  are  like  the  New  and  the  Old  Testaments.  And 
the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  and  dew  resemble  the  Holy 
Ghost,  who  gives  light  to  all,  and  whose  might  and  law 
fills  everything.  For  the  pearl  is  precious,  and  who- 
soever desires  it,  sells  everything  which  he  has,  and 
acquires  the  same  for  it.  But  you,  oh  free  man,  sell 
all  your  goods  and  give  it  to  the  poor,  so  that  you  may 
acquire  the  precious  pearl,  which  is  Christ,  the  Sun  of 
justice  which  enlightens  the  whole  world. "^ 

'  F.  Hommel,  Die  aethiopische  Uebersetzung  des  Physiologus,  Leipzig 
1877,  p.  90. 


144    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

This  Ethiopic  version  shows  not  only  the  influence 
of  the  Greek  Physiologus,  but  also  of  a  preceding  Arabic 
form.  The  bird  bergdnd,  which  corresponds  to  the 
Gr.  ooxQEoc,,  is  Arab,  d^^  margdn  "the  pearl,"  which, 

because  of  the  reference  to  two  wings,  was  taken  to 
be  a  bird.  There  is  no  mention  in  this  Ethiopic  version 
of  the  achates,  although  the  title  reads  "Of  the  Stone 
Akidls.''  Apparently  the  original  Arabic  story  had  a 
sober  account  of  the  fetching  of  pearls  by  divers  who 
descended  by  a  rope,  and  the  story  of  the  achates 
grew  out,  not  only  from  the  association  of  this  precious 
stone  with  the  pearl  in  Ceylon,  but  also  from  the  fact 
that  a  diver  is  called  in  Arabic  (^Uac  gattds  "one  who 
dives  to  the  bottom  of  water  to  fetch  the  shells  that 
contain  pearls."    But  the  verb  (_/Jac  gatasa  also  means 

"to  baptize,"  and  this  at  once  suggested  the  symboli- 
zation  of  the  agate  as  John  the  Baptist,  w^ho  conies  to 
prepare  the  way  for  Christ.  Indeed,  some  Latin  ver- 
sions specifically  refer  to  this,  and  John  the  Baptist 
was  represented  with  the  oyster  shell  in  his  hands. ^ 

The  positive  proof  that  the  story  of  the  pearl  was 
originally  an  Arabic  story  of  the  Virgin  Mary  and  the 
Birth  of  Christ  is  given  by  the  account  in  the  Cod. 
Reg.  2  C.  XII:  "De  mermecolion  et  de  naturis  eius. 
De  sancta  Maria  et  filio  eius  lesu  Christo.  Item  lapis 
est  in  mari,  qui  dicitur  latine  mermecolion,  greee  conca 
sabea,  quia  concavus  est  et  rotundus.  Est  autem  in 
duas  partes  divisus,  ita  ut  cum  voluerit  claudat.  Hie 
ergo  de  fundo  maris  in  matutinis  horis  ascendere 
dicitur.  Ergo  cum  ascenderit  de  loco  suo  super  mare, 
aperit  os  suum  et  suscipit  intra  se  de  rore  celi  et  eir- 
cumfulget  eum  radiis  solis  et  sic  fit  intra  eum  mar- 
garita  preciosa  et  splendida  valde,   quippe  que  rore 

'  C.  Cahier  et  A.  Martin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  IV,  p.  69  f. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  145 

celi  coRcepta  est  et  radio  solis  clarificata.  Lapis  ergo 
iste  qui  dicitur  conchus,  figuram  gerit  Sancte  Marie, 
de  qua  prophetavit  Ysaias  dicens  (11,  1):  'Exiet 
virga  de  radice  Jesse.'  Et  iterum  ipse  (Jes.  7,  14): 
'Ecce  virgo  concipiet  in  utero  et  pariet.'  De  qua 
virga  et  virgo  Sancta  Maria  est  dicta.  Flos  vero  qui 
de  Sancta  Maria  natus  est,  Dominus  Deus  Noster 
lesus  Cliristus  est.  Sicut  enim  de  mari  ascendit  ille 
lapis,  sic  Sancta  Maria  ascendit  de  domo  patris  sui 
ad  templum  Dei  et  ibi  accepit  rorem  celestem,  hec  sunt 
verba,  que  dicta  sunt  ad  earn  ab  archangelo  Gabriele 
(Luc.  1,  35):  'Spiritus  Domini  superveniet  in  te  et 
virtus  altissimi  obumbrabit  tibi,  ideoque  et  quod 
nascetur  ex  te  sanctum,  vocabitur  filius  Dei.'  Ecce  hi 
sermones  sunt  ros  celestis,  sicut  ante  lacob  patriarcha 
sanctus  benedicens  filium  suum,  significans  quia  Chris- 
tus  ex  semine  eius  nasceretur,  ait  ad  eum  dicens  (Gen. 
27,  28):  'Det  tibi  Deus  de  rore  celi  et  de  ubertate 
terre,'  castam  atque  intactam  virginem  Mariam  sig- 
nificans; matutinis  autem  horis,  quod  dixit,  tempus 
orationis  in  matutinis  describit.  Quod  autem  aperit 
OS  suum  conchus,  significat  ubi  dicit  Maria  ad  angelum 
(Luc.  1,  38) :  'Ecce  ancilla  Domini,  fiat  michi  secundum 
verbum  tuum'  et  statim  accepit  spiritum  sanctum  in  se 
et  virtus  altissimi  tanquam  sol  iusticie  clarificavit  eam 
atque  in  eo  quod  natum  est  ex  ea,  vita  est  et  'lux  venit 
que  illuminat  omnem  hominem  venientem  in  hunc 
mundum'  (Joh.  1,  9).  Et  Paulus:  'qui  est  splendor 
glorie  et  imago  substancie  eius'  (Hebr.  1,  3).  Et 
alibi:  'in  quo  complacuit  omnem  plenitudinem  divi- 
nitatis  inhabitare'  (Kol.  1, 19).  De  ista  igitur  margarita 
legitur  in  ewangelio,  quia  'simile  est  regnum  celorum 
homini  negociatori  querent!  bonas  margaritas.  Inventa 
autem  una  bona  margarita  vendidit  omnem  substan- 
tiam  suam  et  possedit  margaritam'  (Matth.  13,  45,  46). 
Iste  autem  negociator  est  utique  chorus  apostolorum. 


146    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Omnes  enim  apostolos  unum  negociatorem  dicit  propter 
unitatem  fidei.  Etenim  'non  est  iudeus,  neque  grecus, 
neque  servus,  neque  liber,  neque  [s]citha,  neque  bar- 
barus,  neque  masculus,  neque  femina,  omnes  enim 
unum  sumus  in  Christo  lesu'  (Kol.  3,  11).  Idem 
ergo  bonus  et  sapiens  negociator  sanctus  chorus 
apostolorum,  querit  bonas  margaritas,  hoc  est  lex  et 
propheta,  sive  omnis  anima  credens  in  Deum.  Querit 
istas  bonas  margaritas,  hoc  est  apostolos  et  prophetas 
et  patriarchas,  per  quos  possit  ad  illam  veram  et 
preciosam  pervenire  margaritam.  Isti  sunt  lapides 
sancti,  qui  volvuntur  super  terram.  Cum  ergo  istos 
memoratos  ille  bonus  negociatur  invenerit  illam  pre- 
ciosam margaritam,  id  est  Dominum  Nostrum  lesum 
Christum,  filium  Dei  vivi,  emit  venditis  omnibus 
facultatibus  suis,  id  est  contempnens  et  aspernens  non 
solum  istius  vite  substantiam,  set  eciam  uxorem  et 
filios  et  omnem  cognationem  carnalem,  insuper  et 
corpus  suum  et  animam,  sicut  Veritas  dicit  (Matth. 
10,  39):  'Quicumque  perdiderit  animam  suam  propter 
me,  inveniet  eam.'  Hec  omnia  videns  apostolorum 
chorus,  non  aurum  accipit,  neque  argentum,  sicut  ait 
beatus  Petrus  ad  ilium  claudum  stipem  petentem 
(Ap.  G.  3,  6):  'Argentum,  inquid,  et  aurum  non  est 
michi,  quod  autem  habeo,  hoc  tibi  do.  In  nomine 
Domini  Nostri  lesu  Cbristi  surge  et  ambula.'  Et 
Paulus  dicit:  'omnia,  inquid,  quecumque  michi  erant 
lucra,  hec  propter  Christum  arbitratus  eum  dampna, 
propter  eminentem  innocentiam  Christi'  (Phil.  3,  8). 
Quis  ergo  consideranter  contempserit  omnes  facultates 
suas  uxoremque  et  filios  et  omnem  cognationem  suam, 
insuper  et  corpus  et  animam  propter  unius  margarite 
adquisicionem;  nisi  certissime  confisus  fuerit  et  credi- 
derit  posse  se  per  unam  margaritam  adquirere,  satis 
maiores  et  meliores  divitiarum  facultates  precellenti- 
oremque  honorem  insuper   et   glorie   coronam?     Que 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  147 

omnia  ille  negociator  possidet,  qui  est  apostolorum 
chorus  per  unum  ilium  lapidem.  preciosum.  Dominum 
lesum  Christum,  qui  est  vera  m^argarita,  via  et  Veritas 
et  vita  nostra.  Denique  audi  ipsum  in  ewangelio 
dicente  (Luc.  10,  19):  'Ecce,  inquid,  vobis  dedi  potes- 
tatem  spirituum  inmundorum  et  calcandi  super  (omnes) 
serpentes  et  scorpiones  et  super  omnem  virtutem  dia- 
bolicam  et  sanare  omnes  lang[u]ores  et  omnes  infirmi- 
tates.'  Etiterum:  'Euntes  praedicate,  quoniam  appro- 
pinquavit  regum  celorum.  Infirmos  curate,  leprosos 
mundate,  cecos  illuminate,  mortuos  suscitate,  demonia 
eicite'  (Matth.  10,  1,  8).  Videte  nunc  quam  ines- 
timabilis  sit  ista  margarita  Sanctis  martiribus,  qui  non 
solum  cum  in  hac  vita  essent,  set  eciam  post  huius 
vite  excessum  mira  egerunt,  sicut  nunc  videmus 
quomodo  in  obsessis  corporibus  spiritus  inmundi  illorum 
virtute  et  potestate  torquentur  et  cruciantur  et  in- 
visibilibus  flagris  verberantur  quousque  eiciantur  et 
effugentur  ab  hominibus,  sicut  ipsi  demones  audientibus 
nobis  exclamant  vociferantes  et  rogant  eos,  ut  cessent 
torquere  eos,  tamen  ut  sunt  varii  et  multiformes,  alii 
clamantes,  alii  rugientes,  et  sicut  serpentes  sibilant  et 
fugantur  ab  obsessis  corporibus  hominum  per  apos- 
tolorum atque  omnium  sanctorem  virtutes,  que  illis 
secundum  merita  sua  a  Domine  date  sunt.  Honorem 
vero  ilium  transcendentem  et  supereminentem  omnibus 
terrenis  honoribus  sortiti  sunt  ab  illo  precioso  lapide, 
pro  quo  omnia  sua  dimiserunt,  ut  ilium  celestem  the- 
saurum  possiderent  qui  aiunt  ad  Salvatorem  (Matth. 
19,  27  f.):  'Ecce  nos  quidem  dimisimus  uxores  et 
filios  et  omnes  possessiones  propter  te,  quid  facies 
nobis  in  regno  tuo?'  Et  ille  dicit  eis:  'Amen  dico  vobis, 
cum  sederit  filius  hominis  in  sede  maiestatis  sue  ad 
iudicandum  orbem  terre,  sedebitis  et  vos  super  sedes 
XII  iudicantes  XII  tribus  Israel.'  Unde  satis  con- 
fidens  Paulus  apostolus  dicit  (L   Kor.  6,  2):     'Scitis 


148    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

quoniam  angelos  iudicabimus?  Et  in  nobis  iudicabitur 
hie  mundus.'  Tanta  enim  gloria  et  tanto  honore  re- 
muneratus  est  apostolorum  chorus,  ut  eciam  in  hoc 
seculo  adhuc  positus  legitimus  ille  athleta  Christi 
Paulus  previderit  in  celis  iusticie  sue  coronam  sicut 
exultans  ait  (2.  Tim.  4,  7  f.) :  'Bonum  certamen  certavi, 
cursuni  consummavi,  fidem  servavi;  de  cetero  reposita 
est  michi  corona  iusticie,  quam  reddet  mihi  Dominus 
in  ilia  die  iustus  index;  non  solum  autem  michi  set  et 
omnibus  qui  deligunt  presenciam  regni  eius.'  Talem 
coronam  merentur  a  Christo  beatorum  apostolorum 
chori,  talem  retributionem  recipiunt  pro  cor[r]upti- 
bilibus."! 

Mermecolion  is,  of  course,  a  blunder,  since  it  is  a 
totally  different  animal.     Here  it  is  merely  a  misread 

Arab,   ij^^*    margdn,  taken  as   J^y>   margalan,   which 

produced   mermecolion.     Similarly  sahea  is   Arab.  <^ 

sabiyyah  "shell,"  which  I  have  already  discussed. 
There  cannot  be  the  slightest  doubt,  therefore,  that 
this  Homily  on  the  Virgin  Mary  is  based  on  an  Arabic 
text.  This  is  brought  out  most  strongly  in  the  sentence, 
"matutinis  autem  horis,  quod  dixit,  tempus  orationis 
in  matutinis  describit,"  which,  like  the  preceding  "hie 
ergo  de  fundo  maris  in  matutinis  horis  ascendere 
dicitur,"  points  to  an  insertion,  since  everything  else 
ought  to  have  simila^rly  had  "quod  dixit"  or  "dicitur." 
In  reality  the  first  sentence  is  conditioned  by  the  pre- 
ceding statement,  "castam  atque  intactam  virginem 
Mariam  significans,"  which  in  Arabic  would  have  had 

the  word  Ji_  bikr  "virgin,  unperf orated  pearl." 

But  the  Latin  version  is  also  based  on  a  Syriac 
source,  no  doubt  through  an  Arabic  intermediary. 
"Iste  autem  negociator  est  utique  chorus  apostolorum. 

1  M.  F.  Mann,  Der  Bestiaire  divin  des  Guillaume   le  Clerc,  Heilbronn 
188S,  in  Franzosische  Studien,  vol.  VI%  p.  71  ff. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  149 

Omnes  enim  apostolos  unum  negociatorem  dicit  propter 
unitatem  fidei."  This  is  based  on  Ephraem's  Fifth 
Rhythm  of  The  Pearl:  "Oh,  gift  that  earnest  up  without 
price  with  the  diver!  Thou  laidest  hold  upon  this 
visible  light,  that  without  price  riseth  for  the  children 
of  men:  a  parable  of  the  hidden  One  that  without  price 
giveth  the  hidden  Day-spring!  And  the  painter  too 
painteth  a  likeness  of  thee  with  colours.  Yet  by  thee 
is  faith  painted  in  types  and  emblems  for  colours,  and 
in  the  place  of  the  image  by  thee  and  thy  colours  is 
thy  Creator  painted.  O  thou  frankincense  without 
smell,  who  breathest  types  from  out  of  thee!  thou  art 
not  to  be  eaten,  yet  thou  givest  a  sweet  smell  unto  them 
that  hear  thee!  thou  art  not  to  be  drunk,  yet  by  thy 
story,  a  fountain  of  types  art  thou  made  unto  the  ears! 
It  is  thou  who  art  great  in  thy  littleness,  O  pearl  I 
Small  is  thy  measure  and  little  thy  compass  with  thy 
weight,  but  great  is  thy  glory:  to  that  crown  alone  in 
which  thou  art  placed,  there  is  none  like.  And  who 
hath  not  perceived  of  thy  littleness,  how  great  it  is; 
if  one  despiseth  thee  and  throweth  thee  away,  he  would 
blame  himself  for  his  clownishness,  for  when  he  saw 
thee  in  a  king's  crown  he  would  be  attracted  to  thee. 
Men  with  their  clothes  off  dived  and  drew  thee  out, 
pearl!  It  was  not  kings  that  put  thee  before  men,  but 
those  naked  ones  who  were  a  type  of  the  poor  and  the 
fishers  and  the  Galileans;  for  clothed  bodies  were  not 
able  to  come  to  thee;  they  came  that  were  stript  as 
children;  they  buried  their  bodies  and  came  down  to 
thee,  and  thou  didst  much  desire  them,  and  thou  didst 
aid  them  who  thus  loved  thee.  Glad  tidings  did  they 
give  for  thee:  their  tongues  before  their  bosoms  did 
the  poor  [fishers]  open  and  produced  and  shewed  the 
new  riches  among  the  merchants:  upon  the  wrists  of 
men  they  put  thee  as  a  medicine  of  life.  The  naked 
ones  in  a  type  saw  thy  rising  again  by  the  seashore; 


150    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

and  by  the  side  of  the  lake  they,  the  Apostles,  truly 
naked,  saw  the  rising  again  of  the  Son  of  thy  Creator. 
By  thee  and  by  thy  Lord  the  sea  and  the  lake  were 
ornamented.  The  diver  came  up  from  the  sea  and  put 
on  his  clothing!  and  from  the  lake  too  Simon  Peter 
came  up  swimming  and  put  on  his  coat;  clad  as  with 
coats,  with  the  love  of  both  of  you,  were  either  party. 
And  since  I  have  wandered  in  thee,  pearl,  I  will  gather 
up  my  mind,  and  by  having  contemplated  thee,  would 
become  like  thee,  in  that  thou  art  all  gathered  up  into 
thyself,  and  as  thou  in  all  times  art  one,  one  let  me 
become  by  thee!  Pearls  have  I  gathered  together  that 
I  might  make  a  crown  for  the  Son  in  the  place  of  stains 
which  are  in  my  members.  Receive  my  offering,  not 
that  Thou  art  shortcoming;  it  is  because  of  mine  own 
shortcoming  that  I  have  offered  it  to  Thee.  Whiten 
my  stains!  This  crown  is  all  spiritual  pearls,  which 
instead  of  gold  are  set  in  love,  and  instead  of  ouches  in 
faith;  and  instead  of  hands,  let  praise  offer  it  up  to  the 
Highest!"! 

This  whole  Rhythm  is  based  on  the  punning  of  I  "'^^ 

Hihd  "naked,  apostle,"  which  runs  through  several  of 
the  Rhythms.  It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  hymn 
there  is  no  reference  to  the  morning  conception  of  the 
pearl,  nor  is  there  a  word  about  it  in  any  other  of 
Ephraem's  Rhythms,  nor  in  his  very  elaborate  Sermo 
adversus  haereticos,  which  is  dealing  with  the  pearl. 
In  the  Rhythm  under  discussion  there  is,  however, 
an  important  reference  to  the  pearl  being  "the  One," 
because  Christ  is  one,  an  idea  which  was  made  impera- 
tive from  Matth.  XIII.  45.  Several  contemporary 
Greek  and  Latin  Fathers  have  the  same  idea. 
Thus  Clement  of  Alexandria  says,  «8V  JtoA,A,oig  ydp 
Toig   [laQyaQixaig    xolc,    fxixQoig  6  8lg»,^  and,  in  another 

•  J.  B.  Morris,  Select  Works  of  S.  Ephrem  the  Syrian,  Oxford  1847,  p.  97  f. 
2  Stromata,  I.  1,  in  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  VIII,  col.  705. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  151 

place,  he  makes  it  clear  tliat  "the  one"  is  Christ: 
«6  be  jioAvTiLiTiTog  \iaQyaQixr\q  {jjieQqpuwg  xf]  ywaixooviTibi 
ei(JEX(0|xaa8-  yivexai  bh  oiixoq  ev  oatQico  xivi  jtaQa;iA,r|ai({) 
talc,  jiLwaig*  [liyE^oq  be  f]A,ixog  I'/Oijog  6q)da?i^65,  ev\ieyi- 
^r\c,'  xal  ovx  aiaxi'vovrai  ai  xaxoSai^ioveg,  toqi  oaxQiov 
o^iiyov  xoiJxo  xrjv  ndoav  oiiovbY\v  Jtejioiruisvai,  e^ov  dyicp 
xoapieio^at  AiO^co,  xco  Aoyco  xoij  Seov,  6v  MaQyaQixTjV  f] 
rgacpfi  xex^Yixe  Jtov,  xov  8iavyf)  xal  xaO^apov  'lT]aoi3v,  xov 
8V  oaQxi  EJiojtxriv  6cp0cx?i|i6v,  xov  Aoyov  xov  Siacpavfj,  8i* 
ov  r\  oag'S,  xifxia  vbaxi  dvayewcopievr]-  xai  ydp  x6  oaxQiov 
EJCEivo  8V  \j8axi  yiyvofAEVov,  jieQioxeyei  xtjv  odoxa*  ex  be 
xa'uxTjg  6  ixaQyaQixrig  xmax8xai».^ 

The  same  thing  is  implied  by  Hilary:  "Est  uia  per 
Moysen,  est  per  lesum,  est  per  Dauid,  est  per  Esaiam, 
est  per  leremiam,  est  per  apostolos;  et  per  has  omnes 
necesse  est  ad  eum  perueniri,  qui  dixit:  ego  sum 
uia  et  nemo  uadit  ad  patrem  nisi  per 
m  e.  Simile  quiddam  sub  margaritae  nomine  dictum 
esse  intellegendum  est.  Multarum  enim  margaritarum 
negotiatorem  esse  oportet,  ut  unam  margaritam  multi 
pretii  consequatur.  De  margaritis  cum  fit  sermo, 
sufficit  ad  honorem  earum,  quod  margaritae  sunt 
nuncupatae;  una  autem  ilia  margarita,  quae  reperta 
est,  magni  esse  pretii  dicitur;  ita  et  cum  de  uiis  pluri- 
mis  prophetatur,  quod  et  domini  et  aeternales  sint, 
dictum  est;  cum  autem  in  his  uiis  quaeritur,  quae  sit 
utilis  uia,  ea,  quae  reperta  est,  optima  praedicatur. 
Ergo,  quamuis  uel  illae  uiae  aeternales  sunt  uel  mar- 
garitae ipso  suo  nomine  honorabiles  sunt,  in  multis 
uiis  standum  est,  ut  bona  uia  reperiatur,  et  uendendae 
omnes  margaritae  sunt,  ut  ea,  quae  multi  pretii  est 
reperta,  coematur."^ 

There  is  a  letter,  ascribed  to  Hilary,  in  which  there 
is  similarly  reference  to  the  one  pearl,  but  this  letter 

1  Paedagogi,  II.  12,  ibid.,  col.  540. 

2  Tractatus  in  Psalmum  CXVIII,  Aleph.  10,  in  CSEL.,  vol  XXII,  p.  365  f . 


152    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

is  unquestionably  of  a  later  date,  since  it  contains  the 
development  of  the  pearl  into  a  life-saving  amulet, 
and  so  is  the  predecessor  of  the  harz  Murgdnah:  "Di- 
lectissimae  filiae  Abrae  Hilarius  in  Domino  salutem. 
(1)  Abra  patris  absentiam  dolet. — Accepi  litteras  tuas, 
in'quibus  intelligo  desiderantem  te  mei  esse:  et  certum 
ita  habeo.  Sentio  enim  quantum  praesentia  horum  qui 
amantur  optabilis  sit.  Et  quia  gravem  tibi  esse 
absentiam  meam  scirem,  ne  me  forte  impium  esse 
erga  te  existimares,  qui  tam  diu  a  te  abessem:  excu- 
sare  tibi  et  profectionem  meam  et  moras  volui,  ut 
intelligeres  me  non  impie  tibi,  sed  utiliter  deesse. 
Namque  cum  te,  filia,  ut  unicam,  ita,  quantum  a  me 
est,  et  unanimem  habeam;  vellem  te  pulcherrimam 
omnium   et   sanissimam   vivere. 

"(2)  Hilarius  abest,  ut  vestem  et  margaritam  pre- 
tiosam  filiae  conquirat. — Nuntiatum  ergo  mihi  est, 
esse  quemdam  juvenem,  habentem  margaritam  et 
vestem  inaestimabilis  pretii:  quam  si  quis  ab  eo  posset 
mereri,  super  humanas  divitias  et  salutem  et  dives  et 
salvus  fieret.  Ad  hunc  his  auditis  profectus  sum:  ad 
quem  cum  per  multas  et  longas  et  difficiles  vias  venis- 
sem,  videns  eum  statim  procidi.  Adest  enim  tam 
pulcher  juvenis,  ut  ante  conspectum  ejus  nemo  audeat 
consistere.  Qui  ubi  me  procidisse  vidit,  interrogari  me 
jussit  quid  vellem,  et  quid  rogarem:  et  ego  respondi, 
audisse  me  de  veste  sua  et  margarita,  et  ob  id  venisse; 
et  si  eam  mihi  dignaretur  praestare,  esse  mihi  filiam 
quam  vehementer  diligerem,  cui  hanc  vestem  atque 
margaritam  quaererem.  Et  inter  haec  prostratus  in 
faciem  fleo  plurimum,  et  noctibus  ac  diebus  ingemis- 
cens,  rogo  uti  audire  dignaretur  precem  meam. 

**  (3)  Vestis  haec  et  margarita  quanti  facienda. — 
Post  quae,  quia  bonus  est  juvenis  et  melius  illo  nihil 
est,  ait  mihi,  Nosti  hanc  vestem  atque  hanc  marga- 
ritam, quam  a  me  lacrymis  rogas  uti  eam  filiae  tuae 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  153 

concedam?  Et  ego  respond!  illi,  Domine,  auditu 
cognovi  de  ipsis,  et  fide  credidi:  et  scio  quia  optimae 
sunt,  et  salus  vera  est  hac  veste  uti,  et  hac  margarita 
ornari.  Et  statim  ministris  suis  praecepit,  ut  mihi  et 
vestem  banc  et  margaritam  ostenderent:  et  confestim 
ita  fit.  Ac  vestem  primo  vidi:  vidi,  filia,  vidi  quod 
eloqui  non  possum.  Numquid  non  sericum  secundum 
subtilitatem  ejus  spartum  erat?  Numquid  candori 
ejus  nives  comparatae  non  nigrescebant?  Numquid 
aurum  juxta  fulgorem  ejus  non  bvidatur?  Ipsa  enim 
multicolor,  et  nihil  prorsus  comparatum  ei  poterat 
aequari.  Post  quam  vidi  margaritam:  qua  visa 
statim  concidi.  Non  enim  potuerunt  oculi  mei  sus- 
tinere  tantum  ejus  colorem.  Nam  nee  coeli,  nee 
lucis,  nee  maris,  nee  terrae  species  pulcritudini  ejus 
poterat  comparari. 

"(4)  Utriusque  commoda  et  dotes. — Et  cum  pros- 
tratus  jacerem,  ait  mihi  quidam  de  assistentibus. 
Video  te  sollicitum  et  bonum  patrem  esse,  et  hanc 
vestem  atque  hanc  margaritam  ad  filiam  tuam  desi- 
derare:  sed  ut  magis  desideres,  ostendo  tibi  quid  adhuc 
haec  vestis  atque  margarita  boni  habeat.  Vestis 
haec  numquam  tineis  comeditur,  non  usu  atteritur, 
non  sorde  inficitur,  non  vi  scinditur,  non  damno 
amittitur:  sed  semper  talis  qualis  est  permanet.  Mar- 
garitae  vero  haec  virtus  est,  ut  si  quis  eam  induerit, 
non  aegrotet,  non  senescat,  non  moriatur.  Nihil 
omnino  in  se  habet,  quod  sit  noxium  corpori:  sed 
utenti  ea  nihil  accidit,  quod  aut  mortem  afferat,  aut 
aetatem  demutet,  aut  impediat  sanitatem.  Quod  ubi 
audivi,  filia,  exanimari  magis  desiderio  margaritae  et 
vestis  istius  coepi:  et  sicut  prostratus  jacebam, 
indeficienti  fletu  et  intenta  oratione  juvenem  precari 
coepi,  dicens:  Domine  sancte,  miserere  preci  meae, 
et  miserere  sollicitudini  et  vitae  meae.  Si  enim  hanc 
vestem    mihi    et    margaritam    non    concedis,    miser 


154    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

futurus  sum,  filiamque  meam  viventem  perditurus: 
ego  propter  hanc  vestem  et  margaritam  peregrinari 
volo.     Scis,  Domine,  quia  tibi  non  mentior. 

"(5)  Hilarii  filiae  promittuntur,  modo  vana  orna- 
menta  abjiciat. — Post  quam  vocem  meam  audivit, 
jubet  me  levare;  et  ait  mihi,  moverunt  me  preces  et 
lacrymae  tuae,  et  bene  est  quod  hoc  credidisti.  Et 
quia  dixisti,  te  pro  hac  margarita  ipsam  vitam  tuam 
velle  impendere,  non  possum  eam  tibi  negare:  sed 
scire  debes  propositum  et  voluntatem  meam.  Vestis, 
quam  ego  dedero,  talis  est,  ut  si  quis  voluerit  veste 
alia  colorata  et  serica  et  aurata  uti,  vestem  meam 
capere  non  possit.  Sed  illi  dabo  eam,  quae  contenta 
sit,  non  serico  habitu,  sed  nativis  coloribus  et  insump- 
tuoso  textu  vestiri:  ita  ut  propter  consuetudinem, 
purpuram  perangustam  vestis  habeat:  non  etiam 
purpura  ipsa  diffundatur  in  vestem.  Margarita  vero, 
quam  a  me  petis,  naturae  ejus  est,  ut  habere  eam 
nemo  possit,  qui  margaritam  aliam  habuerit:  quia 
aliae  margaritae  aut  de  terra  aut  de  mari  sunt;  mea 
autem,  ut  ipse  tu  vides,  speciosa  et  pretiosa  est,  incom- 
parabilis  et  coelestis  est,  nee  dignatur  ibi  esse  ubi 
aliae  sunt.  Non  enim  rebus  meis  convenit  cum  rebus 
hominis:  quia  qui  veste  mea  et  margarita  utitur,  in 
aeternum  sanus  est;  non  febre  exardescit,  non  vulneri 
patet,  non  annis  demutatur,  non  morte  dissolvitur; 
aequalis  enim  semper  et  aeternus  est.  Ego  tamen 
hanc  vestem  et  hanc  margaritam  meam  petenti  tibi 
dabo,  ut  eam  filiae  tuae  perferas.  Sed  prius  scire 
debes  quid  velit  filia  tua.  Si  se  hujus  vestis  et  mar- 
garitae meae  dignam  faciat,  id  est,  si  vestes  sericas 
et  auratas  et  infectas  habere  noluerit,  si  omnem  mar- 
garitam alteram  oderit;  tunc  haec  quae  me  rogas  tibi 
praestabo. 

"  (6)  Filiam  hortatur  ut  modestis  utatur  vestibus. — 
Post   quam  vocem,  filia,  laetus  exsurgo,  et  secretum 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  155 

hoc  habens,  hanc  ad  te  epistolam  feci:  rogans  te  per 
multas  lacrymas  meas,  ut  te  huic  vesti  et  margaritae 
reserves,  neque  miserum  senem  tali  damno  tuo  facias, 
si  hanc  vestem  et  hanc  margaritam  non  habueris. 
Testor  autem  tibi,  filia,  Deum  coeli  et  terrae,  quia 
nihil  hac  veste  atque  hac  margarita  pretiosius  est;  et 
tui  juris  est,  ut  hanc  habeas.  Tu  modo,  si  quando 
tibi  vestis  alia  afferatur,  vel  serica,  vel  infecta,  vel 
deaurata,  dicito  ei  qui  tibi  offert:  Ego  vestem  alteram 
exspecto,  propter  quam  pater  meus  a  me  tam  diu 
peregrinatur,  quam  mihi  quaerit,  quam  non  possum 
habere  si  hanc  habuero.  Sufficit  mihi  lana  ovis  meae, 
sufficit  mihi  color  quem  natura  attulit,  sufficit  mihi 
textus  insumptuosus:  caeterum  vestem  illam  desidero, 
quae  dicitur  non  absumi,  non  atteri,  non  scindi.  At 
vero  si  tibi  margarita  offeratur  aut  suspendenda  collo, 
aut  digito  coaptanda,  dices  ita,  Non  mihi  impediment© 
sint  istae  inutiles  et  sordidae  margaritae:  sed  exspecto 
illam  pretiosissimam,  pulcherrimam  et  utilissimam. 
Credo  patri  meo,  quia  et  ille  ei,  qui  hanc  spopondit 
sibi,  credidit,  propter  quam  mihi  significavit  se  etiam 
mori  velle:  hanc  exspecto,  hanc  desidero,  quae  mihi 
praestabit  salutem  et  aeternitatem. 

"(7)  Filiae  exspectat  rescriptum.  Hymnus  matu- 
tinus  et  serotinus.  Abrae  mater. — Ergo,  filia,  subveni 
sollicitudini  meae,  et  hanc  epistolam  meam  semper 
lege,  et  huic  vesti  et  margaritae  te  reserva.  Et  ipsa 
tu  mihi,  nullum  interrogans,  quibuslibet  potes  litteris 
rescribe,  utrum  vesti  huic  et  margaritae  te  reserves, 
ut  sciam  quid  juveni  illi  respondeam:  et  ut  si  illam 
desideras,  si  exspectas,  laetus  possim  ad  te  reditum 
cogitare.  Cum  autem  mihi  rescripseris,  tunc  tibi  et 
ego  quis  sit  hie  juvenis,  et  qualis  sit,  et  quid  velit,  et 
quid  promittat,  et  quid  possit,  indicabo.  Interim  tibi 
hymnum  matutinum  et  serotinum  misi,  ut  memor 
mei  semper  sis.    Tu  vero  si  minus  per  aetatem  hymnum 


156    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

et  epistolam  intellexeris,  interroga  matrem  tuam,  quae 
optat  ut  te  moribus  suis  genuerit  Deo.  Deus  qui  te 
genuit,  hie  et  in  aeternum  custodiat  opto,  filia  deside- 
ratissima."^ 

All  the  Latin  wi'iters  who  commented  upon  Mat- 
thew XIII.  45,  46  have  brought  out  the  same 
idea,  that  the  pearl  is  the  "One,"  that  is,  Christ: 
"Quaestio  est  cur  a  numero  plurali  ad  singularem 
transierit,  ut  cum  quaerat  homo  bonas  margaritas, 
unam  inveniat  pretiosam,  quam  venditis  omnibus  quae 
habet,  emat.  Aut  ergo  iste  bonos  homines  quaerens, 
cum  quibus  utiliter  vivat,  invenit  unum  prae  omnibus 
sine  peccato,  mediatorem  Dei  et  hominum,  hominem 
Christum  Jesum:  aut  praecepta  quaerens,  quibus 
servatis  cum  hominibus  recte  conversetur,  invenit 
dilectionem  proximi,  in  quo  uno  dicit  Apostolus  omnia 
contineri;  ut,  Non  occides,  non  moecha- 
beris,  non  furaberis,  non  falsum  tes- 
timonium dices,  et  si  quod  est  aliud 
mandatum,  singulae  margaritae  sint,  quae  i  n 
hoc  sermone  recapitulantur,  Diliges 
proximum  tuum  tanquam  teipsum. 
Aut  bonos  intellectus  homo  quaerit,  et  invenit  unum 
illud  quo  cuncti  continentur,  in  principio  Verbum,  et 
Verbum  apud  Deum,  et  Verbum  Deum,  lucidum 
candore  veritatis,  et  solidum  firmitate  aeternitatis,  et 
undique  sui  simile  pulchritudine  divinitatis,  qui  Deus, 
penetrata  carnis  testudine,  intelligendus  est.  Hie 
enim  ad  margaritam  ipsam  jam  pervenerat,  quae  in 
tegumentis  mortalitatis,  quasi  concharum  obstaculo, 
in  profundo  hujus  saeculi,  atque  inter  duritias  saxeas 
Judaeorum  aliquando  latuerat:  ille  ergo  ad  ipsam 
margaritam  jam  pervenerat,  qui  ait,  E  t  si  n  o  v  e- 
ramus  Christum  secundum  carnem, 
sed     nunc    jam    non    novimus.     Nee  ullus 

1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  X,  col.  549  ff. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  157 

omnino  intellectus  margaritae  nomine  dignus  est,  nisi 
ad  quern  discussis  omnibus  carnalibus  tegminibus 
pervenitur,  quibus  sive  per  verba  humana,  sive  per 
similitudines  circumpositas  operitur,  ut  purus  et  solidus 
et  nusquam  a  se  dissonans,  certa  ratione  cernatur. 
Quos  tamen  omnes  veros  et  firmos  et  perfectos  intellec- 
tus unus  ille  eontinet,  per  quern  facta  sunt  omnia,  quod 
est  Verbum  Dei.  Quodlibet  autem  horum  trium  sit, 
vel  si  aliquid  aliud  occurrere  potuerit,  quod  margaritae 
unius  et  pretiosae  nomine  bene  significetur,  pretium 
ejus  est  nos  ipsi:  qui  ad  earn  possidendam  non  sumus 
liberi,  nisi  omnibus  pro  nostra  liberatione  contemptis, 
quae  temporaliter  possidentur.  Venditis  enim  rebus 
nostris,  nullum  earum  majus  accipimus  pretium,  quam 
nos  ipsos;  quia  talibus  implicati,  nostri  non  eramus: 
ut  rursus  nos  ipsos  pro  ilia  margarita  demus,  non  quia 
tanti  valeamus,  sed  quia  plus  dare  non  possumus."^ 

"  Rursum  coeleste  regnum  negotiatori  homini  simile 
dicitur,  qui  bonas  margaritas  quaerit,  sed  unam 
pretiosam  invenit,  quam  videlicet  inventam,  omnia 
vendens  emit,  quia  qui  coelestis  vitae  dulcedinem,  in 
quantum  possibilitas  admittit,  perfecte  cognoverit,  ea 
quae  in  terris  amaverat  libenter  cuncta  derelinquit;  in 
comparatione  ejus  vilescunt  omnia,  deserit  habita, 
congregata  dispergit,  inardescit  in  coelestibus  animus, 
nil  in  terrenis  libet,  deforme  conspicitur  quidquid  de 
terrenae  rei  placebat  specie,  quia  sola  pretiosae  mar- 
garitae claritas  fulget  in  mente."^ 

"Inventa  una  margarita  pretiosa,  omnia  quae  habuit 
vendidit;  quia  in  comparatione  coelestis  vitae  omnia 
habita  vilescunt.  Si  vero  sanctos  homines  scrutare 
vis,  unum  Jesum  Christum,  qui  absque  culpa  est,  omni- 
bus meliorem  invenies."^ 

'  St.  Augustine,  Quaestiones  septemdecim  in  Maithaeum,  in  Migne,  P.  L., 
vol.  XXXV,  col.  1371  f. 

^  Gregory,  Homilia  XII,  ibid.,  vol.  LXXVI,  col.  1115. 

■'  Bede,  In  Matthaei  evangelium  expositio,  ibid.,  vol.  XCII,  col.  G9. 


158    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

"  Aliis  quidem  verbis,  et  alio  loquendi  genere  idipsum 
repetere  ornatissime  videtur,  non  ut  immutet  eamdem 
sapientiam,  sed  ut  introducat  ad  earn  variis  sententi- 
arum  aenigmatibus,  audientes.  Nisi  quod  solum  vi- 
detur negotiatorem  longe  jam  diu  in  lege  versantem 
amplius  designare,  quamvis  omnes  qui  fidem  sectantur 
Christi  generaliter  possit  haec  parabola  evidenter 
colligere.  Nam  in  eo  quod  negotiatorem  eum  vocat, 
et  quaerere  bonas  margaritas,  multum  diuque  prae- 
nuntiat,  et  eos  per  speciem  unius  hominis  designat, 
qui  longo  ac  diutino  labore  ad  margaritarum  scientiam 
venire  desiderant.  Deinde  cum  jugi  meditatione  negoti- 
atus  fuerit  in  lege,  et  eas  quae  in  lege  sunt,  deprehen- 
derit  intelligentias,  tandem  aliquando,  inter  eas  quas 
repererat  invenit  unam  et  singularem  margaritam 
Christum  quam  optabat.  In  cujus  comparatione,  licet 
bona  sit  lex,  bona  sit  et  prophetia,  seu  quae  in  his 
praecipua  inveniuntur  doctrinae  ornamenta,  homo 
negotiator  similis  Pauli  apostoli,  omnia  legis  prophe- 
tarumque  mysteria  et  observationes  pristinas,  in  quibus 
inculpate  prius  vixerat,  quasi  purgamenta  contemnit 
et  quisquilias,  ut  Christum  lucrifaciat;  quia  pretio- 
sissimum  est  margaritum,  scientia  Salvatoris,  et  sa- 
cramentum  passionis  illius,  et  resurrectionis  arcanum. 
Non  quia  inventio  hujus  pretiosissimae  margaritae 
condemnatio  sit  veterum  margaritarum,  sed  quia  in 
comparatione  Christi  omnis  gemma,  id  est,  legis  et 
prophetiae  intelligentia,  sit  vilior.  Potest  et  per  hunc 
gemmarum  diligentissimum  negotiatorem,  universus 
Ecclesiae  Christi  ordo  designari,  ut  ostendatur  genus 
in  specie,  et  regnum  coelorum  ipsa  intelligatur  Ecclesia, 
quae  longe  diu  multumque  laboravit  in  patriarchis, 
quasivit  in  Prophetis,  quamvis  latenter;  quia  necdum 
erat  propalata  sanctorum  gloria.  Tamen  in  eis  multi 
gemmarum  speciem  afferebant,  et  praeornabant  praefi- 
gurando  Christum  futuram  Ecclesiam.     Sed  nemo  in 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  159 

eis  inventus  est,  qui  pretium  humanae  redemptionis  in 
se  afferret,  et  ideo  nemo  inventus  est  lapis  tarn  pretiosus 
propter  quern  omnia  quae  praesentis  vitae  sunt  hie 
prudens  negotiator  venderet,  tantum  ut  hanc  solam 
acquireret  gemmam,  in  qua  sunt  omnes  thesauri 
sapientiae  et  scientiae,  et  pretium  humanae  salutis. 
Et  ideo  eo  pretio  emitur  iste  pretiosissimus  lapis,  quo 
supra  in  ilia  alia  parabola  emptus  est  ager  et  thesaurus. 
Non  quod  alii  lapides  quos  quaesivit  praesens  negotia- 
tor, et  forte  invenit,  boni  non  fuerint  et  pretiosi,  sed 
in  comparatione  istius  nemo  bonus,  quia  omnes  ex 
isto  habent  ut  boni  sint  et  pretiosi.  Hie  est  calculus 
novus  ex  Apocalypsi  Joannis,  in  quo  nomen  novum 
est  conscriptum,  quem  nemo  novit,  nisi  qui  accipit. 
Unde  oportet  ut  omnis  umbra  removeatur  a  sensu 
legis  et  Prophetarum,  et  sola  Veritas  amplectatur; 
distrahatur  praesens  vita,  et  quae  praesentiarum  sunt, 
ut  haec  sola  habeatur  in  qua  omnia  sunt  bona  et  sem- 
piterna  sunt.  Et  notandum  quia  non  dicitur  praesens 
negotiator  quantum  emerit  earn,  sed  tantum  quicun- 
que  invenerit  eam,  quantum  habuerit."^ 

We  have  already  seen  that  Jerome  similarly  called 
the  pearl  "the  One."  Nowhere  have  we  so  far  met  even 
a  distant  reference  to  the  pearl  as  unio.  Had  such  a 
word  existed  in  the  Latin  language,  Jerome  and  St. 
Augustine  could  not  possibly  have  missed  this  proof 
of  the  oneness  of  the  pearl.  St.  Augustine  quotes 
Pliny  frequently,  and  Jerome  specifically  refers  to  the 
XXXVIL  book  of  PHny.^    And  yet  we  find  unio  in  one 

1  Paschasius,  Expositio  in  Matthaeum,  ibid.,  vol.  CXX,  col.  504  f. 

2  "De  natura  autem  duodecim  lapidum  atque  gemmarum,  non  est  hujus 
temporis  dicere,  cum  et  Graecorum  plurimi  scripserint  et  Latinorum. 
E  quibus  duos  tantum  nominabo,  virum  sanctae  et  venerabilis  memoriae 
episcopum  Epiphanium,  qui  insigne  nobis  ingenii  et  eruditionis  suae  reliquit 
volumen,  quod  inscripsit  irepl  XiOwv;  et  Plinium  secundum,  eumdem 
apud  Latinos  oratorem  et  philosophum,  qui  in  opere  pulcherrimo  naturalis 
historiae  tricesimum  septimum  librum,  qui  et  extremus  est,  lapidum  atque 
gemmarum  disputatione  complevit,"  Commentarium  in  Isaiam  profhetam, 
XV.  54,  ibid.,  vol.  XXIV,  col.  523;  "super  quibus  et  vir  sanctus  Epiphanius 


160    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


of  Jerome's  letters,  namely  to  Rusticus  Monachus. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  letter  is  as  much  a 
forgery  as  the  treatise  on  monks  ascribed  to  Jerome. 
This  CXXV.  letter  is  clearly  a  cento  from  Jerome's 
writings,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  introduction  is  an 
ill-digested  elaboration  from  Jerome's  works,  which 
bears  but  a  distant  reference  to  the  matter  under 
discussion.  A  comparison  of  a  few  passages  will  show 
the  manner  in  which  the  letter  was  composed. 


Epistola  CXXV 

Non  mihi  nunc  per  virtutum 
prata  ducendus  est  rivulus:  nee 
laborandum,  ut  ostendam  tibi  vari- 
orum pulchritudinem  florum:  quid 
in  se  lilia  habeant  puritatis,  quid 
rosa  verecundiae  possideat,  quid 
violae  purpura  promittat  in  regno, 
quid  rutilantium  spondeat  pictura 
gemmarum  (Migne,  P.  L.,  vol. 
XXII,  col.  1073). 

Navigantes  Rubrum  mare,  in  quo 
optandum  nobis  est,  ut  verus  Pharao 
cum  suo  mergatur  exercitu,  multis 
difficultatibus  ac  periculis  ad  urbem 
Auxumam  perveniunt.  Utroque  in 
littore  Gentes  vagae,  imo  belluae 
habitant  ferocissimae.  Semper  sol- 
liciti,  semper  armati,  totius  anni 
vehunt  cibaria.  Latentibus  saxis 
vadisque  durissimis  plena  sunt  om- 
nia, ita  ut  speculator,  et  doctor  in 
summa  mali  arbore  sedeat,  et  inde 
regendae,  et  circumflectendae  navis 
dictata  praedicet.  Felix  cursus 
est,  si  post  sex  menses  supradictae 
urbis  portum  teneant,  a  quo  se 
incipit  aperire  Oceanus;  per  quern 
vix  anno  perpetuo  ad  Indiam  per- 
venitur,  et  ad  Gangem  fluvium 
(quern  Phison  Sancta  Scriptura 
commemorat)  qui  circumit  totam 
terram  Evil  a,  et  multa  genera  pig- 
mentorum  de  paradisi  dicitur  fonte 


Quarum  altera  te  per  prata 
virentia,  et  varios  divinorum  Volu- 
minum  flores  ducat  ad  eum  qui  dicit 
in  Cantico:  Ego  flos  campi, 
et  lilium  convallium  (Ad 
Principiam  Virginem,  in  Migne,  P. 
L.,  vol.  XXII,  col.  624). 


Evila,  ubi  aurum  purissimum 
(quod  Hebraice  dicitur  zaab  et 
gemmae  pretiosissimae,  carbuncu- 
lus,  smaragdusque  nascuntur.  Est 
autem  regio  ad  Orientem  vergens, 
quam  circumit  de  paradiso  Phison 
egrediens:  quem  nostri,  mutato 
nomine,   Gangen  vocant   {Liber  de 


episcopus  proprium  volumen  mihi  praesens  tradidit.  Et  XXXVII  liber 
Plinii  Secundi,  Naturalis  Historiae,  post  multiplicem  omnium  rerum 
scientiam,  de  gemmis  et  lapidibus  disputat,"  Commentarium  in  Ezechielem, 
IX.  28,  ibid.,  vol.  XXV,  col.  271. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS 


161 


devehere.  Ubi  nascitur  carbunculus, 
et  smaragdus;  et  margarita  can- 
dentia,  et  uniones,  quibus  nobilium 
feminarum  ardet  ambitio  {ibid., 
col.  1073  f.). 


Montesque  aurei,  quos  adire  prop- 
ter gryphas,  et  dracones,  et  immen- 
sorum  corporum  monstra,  hominibus 
impossibile  est:  ut  ostendatur  nobis, 
quales  custodes  habeat  avaritia 
{ibid.,  col.  1074). 

Totum  quod  apprehensa  manu  in- 
sinuare  tibi  cupio,  quod  quasi 
doctus  nauta,  post  multa  naufragia, 
rudem  conor  instruere  vectorem, 
illud  est,  ut  in  quo  littore  pudicitiae 
pirata  sit  noveris;  ubi  Charybdis, 
et  radix  omnium  malorum  avaritia; 
ubi  Scyllaei  obtrectatorum  canes, 
de  quibus  Apostolus  loquitur:  Ne 
mordentes  invicem,  mu- 
tuo  consumamini,  quomodo 
in  media  tranquillitate  securi,  Ly- 
bicis  interdum  vitiorum  Syrtibus 
obruamur;  quid  venenatorum  ani- 
mantium,  desertum  hujus  saeculi 
nutriat  {ibid.,  col.  1073). 


situ  et  nominibus,  ibid.,  vol.  XXIII, 
col.  892). 

Fison,  quod  interpretatur,  ca- 
terva:  fluvius  quem  nostri  Gangen 
vocant,  de  paradiso  exiens,  et 
pergens  ad  Indiae  regiones,  post 
quas  erumpit  in  pelagus.  Dicit 
autem  Scriptura  circumiri  ab  hoc 
universam  regionem  Evila,  ubi  au- 
rum  praecipuum  nascitur  et  Car- 
bunculus lapis  et  Prasinus  {ibid., 
col.  897). 

Dicuntur  autem  dracones  in  eis 
locis  secretis,  et  terrarum  abditis 
sinibus,  vel  maxime  commorari,  ubi 
metallum  auri  sit  {Comment,  in 
librum  Job,  ibid.,  vol.  XXVI, 
col.  795). 


Et  hoc  ego,  non  integris  rate,  vel 
mercibus,  nee  quasi  ignarus  fluctuum 
doctus  nauta  praemoneo;  sed  quasi 
nuper  naufragio  ejectus  in  littus, 
timida  navigaturis  voce  denuntio. 
In  illo  aestu  Charybdis  luxuriae, 
salutem  vorat.  Ibi  ore  virgineo,  ad 
pudicitiae  perpetranda  naufragia, 
Scyllaeum  renidens  libido  blanditur. 
Hie  barbarum  littus,  hie  diabolus 
pirata,  cum  sociis  portat  vincula 
capiendis  {ibid.,  vol.  XXII,  col. 
350  f.). 


The  last  extract  shows,  beyond  any  possibility  of 
mistake,  the  eclectic  method  of  the  forger.  In  Jerome 
the  sirens  wreck  the  "pudicitia"  and  the  devil  is  the 
** pirata"  who  carries  the  fetters.  In  the  letter  to 
Rusticus  Monachus  the  same  "doctus  nauta"  tells  the 
monk  on  what  shore  the  "pirata  pudicitiae"  is,  with- 
out defining  either  word.  Hence  the  uniones  of  the 
same  letter,  which  is  found  in  neither  extract  from 
the  Liber  de  situ  et  nominibus,  originally  by  Eusebius, 
is  a  late  word,  certainly  of  no  earlier  date  than  the 
VIII.  century. 

We  also  have  uniones  in  Tertullian's  De  cultu  foemi- 
narum,  and  it  will  be  shown,  from  the  comparison  of 

16 


162     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


a  passage  in  this  work  with  a  passage  in  Cyprian's 
Liber  de  habitu  virginum,  that  the  first,  at  least  in  the 
form  in  which  we  have  it,  is  a  forgery,  based  on  the 
second. 


Cyprian,  Liber  de  habitu  virginum, 
XIV. 

Neque  enim  Deus  coccineas  aut 
purpureas  oves  fecit,  aut  herbarum 
succis  et  conchyliis  tingere  et 
colorare  lanas  docuit. 


Nee  distinctis  auro  lapillis  et 
margaritis  contexta  serie  et  nume- 
rosa  compage  digestis  monilia  in- 
stituit,  quibus  cervicem  quam  fecit 
absconderes,  ut  operiatur  illud  quod 
Deus  in  homine  formavit,  et  con- 
spiciatur  id  desuper  quod  diabolus 
adinvenit. 

An  vulnera  inferri  auribus  Deus 
voluit,  quibus  innocens  adhuc  in- 
fantia  et  mali  saecularis  ignara 
crucietur,  ut  postea  de  aurium  cica- 
tricibus  et  cavernis  pretiosa  grana 
dependeant,  gravia  etsi  non  suo 
pondere,  mercium  tamen  quantitate? 


Quae  omnia  peccatores  et  apos- 
tatae  angeli  suis  artibus  prodiderunt 
quando,  ad  terrena  contagia  devoluti, 
a  coelesti  vigore  recesserunt  (Migne, 
P.  L.,  vol.  IV,  col.  452  f.). 


TertuUian  De  cultu  foeminarum, 
11.  10. 

Nimirum  enim  Deus  demonstravit 
succis  herbarum  et  concharum  salivis 
incoquere  lanas.  Exciderat  illi, 
cum  universa  nasci  juberet,  purpu- 
reas et  coccineas  oves  mandare: 
Deus  et  ipsarum  vestium  officinas 
commentus,  quae  leves  et  exiles  solo 
pretio  graves  essent. 

Deus  et  auri  tanta  opera  produxit, 
complectendis  et  distinguendis  la- 
pillis. 


Scrupulosa  Deus  auribus  vulnera 
intulit,  et  tanti  habuit  vexationem 
operis  sui  et  cruciatus  infantiae 
tunc  primum  dolentis,  ut  ex  illis 
ad  ferrum  nati  corporis  cicatricibus 
grana  nescio  quae  penderent,  quae 
plane  Parthi  per  omnia  quaeque  sua 
bullarum  vice  inserunt,  quanquam 
et  aurum  ipsum,  cujus  vos  gloria 
occupat,  cuidam  genti  ad  vincula 
servire  referunt  gentilium  litterae. 
Adeo  non  veritate  bona  sunt,  sed 
raritate. 

Artibus  autem  per  angelos  pecca- 
tores, qui  et  ipsas  materias  prodide- 
runt, inductis,  operositas  cum  rari- 
tate commissa  pretiositatem  et  ex  ea 
libidinem  possidendae  pretiositatis 
foeminarum  excitavit  (Migne,  P.  L., 
vol.  I,  col.  1327  f.). 


Obviously  TertuUian  could  not  have  expanded  on 
Cyprian,  since  the  latter  became  a  Christian  27  years 
after  the  death  of  the  first.  Cyprian  could  not  have 
remodeled  TertuUian,  since  the  passage  in  TertuUian 
is   silly   and  impossible  in   spots,   whereas   Cyprian's 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  163 

passage  is  clear  and  consistent.  Cyprian  correctly 
speaks  of  the  precious  gems,  "heavy,  not  in  weight, 
but  in  costliness."  Tertullian  stupidly  transfers  this 
to  the  garments,  "which  are  light  and  delicate,  but 
heavy  in  cost,"  and  so  is  compelled  to  speak  of  the 
gems  "which  are  good  not  by  their  truth,  but  by 
rarity,"  in  order  to  shine  with  the  pun  "veritate 
raritate." 

Cyprian  correctly  speaks  of  the  torture  of  infants 
whose  ears  are  pierced  so  that  they  later  may  wear 
precious  gems  in  their  ears.  Tertullian  stupidly  speaks 
of  the  wounds  of  the  body  "born  for  the  iron,"  in  which 
the  Parthians  insert  grana  in  place  of  ornaments.  One 
MS.  reads,  "quae  plane  Parthi  peronibus  quoque  suis 
bullarum  vice  inserunt,"  "which  the  Parthians  put 
in  their  boots  in  place  of  ornaments."  Nowhere  else 
do  we  hear  of  Parthians  who  do  either  of  these  things. 
The  whole  is  due  to  a  blundering  reading  of  a  passage 
of  Solinus,  which  is  itself  of  the  VIII.  century,  since  it 
refers  to  the  tattooing  of  the  Britons:^  "  Regionem 
partim  tenent  barbari,  quibus  per  artifices  plagarum 
figuras  iam  inde  a  pueris  variae  animalium  effigies 
incorporantur,  inscriptisque  visceribus  hominis  in- 
cremento  pigmenti  notae  crescunt:  nee  quicquam 
mage  patientiae  loco  nationes  ferae  ducunt,  quam  ut 
per  memores  cicatrices  plurimum  fuci  artus  bibant."- 
The  forger  read  partim  as  Parti  and  made  out  a  race 
of  Parthians  who  wore  in  the  scarified  wounds  grana, 
whatever  that  meant  to  him,  in  place  of  ornaments. 
A  later  editor  of  the  text  misread  "per  omnia"  as 
"peronibus,"  and  had  these  gems  placed  in  the  boots 
of  the  Parthians.  The  forger  of  the  First  Book  of  the 
same  De  cultu  foemino'^um,  who  is  posterior  to  the 
forger  of  the  Second  Book,   expanded  the  Parthians 

1  See  p.  339. 

2  XXII.  12. 


164    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

into  Medes  and  Parthians,  and  told  the  following 
impossible  story,  which  ends  with  a  sentence  which 
makes  no  sense  whatsoever:  "Gemmarum  quoque 
nobilitatem  vidimus  Romae  de  fastidio  Parthorum  et 
Medorum  caeterorumque  gentilium  suorum,  coram 
matronis  erubescentem,  nisi  quod  nee  ad  ostensionem 
fere  habentur.  Latent  in  circulis  smaragdi,  et  cylindros 
vaginae  suae  solus  gladius  sub  sinu  novit,  et  in  pero- 
nibus  uniones  emergere  de  luto  cupiunt.  Nihil  denique, 
tarn  gemmatum  habent,  quam  quod  gemmatum  esse 
non  debet,  si  non  comparet;  aut  ideo  comparet,  ut 
neglectum  quoque  ostendatur."^  This  puts  the  uniones 
so  late  as  to  be  of  no  use  for  the  earliest  determination 
of  its  occurrence. 

Unio  also  occurs  in  the  Digest  of  Justinian.  Here  I 
am  saved  considerable  labor,  since  it  has  already  been 
shown  that  the  Digest  is  full  of  interpolations.^  Gra- 
denwitz  assumes  that  the  classical  law  authorities  were 
interpolated  in  Justinian's  time,  that  is,  in  533.  It  has 
also  been  observed  by  Cujaz^  that  there  are  interpo- 
lations in  the  Digest  which  occur  in  the  Novellae,  al- 
though these  appeared  ten  years  later.  With  easy 
conscience  the  writers  overcome  the  difficulty  by 
saying  that  the  laws  existed  already  in  533,  but  were 
passed  later.  This  is  nonsense,  because  in  this  way 
any  irregularity  could  be  explained.  The  text  of  the 
Digest  depends  upon  the  very  precious  Codex  Florenti- 
nus,^  which  is  supposed  to  be  contemporaneous  with 
Justinian.  But  Mommsen^  says  that  it  is  impossible 
to  determine  the  exact  date  of  its  writing,  because  of 
the  uncertain  condition  of  the  palaeography,  although 

1 1.  7,  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  I,  col.  1311  f. 

2  O.  Gradenwitz,  Interpolationen  in  den  Pandekten,  Berlin  1887,  and  F. 
Hofmann,  Die  Compilation  der  Digesten  Justinians,  Wien  1900. 

'  Gradenwitz,  op.  cit.,  p.  9. 

^  Digestorum  seu  Pandectarum  codex  Florentinus  olim  Pisanus  photoiypice 
expressus,  Roma  1902. 

^  Digesta  lustiniani  Augusti,  Berolini  1870,  vol.  I,  p.  XXXX. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  165 

it  is  probable  that  it  was  written  in  the  VII.  century. 
An  inspection  of  the  phototypic  reproduction  shows 
such  a  mixture  of  uncial  and  Rustic  Capital  writings, 
the  latter  generally  appearing  in  titles,  that  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  writing  is  not  earlier  than  of 
the  end  of  the  VIII.  century.  Sometimes  the  whole 
caption  is  in  capitals,  sometimes  only  a  letter  or  two. 
The  two-columned  text  bears  a  remarkable  resemblance 
to  that  of  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  which  is  placed  in  the 
IX.  century.  Hence  the  interpolations  and  the 
quotations  from  later  laws  belong  to  the  school  of  the 
editors,  who  cannot  be  of  an  earlier  date  than  the  end 
of  the  VIII.  century. 

"Margarita  si  non  soluta  sunt  uel  qui  alii  lapides 
(si  quidem  exemptiles  sint),  dicendum  est  ornamen- 
torum  loco  haberi:  sed  et  si  in  hoc  sint  resoluti  ut 
componantur,  ornamentorum  loco  sunt;  quod  si  adhuc 
sint  rudes  lapilli  uel  margaritae  uel  gemmae,  ornamen- 
torum loco  non  erunt,  nisi  alia  mens  fuit  testantis,  qui 
haec  quoque,  quae  ad  ornamenta  parauerat,  ornamen- 
torum loco  et  appellatione  comprehendi  uoluit."^ 

It  is  clear  that  a  margarita  soluta  is  a  "rudis  mar- 
garita,"  and  is  not  yet  considered  an  ornament.  But 
if  it  is  "soluta"  for  the  purpose  of  being  put  back  into 
an  ornament,  it  is  still  an  ornament.^ 

"Seia  ab  herede  Publio  Maeuio  ita  legauit:  *Anto- 
niae  Tertullae  lego  auri  pondo  tot  et  unionem  cum 
hyacinthis':  postea  unionem  soluit  neque  ullum  mortis 
tempore  inter  ornamenta  sua  unionem  reliquit.  Quaero, 
an  heres  ex  causa  fideicommissi  aestimationem  rei, 
quae  in  hereditate  non  est,  praestare  debeat.  Mar- 
cellus  respondit  non  debere.  Item  quaero,  si  probari 
possit  Seiam  uniones  et  hyacinthos  quosdam  in  aliam 

»Di^.  XXXIV.  2.  25.  11.. 

2  B.  Brisson,  Opera  minora  varii  argumenti,  Lugduni  Batavorum  1749, 
p.  49  f. 


166    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

speciem  ornamenti,  quod  postea  pretiosius  fecit  additis 
aliis  gemmis  et  margaritis,  conuertisse,  an  hos  uniones 
uel  hyacinthos  petere  possit  et  heres  compellatur 
ornamento  posteriori  eximere  et  praestare.  Marcellus 
respondit  petere  non  posse:  nam  quid  fieri  potest,  ut 
legatum  uel  fideicommissum  durare  existimetur,  cum 
id,  quod  testamento  dabatur,  in  sua  specie  non 
permanserit,  nam  quodammodo  extinctum  sit?  ut 
interim  omittam,  quod  etiam  dissolutione  ac  per- 
mutatione  tali  uoluntas  quoque  uideatur  mutata. 
Lucius  Titius  testamento  scripsit:  'heredem  meum 
uolo  fideique  eius  committo,  ut  in  patriam  meam 
faciat  porticum  publicam,  in  qua  poni  uolo  imagines 
argenteas,  item  marmoreas' :  quaero,  an  legatum  ualeat. 
Marcellus  respondit  ualere  et  operis  ceterorumque, 
quae  ibi  testator  poni  uoluerit,  legatum  ad  patriam 
pertinere  intellegi:  enim  potuit  aliquod  ciuitati  accedere 
ornamentum."^ 

Here  we  have  the  same  story:  an  unio  soluta  is  the 
mere  pearl,  outside  of  the  ornament.  We  see  at  once 
that  ^  in   this   rare   acceptation   of    soluta   we    have   a 

translation  of  the  Arab.  ,^  qaW  "the  pearl,  as  found 

in  the  East,"  that  is,  before  being  perforated  or  arranged 

in  a  set.     But  the    original    meaning   of   ^  is    "loco 

dimovit,  evulsit,"  which  precisely  corresponds  to  the 
specific  meaning  here  attached  to  soluta.  Hence  unio 
once  more  disappears  as  an  early  reference. 

We  get  from  Ephraem's  Third  Rhythm  an  explana- 
tion as  to  why  the  agate  is  used  in  order  to  get  the  pearl. 
We  shall  later  see  that  the  pearl  is  classed  among  the 
white  stones,  the  agate,  among  the  black  stones.  This 
is  brought  out  in  the  beginning  of  the  Third  Rhythm, 
where  "the  dark  Ethiopic  women  became  pearls  for 
the     Son:"      "Thou     dost    not    hide    thyself    in    thy 

1  Dig.  XXXIV.  2.  6. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  167 

bareness,  pearl!  With  the  love  of  thee  is  the  merchant 
ravished  also,  for  he  strippeth  off  his  garments,  not  to 
cover  thee,  [seeing]  thy  clothing  is  thy  light,  thy  gar- 
ment is  thy  brightness,  O  thou  that  art  bared!  Thou 
art  like  Eve  who  was  clothed  with  nakedness.  Cursed 
be  he  that  deceived  her  and  stripped  her  and  left  her. 
The  serpent  cannot  strip  off  thy  glory.  In  the  mys- 
teries that  thou  typifiest,  women  are  clothed  with 
Light  in  Eden.  Very  glistening  are  the  pearls  of 
Ethiopia,  as  it  is  written,  Who  gave  thee  to  Ethiopia 
[the  land]  of  black  men.  He  that  gave  light  to  the 
Gentiles,  both  to  the  Ethiopians  and  unto  the  Indians 
did  His  bright  beams  reach.  The  eunuch  of  Ethiopia 
upon  his  chariot  saw  Philip:  the  Lamb  of  Light  met 
the  dark  man  from  out  of  the  bath.  While  he  was 
reading,  the  Ethiopian  was  baptized  and  glistened  with 
joy,  and  journeyed  on!  He  made  disciples  and  taught, 
and  out  of  black  men  he  made  men  white  [as  snow]. 
And  the  dark  Ethiopic  women  became  pearls  for  the 
Son;  He  offered  them  up  to  the  Father,  as  a  glistening 
crown  from  the  Ethiopians.  The  Queen  of  Sheba  was 
a  sheep  that  had  come  into  the  place  of  wolves;  the 
lamp  of  truth  did  Solomon  give  her,  who  also  married 
her  when  he  fell  away.  She  was  enlightened  and  went 
away,  but  they  were  dark  as  their  manner  was.  The 
bright  spark  which  went  down  home  with  that  blessed 
[Queen],  held  on  its  shining  amid  the  darkness,  till 
the  new  Day-spring  came.  The  bright  spark  met  with 
this  shining,  and  illumined  the  place. "^ 

In  the  Coptic  version  the  pearl  in  the  meadow  is 
called  the  agate.  This  arises  from  Ephraem's  Second 
Rhythm,  where  Christ  is  the  pearl,  and  Mary  (the 
pearl),  rising  from  the  sea,  joins  her  family  who  are 
like  gems,  but  not  the  pearl,  which  is  "the  One:" 
"Whereunto  art  thou  like?    let  thy  stillness  speak  to 

1  Morris,  o-p.  cit.,  p.  92  f. 


168    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

one  that  heareth  thee;  with  silent  mouth  speak  with 
us:  for  whoso  heareth  the  stammerings  of  thy  silence, 
to  him  thy  type  uttereth  its  silent  cry  concerning  our 
Redeemer.  Thy  mother  is  a  virgin  of  the  sea;  though 
he  took  her  not  [to  wife]:  she  fell  into  his  bosom, 
though  he  knew  her  not;  she  conceived  thee  near 
him,  though  he  did  not  know  her.  Do  thou  being  a 
type  reproach  the  Jewish  women  that  have  thee  hung 
upon  them.  Thou  art  the  only  progeny  of  all  forms 
which  art  like  to  the  Word  on  High,  Whom  singly  the 
Most  High  begot.  The  engraven  forms  seem  to  be  the 
type  of  created  things  above.  This  visible  offspring 
of  the  invisible  womb  is  a  type  of  great  things.  Thy 
fair  conception  was  without  seed,  and  without  marriage 
intercourse  was  thy  pure  generation,  and  without 
brethren  was  thy  single  birth.  Our  Lord  had  brethren 
and  yet  not  brethren,  since  He  was  an  Only-Begotten. 
O  solitary  one,  thou  type  exact  of  the  Only-Begotten! 
there  is  a  type  of  thine  in  the  crown  of  kings,  [wherein] 
thou  hast  brothers  and  sisters.  Goodly  gems  are  thy 
brethren,  with  beryls  and  pearls  as  thy  companions: 
may  gold  be  as  it  were  thy  kinsman,  may  there  be 
unto  the  King  of  kings  a  crown  from  thy  well-beloved 
ones!  When  thou  camest  up  from  the  sea,  that 
living  tomb,  thou  didst  cry  out,  Let  me  have  a  goodly 
assemblage  of  brethren,  relatives,  and  kinsmen.  As 
the  wheat  is  in  the  stem,  so  thou  art  in  the  crown  with 
princes:  and  it  is  a  just  restoration  to  thee,  as  if  of 
a  pledge,  that  from  that  depth  thou  shouldest  be  exalted 
to  a  goodly  eminence.  Wheat  doth  the  stem  bear  in 
the  field;  thee  doth  the  head  of  the  king  upon  his 
chariot  carry  about.  O  daughter  of  the  water,  who 
hast  left  sea,  wherein  thou  wert  born  and  art  gone 
up  to  the  dry  land,  wherein  thou  art  beloved:  for  men 
have  loved  and  seized  and  adorned  themselves  with 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  169 

thee,  like  as  they  did  that  Offspring  Whom  the  Gen- 
tiles loved   and  crowned   themselves   withal."^ 

Ephraem's  prose  Sermon  Against  the  Heretics,^  in 
Greek,  contains  a  complete  discussion  of  the  pearl 
in  its  symbolic  significance  and  is  of  great  importance, 
since  it  confirms  the  fact  so  far  brought  out  that  the 
morning  birth  of  the  pearl  was  totally  unknown  in  the 
IV.  century,  as  has  already  appeared  from  the  other 
Greek  sources.  Unfortunately,  the  Sermon  is  too  long 
for  insertion  here,  so  I  shall  confine  myself  only  to 
the  passages  which  bear  upon  the  pearl. 

"The  precious  (tifxiog)  pearl,  which  is  found  in  the 
sea,  is  very  valuable,  because  it  is  hard  to  find.  It 
does  not  furnish  food,  but  glory,  nor  does  it  produce 
slaking  of  thirst,  but  renown.  Much  money  is  pon- 
derous, but  this  lightens  weight.  Though  it  is  small, 
it  can  do  great  things,  and  it  is  easy  to  carry,  and  is 
easily  brought  back  to  its  original  place.  It  is  easily 
hidden,  and  hard  to  find.  Even  so  is  the  Kingdom 
of  Heaven.  .  .  The  pearl  is  a  stone  born  of  flesh,  for  it 
comes  from  the  oyster  shell.  Who,  therefore,  would 
not  believe  that  God  was  born  of  the  body  of  man? 
Not  the  coitus  of  the  shells  form  it,  but  the  conjunction 
of  lightning  and  water.  Even  so  Christ  is  conceived 
in  the  Virgin,  beside  lust,  the  Holy  Ghost,  beside 
its  mass,  producing  the  substance  with  God.  Neither 
the  pearl,  nor  the  mussel  is  born,  nor  does  it  proceed 
as  a  spirit  in  the  form.  The  pearl  is  born  in  the  hy- 
postasis, and  does  not  produce  another  stone.  Even 
so  Christ  is  not  mixed  with  the  Divinity,  nor  a  pure 
man,  nor  mixed  with  unmixed  Divinity,  but  as  though 
born  in  a  spiritual  form.  Christ  is  no  other  than  born 
of  the  Father  and  of  Mary.  This  stone  has  not  only 
form,  but  also  substance,  even  so  the  Son  of  God  is 

1  Ibid.,  p.  89  f. 

^  E-phraem  Syri  Opera  omnia  quae  exstanl,  Romae  1743,  Graece  et  latine, 
vol.  II,  p.  259  e. 


170    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

born  in  the  hypostasis,  and  not  in  form.    This  precious 
stone  partakes  of  two  natures,  that  it  may  show  Christ, 
who,  since  He  is  the  Word  of  God,  is  born  man  of  Mary: 
He  did  not  have  a  partial  nature,  for  He  was  no  other 
being,  but   He  has  a  perfect    double   nature,  lest  He 
love  the  two.  .  .  Consider  the  ministry  of  the  imperfect 
flesh  in  the  pearl,  and  you  will  readily  believe  that  Christ 
was  born  of  a  woman.     The  mussel  is  not  worth  an 
obole,  but  it  has  produced  a  stone  more  costly  than 
many  talents  of  gold:    even  so  Mary  brought  forth 
the   Divinity  with  which  nothing  can   be  compared. 
The  shell  is  not  afflicted  by  any  pain  while  it  conceives 
the  pearl,   but  has  only  the  sense  of  the  accession. 
And  Mary  conceived  Christ  in  gladness,  feeling  the 
acceding  nature.     The  mussel  does  not  spoil  while  it 
conceives  and  bears,  for  it  brings  forth  a  perfect  stone 
without  pain.     So  does  the  Virgin  conceive  without 
corruption  and  bear  without  pain.     The  pearl  is  not 
only  conceived,  but  also  lasts  while  it  grows,  and  even 
outside  of  the  shell  it  can  show  its  hypostasis.  .  The 
precious  stone  is  indivisible,  and  no  one  will  separate 
the  assumption  of  the  Divinity.     Lightning  and  water 
are  combined,  and  two  opposites  are  united.     Why  do 
you  not  know  what  it  is  that  you  hold,  and  why  do 
you  curiously  examine  what  you  do  not  hold?     From 
fire — lightning  and  fire,  whence  it  both  illumines  and 
inflames.     The  shells  grow  in  water,  through     water. 
Why  does  not  the  corruscation  consume  the  body  of 
the  shell?  .  .  The  pearl  is  most  showy,  on  account  of 
its  Divinity,  and  white,  on  account  of  its  assumption. 
In    the   whiteness   you   see   its   clarity,   in  its   virtue 
you  see  its  inherent  power.     It  is  hard,  on  account 
of  its  human  nature;  it  is  light,  on  account  of  celestial 
condition.     It  is  watery,  on  account  of  its  terrestrial 
nature;   it  is  fiery  on  account  of  its  divine  hypostasis. 
For  all  things  there  is  a  physical  consideration,  for 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  171 

everything  reflects  its  nature,  as  in  a  mirror.  But 
mirrors  are  made  by  art,  hence  they  have  a  certain 
fallacy  in  the  perception  of  a  given  thing.  But  the 
pearl  has  a  natural  grace  and  innate  usefulness.  There 
are  many  other  things  which  become  one  out  of  two, 
but  they  are  not  born  like  the  pearl,  nor  are  they  con- 
ceived of  fire  and  water.  Behold,  you  cannot  find 
the  proof  in  all  pearls,  for  they  are  not  all  true,  contain- 
ing all  the  perfections  of  which  we  have  spoken,  for 
the  greater  part  of  them  has  something  earthy.  There 
are  shells  that  remain  in  the  depth  of  the  ocean;  others 
enjoy  mud  in  humid  places;  others  feed  on  refuse  and 
rarely  produce  good  pearls.  The  pearl  has  also  another 
reason,  for  if  the  time  of  its  generation  is  not  perfect, 
or  it  is  born  out  of  time,  it  is  stony,  hence  many  in  the 
depths  are  worthless,  and  if  they  are  not  properly 
polished,  they  are  useless.  They  do  not  find  many  of 
them,  but  they  take  them  from  the  shells,  hence  they 
are  called  perfect,  because,  while  they  apparently 
increase  and  add  the  substance  to  the  power  of  the 
nature,  they  are  not  carried  away,  but  are  generated, 
and  these  become  very  precious." 

The  Latin  Physiologus  discussed  above  has  drawn 
for  the  pearl  on  Arabic  and  Syriac  sources,  the  latter 
proceeding  directly  from  Ephraem.  All  the  other 
Physiologi  extant  are  secondary  in  their  composition 
and  do  not  proceed  directly  from  the  Arabic,  but,  in 
all  probability,  from  a  Greek  translation  or  rifacimento 
of  the  Arabic  original.  The  Latin  versions  differ  from 
one  another  and  contain  various  accretions  from  out- 
side sources.  Thus  the  version  in  the  Liber  glossarum} 
has  only  the  etymology  of  conchus  and  the  story  of 
the  morning  birth  of  the  pearl:  ''Conchus,  lapis  est 
in  mari,  graeco  vocabulo  appellatus  hoc,  quia  con- 
vexus   est   et  rotundus.      Est   autem   in   duas   partes 

1  A.  Mai,  op.  cit.,  p.  592. 


172    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

divisus,  ita  ut  cum  voluerit  aperiat  se,  et  cum  voluerit 
claudat.  Hie  ergo  de  profundo  maris  ascendit 
matutinis  horis,  habet  enim  intra  se  carnem.  Cum 
ergo  ascendent  diluculo  super  mari  aperit  os  suum,  et 
suscipit  intra  se  de  rore  caeli,  et  circumfulgetur  radiis 
solis;  et  sic  fit  intra  eum  margarita  pretiosa  splendida; 
quippe  rore  caeli  concepta,  et  est  de  radio  solis  clari- 
ficata." 

Another  Latin  version,  given  by  Cahier  as  A,^  ends 
with  the  statement:  "Urinatores  qui  sursum  fuerunt, 
chorus  sanctorum  est.  Peccatores  deorsum  eum  fuerunt, 
propter  eorum  malitiam,  quantum  adversus  ipsius 
est.  Medio  autem  cone  vel  duarum  alarum,  in  his 
invenitur  mens  Salvator,  hoc  est  veteris  et  novi 
Testament!;  a  superibus  habens  escam.  Dixit  enim 
Dominus  quia  regnum  meum  non  est  de 
isto  saeculo,  sed  a  sempiterno  Patre."  Here 
the  chorus  sanctorum  corresponds  to  the  apostoli  of  the 
previous  text,  but  the  whole  is  set  in  a  new  form:  the 
apostles,  or  saints,  are  on  one  scale,  the  sinners  are  on 
another  scale,  while  Christ,  the  pearl  with  two  wings, 
is  in  the  middle.  This  version  is  followed  by  the  story 
of  the  Indian  stone,  which  is  practically  identical  with 
the  scale  story,  except  that  the  sinners  are  here  the 
dropsical  ones:  "Lapis  sindicus  hanc  habet  naturam: 
si  fuerit  homo  aliquis  hidropicus,  medicorum  est  ut 
inquirant  lapidem.  Si  autem  invenerint,  eum  alligant 
hydropico,  et  suspendunt  lapidem  cum  homine;  et 
modicus  lapis  adducit  corpus  hominis  in  statera,  hoc 
est  in  pondere.  Si  autem  dimittitur  lapis  in  sole  horis 
tribus,  foetidissimam  aquam  tollit  de  corpore  hydro- 
piei,  et  effudit  eam  foris  ut  sit  lapis  mundus.  Lapis  est 
Dominus  noster  lesus  Christus;  quoniam  hydropici 
f uimus,  habentes  aquas  diaboli  in  corde.  Et  deseendens, 
ligatus  est  lapis  horis  tribus  circa  cor  nostrum,  karitas 

1  Op.  ciL,  vol.  IV,  p.  70. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  173 

ejus.  Surgens  autem  a  mortuis,  omnem  intellegibi- 
lem  infirmitatem  animae  nostrae  sustulit,  e  t  i  n  f  i  r- 
mitates  nostras  ipse  baiulavit."^  The 
same  story  is  told  in  the  Syriac  version,  where  the 
stone  is  called  ^^®''  hawdn,  and  where  the  "theoria" 
is  given  more  in  full:  "Quem  igitur  hunc  lapidem 
depingere  judicemus  nisi  lapidem  Christum  Dei  Filium\ 
et  verum  Deum.  Hydropici  vero  nos  homines  sumus,' 
qui  aquas  malas  et  venenum  letale  bibimus  serpentis 
illius  aspidis  nobis  hominibus  infesti,  et  in  quorum 
cordibus  et  ventribus  conditi  sunt  morbus  perpetuus 
et  dolor  e  corde  non  cessans,  sed  eo  intumuit  animae 
venter,  et  occidit  sol  noster  in  meridie  nostro.  Venit 
autem  ille  lapis  salutis  et  medicinae,  et  alligatus  est 
cordibus  nostris,  amore  nostro  et  fide  et  spe  in  eo 
posita,  et  extulit  dolorem  nostrum  in  seipsum  et  mala 
nostra  suscepit,  et  sanati  sumus  a  doloribus  et  malis 
levati.  Ablatus  autem  est  Christus  a  nobis,  morbos 
nostros  auferens  ipse  innocens,  et  conditus  est  in 
sepulcro  per  tres  dies,  et  luce  resurrectionis  gloriosae 
omne  contagium  e  corpore  ejecit,  et  facta  est  sanatio 
maxima  iis  omnibus  qui  gustarunt  aquas  malas  Calum- 
niatoris  et  hydropici  facti  sunt  veneno  quod  ab  illo 
(infusum)  potarunt."^ 
The   Arabic  version  calls  dropsy    l^-^l  'istisqd,  i.  e. 

daxiTT]!;,  and  the  ** theoria"  contains  an  interesting 
apocryphal  story  of  Adam:  "Et  nos  quoque  aegroti 
et  morbo  laborantis  similes  sumus,  quippe  qui  operibus 
nostris  aegrotamus.  Lapis  autem  in  quo  est  medicina 
et  sanatio  hominis  aegri  similis  est  Domini  Christi, 
qui  daemoniacos  sanavit,  et  leprosos  purificavit  et 
coecorum  oculos  aperuit  et  mortuos  suscitavit.  Et 
quemadmodum  lapidem  in  sole  suspendunt  in  tres 
horas,  ad  eundem  Dominus  Christus  in  cruce  pependit 

1  Ibid.,  p.  70. 

2  J.  P.  N.  Land,  Anecdota  syriaca,  Lugduni  Batavorum  1875,  vol.  IV,  p.  84. 


174     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

per  horas  tres.  Et  quemadmodum  e  lapide  aqua  exit, 
ad  eundem  exiit  e  latere  Domini  Christi  sanguis  et 
aqua,  donee  perveniret  in  speluncam  patris  nostri 
Adami,  eumque  peccato  suo  sanavit  et  liberavit  et 
vivere  fecit,  et  nos  vivere  fecit  cum  illo  in  aeternum. 
Et  e  nobis  exire  fecit  aquam  malam,  i.  e.  omnia  pec- 
cata,  et  promisit  nobis  regnum  suum  coeleste,  cujus 
nullus  finis  erit.  Et  quemadmodum  lapis  suscipit 
aquae  redundantiam,  ad  eundem  Dominus  Christus 
portavit  dolores  nostros  et  morbos.  Cui  sit  laus  et 
potestas  in  saecula  saeculorum."^ 

One  Greek  version  calls  the  stone  ^axqaxioc,.^  This 
gives  us  at  once  a  clue  to  the  whole  story.  We  are 
dealing  here  with  an  Arabic  version  of  a  Coptic  "dropsy 
stone,"  which  itself  is  a  philological  speculation  on 
dxccTTig,  either  the  Greek  or  the  homonymous  Egyptian 
word,  as  we  shall  soon  see. 

We  have  Arab,  j^  haban  "to  have  the  dropsy,  to 

have  a  disease  in  the  belly,  whereby  it  becomes  large 
and  swollen,  the  dropsy."  We  have  Ethiop.  qaham 
"to  have  the  dropsy,"  Bilin  qabd  "disease,  dropsy," 
which  are  all  variations  of  a  Hamito-Semitic  word 
meaning  "to  swell."  We  have  Bilin  habbd  "anything 
swollen,  wind,"  habhab  "to  blow  up  a  bag,"  Saho 
habab,  habhab  "to  blow  up  a  bag,"  Arab.    ^-^    habba 

"a  wind  blew,"  etc.  From  this  it  follows  that  the 
aji(  ^  Aeyoiievov  Syr.  hawdn  is  due  to  a  borrowing 
fronx  an  Arabic  version  where  haban  was  used.  But 
the  Arabia  stor^'  itself  is  due  to  a  Coptic  speculation 
on  dxaxrig,  which  had  entered  into  the  pearl  story. 

In  Egyotian  medicine^  we  have  uxetu' ,  uxtu'  "to 
suffer,  be  ill,"  uxetl  "sick,"  %ai  "some  belly  trouble," 
Xet   "belly."     BcUi   are  from   Egyp.   xM   "bag."     All 

'  lUd.,  p.  172. 

^  J.  B.  Pitra,  Spicilegium  solesmense,  Parisiis  1855,  vol.  Ill,  p.  370. 

^  G.  Ebers,  Papyros  Ebers,  Leipzig  1875,  vol.  II. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS  175 

these  are  represented  in  Cop.  hath  "fat,  thick,"  het 
"stomach,  belly,  bag,  heart,  mind,"  hthe  "heart,  mind," 
hthai  "fatness,"  hot  "bag,"  hat  "fat,"  hthai  "fatness," 
hot  "fat,  bag,  daxog." 

From  this  it  follows  that  Gr.  dcrxixTic;  "dropsy"  is 
formed  as  a  translation  of  an  Egyptian  word,  where 
we  have  the  same  relation.  It  is  also  clear  that  the 
story  of  the  "Indian  stone"  depends  upon  a  Coptic 
philological  speculation,  in  which  the  Indian  stone 
achates  is  brought  in  connection  with  the  dropsy,  hat, 
het,  etc.,  for  which  it  is  philologically  and,  no  doubt, 
gnostically,  supposed  to  be  a  cure.  That  the  story  of 
the  "Indian  stone"  reached  the  Greek  and  Latin 
Physiologus  through  an  Arabic  version  follows  from  the 
name  ^axQd%ioq  for  it,  since  it  is  based  on  Arab. 
^-=-,•1  'umm-huhain  "a  reptile  of  the  size  of  a  lizard 
or  frog,"^  "so  called  from  j^^  =  largeness  of  its  belly 

(dropsy)."^  The  author  of  the  Greek  Physiologus  was 
acquainted  with  the  Arabic  etymology  when  he  des- 
cribed the  "dropsy  stone." 

1  Ad-Damiri,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  664. 

2  Ihid.,  p.  663. 


XVI.    THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC. 

Pliny  writes:  "In  the  same  degree  that  people  in 
our  part  of  the  world  set  a  value  upon  the  pearls  of 
India — a  subject  on  which  we  have  already  spoken 
on  the  appropriate  occasion  at  sufficient  length — do 
the  people  of  India  prize  coral:  it  being  the  prevailing 
taste  in  each  nation  respectively  that  constitutes  the 
value  of  things.  Coral  is  produced  in  the  Red  Sea 
also,  but  of  a  more  swarthy  hue  than  ours.  It  is  to  be 
found  also  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  where  it  is  known  by 
the  name  of  *iace.'  But  the  most  highly-esteemed 
of  all,  is  that  produced  in  the  vicinity  of  the  islands 
called  Stoechades,  in  the  Gallic  Gulf,  and  near  the 
Aeolian  Islands  and  the  town  of  Drepana  in  the  Sea 
of  Sicily.  Coral  is  to  be  found  growing,  too,  at  Gravis- 
cae,  and  off  the  coast  of  Neapolis  in  Campania:  as 
also  at  Erythrae,  where  it  is  intensely  red,  but  soft, 
and  consequently  little  valued.  Its  form  is  that  of  a 
shrub,  and  its  colour  green:  its  berries  are  white  and 
soft  while  under  water,  but  the  moment  they  are 
removed  from  it,  they  become  hard  and  red,  resembling 
the  berries  of  cultivated  cornel  in  size  and  appearance. 
They  say  that,  while  alive,  if  it  is  only  touched  by  a 
person,  it  will  immediately  become  as  hard  as  stone; 
and  hence  it  is  that  the  greatest  pains  are  taken  to 
prevent  this,  by  tearing  it  up  from  the  bottom  with 
nets,  or  else  cutting  it  short  with  a  sharp-edged  instru- 
ment of  iron:  from  which  last  circumstance  it  is  gen- 
erally supposed  to  have  received  its  name  of  'curalium.' 
The  reddest  coral  and  the  most  branchy  is  held  in  the 
highest  esteem;  but,  at  the  same  time,  it  must  not  be 
rough  or  hard  like  stone;   nor  yet,  on  the  other  hand. 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  177 

should  it  be  full  of  holes  or  hollow.  The  berries  of 
coral  are  no  less  esteemed  by  the  raen  in  India  than  are 
the  pearls  of  that  country  by  the  females  among  us: 
their  soothsayers,  too,  and  diviners  look  upon  coral 
as  an  amulet  endowed  with  sacred  properties,  and  a  sure 
preservative  against  all  dangers:  hence  it  is  that  they 
equally  value  it  as  an  ornament  and  as  an  object  of 
devotion.  Before  it  was  known  in  what  estimation 
coral  was  held  by  the  people  of  India,  the  Gauls  were 
in  the  habit  of  adorning  their  swords,  shields,  and  hel- 
mets with  it;  but  at  the  present  day,  owing  to  the  value 
set  upon  it  as  an  article  of  exportation,  it  has  become 
so  extremely  rare,  that  it  is  seldom  to  be  seen  even  in  the 
regions  that  produce  it.  Branches  of  coral,  hung  at  the 
neck  of  infants,  are  thought  to  act  as  a  preservative 
against  danger.  Calcined,  pulverized,  and  taken  in 
water,  coral  gives  relief  to  patients  suffering  from 
griping  pains  in  the  bowels,  affections  of  the  bladder, 
and  urinary  calculi.  Similarly  taken  in  wine,  or,  if 
there  are  symptoms  of  fever,  in  water,  it  acts  as  a 
soporific.  It  resists  the  action  of  fire  a  considerable 
time  before  it  is  calcined.  There  is  also  a  statement 
made  that  if  this  medicament  is  frequently  taken  in- 
ternally, the  spleen  will  be  gradually  consumed. 
Powdered  coral,  too,  is  an  excellent  remedy  for  patients 
who  bring  up  or  spit  blood.  Calcined  coral  is  used  as 
an  ingredient  in  compositions  for  the  eyes,  being 
productive  of  certain  astringent  and  cooling  effects: 
It  makes  flesh,  also,  in  the  cavities  left  by  ulcers,  and 
effaces  scars  upon  the  skin."^ 

'  "Quantum  apud  nos  Indicis  margaritis  pretium  est,  de  quis  suo  loco 
satis  diximus,  tantum  apud  Indos  curalio;  namque  ista  persuasione  gentium 
constant.  Gignitur  et  in  Rubro  quidem  mari,  sed  nigrius,  item  in  Persico — 
vocatur  lace  (iace) — laudatissimum  in  Gallico  sinu  circa  Stoechadas  insulas 
et  in  Siculo  circa  Aeolias  ac  Drepana.  Nascitur  et  apud  Graviscas  et  ante 
Neapolim  Campaniae  maximeque  rubens,  sed  moUe  et  ideo  vilissimum  Ery- 
thris.  Forma  est  ei  fruticis,  colos  viridis.  Bacae  eius  candidae  sub  aqua 
ac  molles,  exemptae  confestim  durantur  et  rubescunt  qua  corna  sativa  specie 
atque  magnitudine.     Aiunt  tactu  protinus  lapidescere,  si  vivat;    itaque 

17 


178    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

The  passage  is  badly  interpolated  from  Arabic 
sources.  Pliny  says  that  a  black  coral  is  found  in  the 
Red  Sea  and  Persian  Gulf,  and  that  it  is  called  iace 
(lace).    The  statement  is  correct  as  regards  the  habitat 

of   the   black   coral,    but    iace   is   the   Arab.    _r^_   yusr 

"black  pearl,  a  plant,  the  black  kernels  of  which  are 

made    into    beads."      Arab.    j^_    yasr    means    "easy, 

favorable,"  hence  ^r-i  yusr  "facility,"  whence  it  would 

appear  that  the  coral  was  so  called  because  it  was  used 
for  warding  off  harm,  even  as  is  mentioned  by  Pliny 
and  especially  by  Solinus.  But  this  may  only  be 
popular  etymology  and  an  afterthought.     From  the 

fact  that  we  have  also   oj^  husrah  "bead,"  unrelated 

to  any  Arabic  stem  (which  produced  Slav,  bisir  "pearl"), 

and  Pers.  busad,  Arab,  i-*   busadz  "coral,"  it  is  most 

likely   that    -»--,  _;-..    and   -»./-->.   are    all    some    kind    of 

misreadings.^      However   this   may   be,   iace  in   Pliny 

represents  Arab.  j^_    yasr,  which  is  of  comparatively 

late  origin. 

occupari  evellique  retibus  aut  acri  ferramento  praecidi,  qua  de  causa  curalium 
vocitatum  interpretantur.  Probatissimum  quam  maxime  rubens  et  quam 
ramosissimum  nee  scabiosum  aut  lapideum  aut  rursus  inane  et  concavum. 
Auctoritas  bacarum  eius  non  minus  Indorum  viris  quoque  pretiosa  est 
quam  feminis  nostris  uniones  Indici.  Harispices  eorum  vatesque  inprimis 
religiosum  id  gestamen  amoliendis  periculis  arbitrantur.  Ita  et  decore  et 
religione  gaudent.  Prius  quam  hoc  notesceret,  Galli  gladios,  scuta,  galeas 
adornabant  eo.  Nunc  tanta  paenuria  est  vendibili  merce,  ut  perquam  raro 
cernatur  in  suo  orbe.  Surculi  infantiae  adalligati  tutelam  habere  creduntur 
contraque  torminum  ac  vesicae  et  calculorum  mala  in  pulverem  igni  redacti 
potique  cum  aqua  auxiliantur,  simili  modo  ex  vino  poti  aut,  si  febris  sit, 
ex  aqua  somnum  adferunt — ignibus  diu  repugnat — ,sed  eodem  medicamine 
saepius  poto  tradunt  lienem  quoque  absumi.  Sanguinem  reicientibus  ex- 
creantibusve  medetur  cinis  eorum;  miscetur  oculorum  medicamentis, 
spissat  enim  ac  refrigerat,  ulcerum  cava  explet,  cicatrices  extenuat," 
XXXII.  21-24. 

'■  For  such  blunders  see  B.  Carra  de  Vaux,  L'  Abrege  des  Merveilles,  Paris 
1898,  in  Ades  de  la  Societe  philologique,  vol.  XXVI,  passim  in  the  notes, 
and  L.  Friedlaender,  Die  Chadhirlegende  und  der  Alexanderroman,  Leipzig, 
Berlin  1913,  p.  294  ff. 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  179 

Pliny  says  that  the  Indian  soothsayers  and  diviners 
look  upon  coral  as  an  amulet  endowed  with  sacred 
properties,  and  a  sure  preservative  against  all  dangers, 
hence  it  is  that  they  equally  value  it  as  an  ornament 
and  as  an  object  of  devotion.  We  shall  first  assume 
that  this  correctly  refers,  as  it  should,  to  the  coral. 
In  this  we  are  strengthened  by  Isidore,  where  we  read: 
''Corallius  gignitur  in  mari,  forma  ramosus,  colore 
viridi  sed  maxime  rubens.  Bacae  eius  candidae  sub 
aqua  et  molles;  detractae  confestim  durantur  et 
rubescunt,  tactuque  protinus  lapidescunt.  Itaque 
occupari  evellique  retibus  solet,  aut  acri  ferramento 
praecidi,  qua  de  causa  corallius  vocitatus.  Quantum 
autem  apud  nos  margaritum  Indicum  pretiosum  est, 
tantum  apud  Indos  corallium.  Hunc  magi  fulminibus 
resistere  adfirmant,  si  creditur."^  The  relation  of  the 
last  two  sentences  to  Pliny's  statement  is  obvious, 
even  though  we  have  here  the  specific  reference  to 
warding  off  danger  from  lightning.  That  the  last 
sentence,  at  least,  is  an  interpolation  in  the  original 
Isidore,  appears  from  the  following  juxtaposition: 
''Chelonitis  oculus  est  Indicae  testudinis,  varius  et 
purpureus.  Hunc  magi  inpositum  linguae  futura 
pronuntiare  finguntur.  Brontea  a  capite  testudinum; 
e  tonitribus  cadi  putatur,  et  restinguere  fulminis  ictus. 
Hyaenia  lapis  in  oculis  hyaenae  bestiae  invenitur; 
qui  si  sub  lingua  hominis  subditus  fuerit,  futura  eum 
praecinere  dicunt.  Sed  et  corallius  tempestati  et 
grandini  resistere  fertur."^  Here  the  last  sentence 
should  have  preceded  ''hyaenia,"  since  it  has  a  meaning 
only  as  a  continuation  of  the  "brontea."  Hence  the 
reference  to  the  coral  was,  no  doubt,  written  in  the 
margin,  and  from  there  wrongly  found  its  way  into  the 
text   after   the   "hyena  stone,"   instead   of   before  it. 

1  XVI.  8.  1. 

2  XVI.  15.  23-25. 


180    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

The  coral  being  here  correlated  with  the  Indian  prac- 
tices, it  also  found  its  way  into  the  story  of  the  coral 
itself. 

In  Solinus  we  have  a  full  account  of  the  growth  of 
the  coral,  after  which  we  are  told,  as  in  Pliny,  that 
many  ''gestamina,"  amulets,  are  made  from  it,  since, 
"as  Zoroaster  says,  this  matter  has  certain  salutary 
properties:"  "Ligusticum  mare  frutices  procreat, 
qui  quantisper  fuerint  in  aquarum  profundis,  fluxi  sunt 
tactu  prope  carnulento:  deinde  ubi  in  supera  tolluntur 
natalibus  derogati  saxis  lapides  hunt:  nee  solum  quali- 
tas  illis  sed  et  color  vertitur:  nam  puniceo  protinus 
erubescunt.  Ramuli  sunt,  quales  arborum  visimus,  ad 
semipedem  frequentius  longi;  rarum  est  pedaneos 
deprehendi.  Excluduntur  ex  illis  multa  gestamina. 
Habet  enim,  ut  Zoroastres  ait,  materia  haec  quandam 
potestatem,  ac  propterea  quidquid  inde  sit,  ducitur 
inter  salutaria.  Cur  allium  alias  dicunt:  nam  Metro- 
dorus  gorgiam  nominat.  Idem  quod  resistat  typho- 
nibus  et  fulminibus  adfirmat."^ 

Berthelot^  places  the  alchemist  Zoroaster  in  the  time  of 
Zosimus,  that  is,  in  the  III.  century  A.  D.  If  this  date  is 
correct,  then  a  great  part  of  Pliny  is  a  downright  forgery, 
since  this  Zoroaster  is  quoted  several  times  by  him.  The 
reference  to  the  coral  is  taken  out  of  "  The  Book  of  Zor- 
oaster," which  is  preserved  in  the  Geoponica,^  where  the 
title  runs,  ^IIeqi  cpuoixcov  ovixjiadeicav  xal  dvxiJia^eiwv. 
Z(x)QodGTQOv.»  Here  we  read:  'O  kovqclXioc,  Xi^oc, 
x8ip,8V05  £^  T^fj  o'lxia  Jidvxa  q)06vov  xal  8Jti6oTj?iT]v  kXavvEv 
xa  avtd  §8  J10181  xai  td  xdQcpr\  xfji;  8  p  s  v  o  u,  xoci  ai 
Qitai  Tf]g  danaXd^ov,  xai  f)  81)co8ti(;  dvayaA-Zilg  poTavri,  xai 
f)  axiA,A,a  ^Tioaivojisvii,  xai  8V  to)  jioo^ajQcp  xfjg  oixiag 
xeiii8vri.»*     The  juxtaposition  of  "coral"  and  "sprig  of 

III.  41-43. 

2  Collection  des  anciens  alchimistes  grecs,  Paris  1887,  vol.  I,  p.  202. 

'  H.  Beckh,  Geoponica,  Lipsiae  1895,  p.  432  flf. 

*  Ibid.,  XV.  1.  31,  p.  436. 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  181 

the  ebony"  in  Zoroaster  is  not  an  accidental  one,  for  in 
Arabic  j^_  yusr,  as  we  have  seen,  means  "coral"  and 

"very  black  kernels  of  a  plant,  from  which  necklaces  are 
made, — the  more  you  use  them  the  more  do  they  shine." 
We  can  now  assert  that  Arab,  ^r-i  yusr,  etc.,  is  a 
misread  fj^}  ahnus  "ebony,"  for  it  is  ebony  from  which 

black  beads  were  made,  and  which  has  the  qualities 
ascribed  by  Pliny  in  part  to  the  coral. 

We  find  in  Pliny  and  other  authors  genuine  accounts 
of  the  ebony,  but  it  is  only  in  a  late  interpolation  in 
Solinus  that  we  get  the  story  of  the  ebony  which  led 
to  strange  confusions  in  Pliny:  "Sed  ut  piper  sola 
India,  ita  et  hebenum  sola  mittit;  nee  tamen  universa, 
verum  exigua  sui  parte  silvas  hoc  genus  gignit.  Arbor 
est  plerumque  tenuis  et  frequentior  vimine  raro,  in 
crassitudinem  codicis  extuberata,  hiulco  cortice  et 
admodum  reticulato  dehiseentibus  venis,  adeo  ut  per 
ipsos  sinus  pars  intima  vix  tenui  libro  contegatur. 
Lignum  omne  atque  mediale  eadem  ferme  et  facie  et 
nitore,  qui  est  in  lapide  gagate.  Indi  reges  ex  eo  sceptra 
sumunt  et  quascumque  deorum  imagines  non  nisi  ex 
hebeno  habent.  lidem  ferunt  materie  ista  liquorem 
noxium  non  contineri  et  quidquid  maleficium  fuerit, 
tactu  eius  averti.  Hac  gratia  pocula  ex  hebeno  habent. 
Ita  nihil  mirum,  si  peregre  sit  in  pretio,  quod  etiam 
ipsi  quibus  provenit  honorantur."^  From  this  account 
we  learn  that  the  ebony  was  as  brilliant  as  gagates, 
and  that  it  had  certain  properties  akin  to  coral,  namely, 
of  averting  poisons.  We  also  get  the  statement  that 
ebony  was  exceedingly  precious. 

There  is  in  Pliny  the  following  passage:  "Exhebenum 
Zoroastres  speciosam  et  candidam  tradit,  qua  aurifices 
aurum  poliant."^     No  such  mineral  is  mentioned  in 

1  Mommsen,  op.  cit.,  p.  221. 

2  XXXVII.  159;  also  Isidore,  XVI.  10.  11. 


182     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

either  Latin  or  Greek  literature.  At  the  same  time  it 
is  not  accident  that  Pliny  mentions  exhehenus  from 
Zoroaster,  who  mentions  ebony  immediately  after  the 
coral,  and  that  Solinus  mentions  the  aetites,  which 
immediately  precedes  the  coral  in  Zoroaster,  as  being 
preferred  by  Zoroaster  on  account  of  its  properties: 
"Hunc  aetiten  Zoroastres  praefert  omnibus  maxi- 
mamque  illi  tribuit  potestatem."^  Neither  in  Pliny 
nor  Solinus  do  we  have  the  statements  as  given  in  the 
Greek  Zoroaster,  since  they  are,  no  doubt,  due  to  the 
Syrian  or  Arabic  expansion  of  the  same.  In  one  of 
these  was  some  reference  to  ebony  wood,  8^  k^ivov  in 
the  Greek,  which  on  account  of  its  hardness  was  used 
for  polishing  gold.  We  have  also  the  statement  in 
Servius,  commenting  on  Georgica  II.  116,  that  with  age 
ebony  turned  into  a  stone.  From  these  the  forger  who 
assumed  the  name  of  Pliny  created  an  exehenum.  It  is 
certainly  not  a  mere  accident  that  in  Pliny  the  chapter 
on  coral  is  immediately  followed  by  one  on  antipathies 
and  sympathies,  while  in  Zoroaster  the  coral,  ebony, 
and  aetites  are  all  part  of  the  chapter  on  antipathies 
and  sympathies.  From  all  this  follows  the  late  origin 
of  that  part  of  the  coral  in  Pliny  which  has  so  far  been 
discussed. 

The  forger  was  misled  by  the  Arabic  word  which 
means  both  "bead  of  ebony"  and  "coral"  into  stating 
that  the  coral  was  extremely  precious,  which  it  is  not 
and  never  was.  But  when  he  states  that  in  India  the 
coral  was  as  precious  as  the  pearl  in  Rome,  and  at- 
tributes to  the  coral  properties  of  averting  lightning, 
which  we  find  in  the  Vedic  amulet  attributed  to  the 
pearl,  he  was  misled  by  another  Arabic  double,  namely, 

oU._^   margdn,  murgdn,  which  means  both  "coral"  and 
1  XXXVII.  15. 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  183 

"pearl,"  and  which  has  led  many  a  translator  into 
error.  ^ 

The  sober  Arabic  writers,  such  as  Idrisi  and  Qaz- 
wini,  gave  correct  accounts  of  the  coral  and  its  manner 
of  .fishing.  According  to  Idrisi"  the  coral  is  a  tree  which 
petrifies  in  the  sea.  It  is  fished  with  implements  having 
numerous  hempen  nets  at  the  end,  which  become  en- 
tangled in  the  coral  and  bring  it  up  in  great  abundance. 
According  to  QazwinI  the  coral  was  brought  up  by 
a  cross  which  was  weighted  with  a  stone. ^  In  the 
Physiologus,    on    account    of    the    loose    use    of  c^j^ 

margdn,  murgan,  we  get  the  whole  transferred  to  the 
pearl.  In  the  Latin  versions  the  pearl  is  fished  with  a 
stone,  achates.  In  the  Ethiopic  version  the  pearls 
are  caught  with  nets.  According  to  one  version  of  the 
Syriac  Physiologus'^  the  position  of  the  pearl  is  indicated 
by  the  stone.  The  pearl  oyster  itself  is  an  animal 
which  urns  into  a  tree  as  soon  as  it  contains  the  pearl, 
and  th()  diver  has  to  cut  it  away  with  a  knife.  In  all 
of  these  cases  we  have  distinctly  a  confusion  of  the 
pearl  with  the  coral. 

In  Solinus  we  have  no  reference  whatsoever  to  India, 
although  in  Isidore  we  have  the  identical  statement  as 
in  Pliny.  But  Solinus  says:  "curallium  alias  dicunt: 
nam  Metrodorus  gorgiam  nominat;  idem  quod  resistat 
typhonibus  et  fulminibus  adfirmat."^  This  is  given 
in  Pliny  as:  ''gorgonia  nihil  aliud  est  quam  curalium; 
nominis  causa,  quod  in  duritiam  lapidis  mutatur 
emollitum  in   mari;    banc  fulminibus   et   typhoni  re- 

1  "Nous  avons  vu  precedemment  que  le  mot  jW^  etait  pris  dans  le  sens 

de  'parvae  margaritae',  ce  qui  a  induit  en  erreur  quelques  traducteurs," 
Clement-Mullet,  op.  cit.,  p.  201,  in  note. 

2  P.  A.  Jaubert,  Geographie  d'  Edrisi,  vol.  I,  in  Recueil  de  voyages  et  de 
mimoires,  public  par  la  Societe  de  Geographie,  vol.  V,  Paris  1836,  p.  266  f. 

=  Clement-Mullet,  op.  cit.,  p.  203. 

■•  K.  Ahrens,  Das  Buck  der  Naturgegenstdnde,  Kiel  1892,  p.  80  f. 

6 II.  43. 


184    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

sistere  adfirmant."^     Gorgonia  is  found  nowhere  else 

and  is  unquestionably  due  to  a  misreading  of  d^y 

murgdn  as  o^->  gurgdn.    It  is  certainly  significant  that 

the  reference  to  the  resistance  to  lightning  occurs  twice 
as  an  interpolation  in  Isidore,  but  the  gorgonia  is  not 
mentioned.  If  Isidore,  who  quoted  Pliny  profusely, 
had  found  the  gorgonia  in  Pliny  or  Solinus,  he  could  not 
have  failed  to  give  it,  since  he  gives  the  latter  part  of 
the  sentence  twice. 

The  following  passages  in  Pliny  contain  the  word 
unio  "pearl." 

IX.  106-124.  "  Principium  ergo  columenque  omnium 
rerum  pretii  margaritae  tenent.  Indicus  maxime  has 
mittit  oceanus  inter  illas  beluas  tales  tantasque,  quas 
diximus,  per  tot  maria  venientes,  tarn  longo  terrarum 
tarctu  et  tantis  solis  ardoribus.  Atque  Indis  quoque 
in  insulas  petuntur  et  admodum  paucas.  Fertilissima 
est  Taprobane  et  Stoidis,  ut  diximus  in  circuitu  mundi, 
item  Perimula,  promunturium  Indiae.  Praecipue  autem 
laudantur  circa  Arabiam  in  Persico  sinu  maris  Rubri. 

"Origo  atque  genitura  conchae  sunt,  haut  multum 
ostrearum  conchis  differentes.  Has  ubi  genitalis  anni 
stimularit  hora,  pandentes  se  quadam  oscitatione 
impleri  roscido  conceptu  tradunt,  gravidas  postea 
eniti,  partumque  concharum  esse  margaritas  pro  quali- 
tate  roris  accepti.  Si  purus  influxerit,  candorem  con- 
spici;  si  vero  turbidus,  et  fetum  sordescere;  eundem 
pallere  caelo  minante.  Conceptum  ex  eo  quippe  con- 
stare,  caelique  iis  maiorem  societatem  esse  quam  maris: 
inde  nubilum  trahi  colorem  aut  pro  claritate  matutina 
serenum.  Si  tempestive  satientur,  grandescere  et 
partus;  si  fulguret,  conprimi  conchas  ac  pro  ieiunii 
modo  minui;  si  vero  etiam  tonuerit,  pavidas  ac  repente 
conpressas  quae  vocant  physemata  efficere,  specie  modo 

1  XXXVII.  164. 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  185 

inani  inflata  sine  corpore;  hos  esse  concharum  abortus. 
Sani  quidem  partus  multiplici  constant  cute,  non 
inproprie  callum  ut  existimari  corporis  possit.  Itaque 
et  purgantur  a  peritis.  Miror  ipso  tantum  eas  caelo 
gaudere,  sole  rufescere  candoremque  perdere  ut  corpus 
humanum.  Quare  praecipuum  custodiunt  pelagiae, 
altius  mersae  quam  ut  penetrent  radii.  Flavescunt 
tamen  et  illae  senecta  rugisque  torpescunt,  nee  nisi 
in  iuventa  constat  ille  qui  quaeritur  vigor.  Crassescunt 
etiam  in  senecta  conchisque  adhaerescunt  nee  his 
evelli  queunt  nisi  lima.  Quibus  una  tantum  est  facies 
et  ab  ea  rotunditas,  aversis  planities,  ob  id  tympania 
nominantur.  Cohaerentes  videmus  in  conchis  hac  dote 
unguenta  circumferentibus.  Cetero  in  aqua  mollis 
unio,  exemptus  protinus  durescit. 

"Concha  ipsa,  cum  manum  vidit,  conprimit  sese 
operitque  opes  suas,  gnara  propter  illas  se  peti,  manum- 
que,  si  praeveniat,  acie  sua  abscidat,  nulla  iustiore 
poena,  et  aliis  munita  suppliciis,  quippe  inter  scopulos 
maior  pars  invenitur,  in  alto  quoque  comitantibus 
marinis  canibus,  nee  tamen  aures  feminarum  arcentur. 
Quidam  tradunt  sicut  apibus,  ita  concharum  examini- 
bus  singulas  magnitudine  et  vetustate  praecipuas  esse 
veluti  duces,  mirae  ad  cavendum  sollertiae.  Has 
urinantium  cura  peti,  illis  captis  facile  ceteras  palantes 
retibus  includi,  multo  deinde  obrutas  sale  in  vasis 
fictilibus;  rosa  carne  omni  nucleos  quosdam  corporum, 
hoc  est  uniones,  decidere  in  ima. 

"Usu  atteri  non  dubium  est  coloremque  indiligentia 
mutare.  Dos  omnis  in  candore,  magnitudine,  orbe, 
levore,  pondere,  haut  promptis  rebus  in  tantum,  ut 
nulli  duo  reperiantur  indiscreti:  unde  nomen  unionum 
Romanae  scilicet  inposuere  deliciae,  nam  id  apud 
Graecos  non  est,  ne  apud  barbaros  quidem,  inventores 
rei  eius,  aliud  quam  margaritae.  Et  in  candore  ipso 
magna  differentia:    clarior  in  Rubro  mari  repertis,  in 


186    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Indico  specularium  lapidum  squamas  adsimulant,  alias 
magnitiidine  praecellentes.  Siimma  laus  coloris  est 
exaluminatos  voeari.  Et  procerioribus  sua  gratia  est. 
Elenchos  appellant  fastigata  longitudine  alabastrorum 
figiira  in  pleniorem  orbem  desinentes.  Hos  digitis  sus- 
pendere  et  binos  ac  ternos  auribus  feminarum  gloria 
est,  subeuntque  luxuriae  eius  nomina  externa,  ex- 
quisita  perdito  nepotatu,  si  quidem,  cum  id  fecere, 
crotalia  appellant,  ceu  sono  quoque  gaudeant  et  collisu 
ipso  margaritarum;  cupiuntque  iam  et  pauperes,  lictorem 
feminae  in  publico  unionem  esse  dictitantes.  Quin  et 
pedibus,  nee  crepidarum  tantum  obstragulis,  set  totis 
socculis  addunt.  Neque  enim  gestare  iam  margaritas, 
nisi  ealcent  ac  per  uniones  etiam  ambulent,  satis  est. 

"In  nostro  mari  reperiri  solebant  crebrius  circa 
Bosporum  Thraeium,  rufi  ac  parvi  in  conchis  quas 
myas  appellant.  At  in  Acarnania  quae  vocatur  pina 
gignit,  quo  apparet  non  uno  conchae  genere  nasci. 
Namque  et  luba  tradit  Arabicis  concham  esse  similem 
pectini  insecto,  hirsutam  echinorum  modo,  ipsum 
unionem  in  carne  grandini  similem.  Conchae  non  tales 
ad  nos  adferuntur.  Nee  in  Acarnania  autem  laudati 
reperiuntur,  enormes  et  feri  colorisque  marmorei. 
Meliores  circa  Actium,  sed  et  hi  parvi,  et  in  Maure- 
taniae  maritimis.  Alexander  polyhistor  et  Sudines 
senescere  eos  putant  coloremque  expirare. 

"Firmum  corpus  esse  manifestum  est,  quod  nullo 
lapsu  franguntur.  Non  autem  semper  in  media  carne 
reperiuntur,  sed  aliis  atque  aliis  locis,  vidimusque  iam 
in  extremis  etiam.  marginibus  velut  e  concha  exeuntes  et 
in  quibusdam  quaternos  quinosque.  Pondus  ad  hoc 
aevi  semunciae  pauci  singulis  scripulis  excessere.  In 
Britannia  parvos  atque  decolores  nasci  certum  est, 
quoniam  Divus  lulius  thoracem,  quem  Veneri  Gene- 
trici  in  templo  eius  dicavit,  ex  Britannicis  margaritis 
factum  voluerit  intellegi. 


THE  PEARL  IX  PLINY,  ETC.  187 

"Lolliam  Paulinam,  quae  fuit  Gai  principis  matrona, 
ne  serio  quidem  aut  sollemni  caerimoniarum  aliquo 
apparatu,  sed  mediocrium  etiam  sponsalium  cena,  vidi 
smaragdis  margaritisque  opertam,  alterno  textu  ful- 
gentibus  toto  capite,  erinibus  [spira],  auribus.  collo 
[monilibus],  digitis.  Quae  summa  quadringentiens  HS 
colligebat,  ipsa  confestim  parata  mancupationem  ta- 
bulis  probare.  Xec  dona  prodigi  principis  fuerant,  sed 
avitae  opes,  provineiarum  scilicet  spoliis  partae.  Hie 
est  rapinarum  exitus,  hoc  fuit  quare  ]M,  Lollius  in- 
famatus  regum  muneribus  in  toto  oriente  interdicta 
amicitia  a  Gaio  Caesare  Augusti  filio  venenum  biberet, 
ut  neptis  eius  quadringentiens  HS  operta  spectaretur 
ad  lucernas!  Computet  nunc  aliquis  ex  altera  parte 
quantum  Curius  aut  Fabricius  in  triumphis  tulerint, 
imaginetur  illorum  fercula,  ex  altera  parte  Lolliam, 
unam  imperii  mulierculam,  accubantem:  non  illos 
curru  detractos  quam  in  hoc  vicisse  malit?  Xec  haec 
summa  luxuriae  exempla  sunt.  Duo  fuere  maximi 
uniones  per  omne  aevum;  utrumque  possedit  Cleopatra, 
Aegypti  reginarum  novissima,  per  manus  orientis 
regum  sibi  traditos.  Haec,  cum  exquisitis  cotidie 
Antonius  saginaretur  epulis,  superbo  simul  ac  procaci 
fastu,  ut  regina  meretrix  lautitiam  eius  omnem  appara- 
tumque  obtrectans,  quaerente  eo,  quid  adstrui  magnifi- 
centiae  posset,  respondit  una  se  cena  centiens  HS 
absumpturam.  Cupiebat  discere  Antonius,  sed  fieri 
posse  non  arbitrabatur.  Ergo  sponsionibus  faetis 
postero  die,  quo  iudicium  agebatur.  magnificam  alias 
canam,  ne  dies  periret,  sed  cotidianam,  Antonio  appo- 
suit  inridenti  computationemque  expostulanti.  At  ilia 
corollarium  id  esse  et  consumpturam  eam  cenam 
taxationem  confirmans  solamque  se  centiens  HS  cena- 
turam,  inferri  mensam  secundam  iussit.  Ex  praecepto 
ministri  unum  tantum  vas  ante  eam  posuere  aceti, 
cuius   asperitas   visque  in   tabem   margariias  resolvit. 


188    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Gerebat  auribus  cum  maxime  singulare  illud  et  vere 
unicum  naturae  opus.  Itaque  expectante  Antonio, 
quidnam  esset  actura,  detractum  alterum  mersit  ac 
liquefactum  obsorbuit.  Iniecit  alteri  manum  L.  Plan- 
cus,  index  sponsionis  eius,  eum  quoque  parante  simili 
modo  absumere,  victumque  Antonium  pronuntiavit 
omine  rato.  Comitatur  fama  unionis  eius  parem, 
eapta  ilia  tantae  quaestionis  victrice  regina,  dissectum, 
ut  esset  in  utrisque  Veneris  auribus  Romae  in  Pantheo 
dimidia  eorum  cena.  Non  ferent  banc  palmam  spoli- 
abunturque  etiam  luxuriae  gloria.  Prior  id  fecerat 
Romae  in  unionihus  magnae  taxationis  Clodius,  tra- 
goedi  Aesopi  filius,  relictus  ab  eo  in  amplis  opibus  heres, 
ne  triumviratu  suo  nimis  superbiat  Antonius  paene 
histrioni  comparatus,  et  quidem  nulla  sponsione  ad 
hoc  producto  (quo  magis  regium  fiat),  sed  ut  ex- 
periretur  in  gloriam  palati,  quidnam  saperent  mar- 
garitae.  Atque  ut  mire  placuere,  ne  solus  hoc  sciret, 
singulos  uniones  convivis  quoque  absorbendos  dedit. 

"Romae  in  promiscuum  ac  frequentem  usum  venisse 
Alexandria  in  dicionem  redacta,  primum  autem  coepisse 
circa  Sullana  tempora  minutas  et  viles  Fenestella 
tradit,  manifesto  errore,  cum  Aelius  Stilo  circa  lugur- 
thinum  bellum  unionum  nomen  inponi  cum  maxime 
grandibus  margaritis  prodat. 

"Et  hoc  tamen  aeternae  prope  possessionis  est; 
sequitur  heredem,  in  mancipatum  venit  ut  praedium 
aliquod:  conchylia  et  purpuras  omnis  hora  atterit, 
quibus  eadem  mater  luxuria  paria  paene  et  margaritis 
pretia  fecit." 

XII.  2.  "Quo  magis  ac  magis  admirari  subit  his  a 
principiis  caedi  montes  in  marmora,  vestes  ad  Seras 
peti,  unionem  in  Rubri  maris  profunda,  zmaragdum  in 
ima  tellure  quaeri." 

XXXIII.  40.  "Discurrant  catenae  circa  latera  et  in 
secreto  margaritarum  sacculi  e  collo  dominarum  auro 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  189 

pendeant,  ut  in  somno  quoque  unionum  conscientia 
adsit." 

XXXVII.  17.  "  Tolerabiliorem  tamen  causam  fecit 
C.  principis,  qui  super  cetera  muliebria  soccos  induebat 
e  margaritis,  aut  Neronis  principis,  qui  sceptra  et 
personas  et  cubilia  viatoria  unionibus  construebat." 

XXXVII.  49.  "  Uniones  capite  circumferuntur,  gem- 
mae digitis." 

Pliny  says,  "in  aqua  mollis  unio,  exemptus  protinus 
durescit,"  which  is  found  in  Solinus  as  "in  aqua  mollis  est 
unio,  duratur  exemptus."  This  is  taken  out  of  some 
Arabic  description  of  the  coral,  murgdn,  which  became 
confused  with  the  pearl:  "The  coral  is  a  plant  which, 
by  the  will  of  God,  may  He  be  exalted,  grows  in  the  sea. 
When  it  is  removed  and  separated  from  it,  it  petrifies 
and  grows  red."^  This  confusion  is  already  found  in 
Arabic  in  the  IX.  century  Arabic  Voyage,^  where  the 
language  is  identical  with  Pliny's.  When  we  find  in 
Pliny  that  the  unio  is  found  in  the  Red  Sea,  we  have 
here  a  confusion  of  the  coral  and  the  pearl,  as  before. 

In  IX.  109  Pliny  says:  "When  old,  too,  the  coat 
grows  thick,  and  they  adhere  to  the  shell,  from  which 
they  can  only  be  separated  with  the  assistance  of  a  file. 
Those  pearls  which  have  one  surface  flat  and  the  other 
spherical,  opposite  to  the  plane  side,  are  for  that  reason 
called  tympania,  or  tambour-pearls.  I  have  seen  pearls 
still  adhering  to  the  shell;  for  which  reason  the  shells 
were  used  as  boxes  for  unguents."  The  reference  here 
is  not  to  pearls,  but  to  excrescences  in  the  mother-of- 
pearl;  and  the  sentence,  "those  pearls  which  have  one 
surface  flat  and  the  other  spherical,  opposite  to  the 
plane  side,  are  for  that  reason  called  tympania,  or 
tambour-pearls,"  is  wrongly  interlarded,  because  it  is 
the  shell  that  is  called  "tambour,"  and  this  is  used  for 

1  Clement-Mullet,  op.  cit.,  p.  201  f. 

2  See  p.  129. 


190    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

unguents.  We  have  already  seen  that  the  Arab. 
jii     naqar  produced   LLat.    nacara    "mother-of-pearl" 

and  "drum."  Here  we  have  merely  a  retranslation 
into  Greek.  In  the  interpolated  part  of  the  Digest 
(XXXIV.  2.  32.  9)  we  find  tympanis  margaritis,  which 
only  shows  that  the  Digest,  as  we  have  it,  was  written 
after  the  interpolations  had  been  made  in  Pliny. 

"There  is  no  doubt  that  pearls  wear  with  use,  and 
will  change  their  colour,  if  neglected.  All  their  merit 
consists  in  their  whiteness,  large  size,  roundness,  polish, 
and  weight;  qualities  which  are  not  easily  to  be  found 
united  in  the  same;  so  much  so,  indeed,  that  no  two 
pearls  are  ever  found  perfectly  alike;  and  it  was  from 
this  circumstance,  no  doubt,  that  our  Roman  luxury 
first  gave  them  the  name  of  'unio,'  or  the  unique 
gem:  for  a  similar  name  is  not  given  them  by  the 
Greeks;  nor,  indeed,  among  the  barbarians  by  whom 
they  are  found  are  they  called  anything  else  but 
'margaritae.'  Even  in  the  very  whiteness  of  the  pearl 
there  is  a  great  difference  to  be  observed.  Those  are 
of  a  much  clearer  water  that  are  found  in  the  Red  Sea, 
while  the  Indian  pearl  resembles  in  tint  the  scales  of 
the  mirror-stone,  but  exceeds  all  the  others  in  size. 
The  colour  that  is  most  highly  prized  of  all,  is  that  of 
those  which  are  thence  called  alum-coloured  pearls. 
Long  pearls  also  have  their  peculiar  value;  those  are 
called  'elenchi,'  which  are  of  a  long  tapering  shape, 
resembling  our  alabaster  boxes  in  form,  and  ending  in 
a  full  bulb.  Our  ladies  quite  glory  in  having  these 
suspended  from  their  fingers,  or  two  or  three  of  them 
dangling  from  their  ears.  For  the  purpose  of  minister- 
ing to  these  luxurious  tastes,  there  are  various  names 
and  wearisome  refinements  which  have  been  devised 
by  profuseness  and  prodigality;  for  after  inventing 
these   earrings,    they  have   given    them  the  name   of 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  191 

'crotalia,'  or  castanet  pendants,  as  though  quite  de- 
lighted even  with  the  rattling  of  the  pearls  as  they 
knock  against  each  other;  and  now,  at  the  present 
day,  the  poorer  classes  are  even  affecting  them,  as 
people  are  in  the  habit  of  saying,  that  'a  pearl  worn 
by  a  woman  in  public,  is  as  good  as  a  lictor  walking 
before  her.'  Nay,  even  more  than  this,  they  put  them 
on  their  feet,  and  that,  not  only  on  the  laces  of  their 
sandals,  but  all  over  the  shoes;  it  is  not  enough  to 
wear  pearls,  but  they  must  tread  upon  them,  and  walk 
with  them  under  foot  as  well."^ 

Here  nearly  everything  is  wrong  and  due  to  a  mis- 
understanding of  the  Arabic  sources.  The  ancients 
did  not  know  our  alum.  What  the  Romans  called 
alumen  was  an  iron  sulphate  or  aluminum  sulphate. 
When  we  are  told  that  the  color  that  was  most  highly 
prized  in  the  pearl  was  the  "exaluminatum,"  we  have 
here  a  compound  error,  due  to  a  misunderstanding  of 
certain  alchemists'  terms.  The  Arabic  term  for 
"vitriol"  is  sahh,  and  the  best,  which  was  white  and 
glistening,  was  obtained  from  Yemen,  hence  its  name, 
^  L,  v_-ii  sabbun  yamdnl.    In  the  mediaeval  alchemy  this 

was  known  as  alumen  jacmini,  gemini}  There  was  also 
a  salt,  sal  gemme,  which  was  confused  with  this  alumen. 
At  the  same  time  it  was  called  dara,^  that  is,  Arab. 
zji  durrah  "large  pearl;"   hence  the  confusion  in  Pliny 

that  the  best  pearl  was  called  "exaluminatum." 

Elenchi  is  found  in  the  interpolated  part  of  the 
Digest,  XXXIV.  2.  32.  8:  "item  cum  inaures,  in  quibus 
duae  margaritae  elenchi  et  smaragdi  duo,  legasset  et 
postea  elenchos  eisdem  detraxisset  et  quaereretur,  an 
nihilo  minus  detractis  elenchis  inaures  deberentur:  re- 

'IX.  112-114. 

2  Berthelot,  La  chimie  au  moyen  age,  Paris  1893,  vol.  I,  pp.  211,  212,  213, 
217,  etc. 

3/6id.,  p.  217. 


192    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

spondit  deberi,  si  maneant  inaures,  quamuis  margarita 
eis  detracta  sint."  It  is  clear  from  this  passage  that 
*'soluta,"  as  connected  with  unio  before,  was  correctly 
interpreted  by  me,  since  here  we  have  another  equiv- 
alent, "detractus,"  which  is  precisely  that  of  Arab. 
^   qala'a.     At  the  same  time  it  is  made  clear    that 

"elenchus"  is  a  pearl  and  is  in  some  way  connected 
with  an  earring.  Elenchus  is  also  found  in  Juvenal 
VI.  459,  "auribus  extentis  magnos  commisit  elenchos,'' 
to  which  the  X.  century  Glossae  luvenalianae  say 
''elenchos  gemmas  non  longiores."^  But  Juvenal,  in 
whose  work  many  interpolations  have  been  suspected, 
is  particularly  bad  in  the  half  dozen  lines  following 
this  word:  VI.  460  has  been  shown  to  be  a  forgery, 
and  the  next  five  lines  made  no  sense  whatsoever  as 
they  stood  and  so  had  to  be  transposed  before  ad- 
mitting of  any  interpretations.  This  disarrangement 
was  evidently  caused  by  slipping  in  the  line  about  the 
elenchi. 

Elenchi  goes  back  to  a  Coptic  source.  We  have 
Copt,  hoik  "manner  of  plaiting  the  hair,  ring,"  alak 
"circle,  ring,"  which  is  already  recorded  in  Demotic 
hlq  in  the  II.  century  B.  C.^  This  Coptic  word  entered 
the  Arabic  as  <iU  halqah   "ring,"   jJ^   halq  "a  narrow 

passage  between  two  mountains,  garganta  de  monte 
(in  Alcala),  earring."  In  the  sense  of  "narrow  passage," 
however,  the  Arab,    ji^  halq  is  not  of  Coptic,  but  of 

Greek  origin,  for  it  originally  means  "the  place  of 
slaughter  in  an  animal,"  hence  "the  fauces,  the  place 
of  the  wic  gal^amah  (yA-WTTODixa),  epiglottis,"  and 
we  have   also   <Ji^   halqamah    "he   slaughtered   him," 

^  Goetz,  vol.  V,  p.  656, 

^  F.  LI.  Griffith,  Catalogue  of  the  Demotic  Papyri  in  the  John  Rylands 
Library,  Manchester  1909,  vol.  II,  nos,  XX  and  XXII. 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  193 

^_jiU    halqum  "the   windpipe,  passage    of   breath,   the 

confused  parts  of  a  country,  straits."  All  these  are 
from  Gr.  zXv.oi  "to  make  an  incision,"  zkxoc,,  e^txco^ia 
"wound,    incision."     It   is    only  through  a  confusion 

of  the  two  ji^  halq  words  that  there  could  have  de- 
veloped "elongated  earring,"  which  we  find  represented 
in  LLat.  elenchus.  This,  then,  places  the  Digest  far 
beyond  the  year  711. 

When  we  are  told  in  Pliny  that  the  elenchi  dangled 
by  twos  or  threes  from  the  women's  ears,  and  that  they 
were  called  crotalia,  because  they  rattled  against  each 
other,  we  once  more  get  a  Coptic-Arabic  name  for  the 
earrings.  In  the  IX.  century  Arabic  Voyages  men- 
tioned above,  w^e  read,  "The  Kings  of  India  are  in  the 
habit  of  wearing  earrings  (J^i^Vi  'al-aqrai)  of  precious 
stones  set  in  gold."^     Arab.  Lj  qurt,   pi.    Uj\  'aqrdt, 

means  "thing  that  is  suspended  to  the  lobe  of  the  ear, 
such  as  a  silver  bead  fashioned  as  a  pearl,  or  pendant 
of  gold."  This  is  found  in  Syriac  as  U'"  kurgd  "ear- 
ring," and  this  brings  us  back  to  Arab.  ^J^J'  hurs 
"a  ring  of  gold,  earring  with  one  bead  of  the  kind  called 
S^J  qurt.''     This,  again,  brings  us  to  Copt,  kros,  korks 

"ring,"  from  Egyp.  kerker  *  circle,  cylinder."  When 
the  forger  made  crotalia  out  of  Arab,  'aqrdt  and  said 
that  the  earrings  were  so  named  because  the  pearls 
rattled  against  each  other,  he  said  what  was  impossible, 
since  pearls  rapidly  deteriorate  when  they  strike  against 
an  object. 

We  find  crotalia  in  a  passage  in  Petronius:  "inde 
duo  crotalia  protulit  et  Fortunatae  in  vicem  con- 
sidera,nda  dedit  et  'domini'  inquit  'mei  beneficio  nemo 

^  Reinaud,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  151. 

18 


194     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

habet  meliora.'"^  This  alone  would  stamp  the  Cena 
Trimalchionis  as  the  work  of  the  VIII.  or  IX.  century. 
But  we  have  at  least  one  independent  proof  that  it 
was  not  written  before  the  VIII.  century.  The  Cena 
Trimalchionis  is  found  only  in  a  MS.  of  the  XV.  cen- 
tury, and  was  first  published  in  the  XVII.  century. 
The  authorship  and  probable  date  rest  on  purely  cir- 
cumstantial evidence.  The  language  of  the  work  bears 
a  striking  resemblance  to  that  of  Vergil  Maro  the 
Grammarian,  although  it  is  in  no  way  identical  with  it. 
There  is  at  least  one  Arabic  word  in  the  Cena,  and  this 
I  shall  discuss  here. 

In  the  cookbook  of  Apicius  Caelius,  or,  more  cor- 
rectly, ascribed  to  Apicius  Caelius,  which  cannot  be  of 
an  earlier  date  than  the  IV.  century,  but  has  come 
down  to  us  in  a  MS.  of  the  X.  century,  there  are  the 
following  passages:  "patina  ex  lagitis  et  cerebellis: 
friges  ova  dua,  cerebella  elixas  et  enervas,  cizeria 
{cizema,  cirema)  pullorum  coquis;"^  ''gigeria  puUorum, 
aucellas,  isicia  coques  ex  iure;"^  "iscinera,  gizeria 
(ginzeria,  gyzeria,  zizeria)  pullorum  in  caccabum  mit- 
tis."'*  It  would  seem  that  in  these  words  we  had  the 
Lat.  viscera,  which  had  given  way  to  "interanea" 
and  "vitalia"  in  the  popular  language,  and  so  was 
taken  in  France  or  Spain  for  a  foreign  word,  and,  as 
was  frequently  the  case  with  initial  v  or  w,  was  written 
instead  with  g,  producing  gizera  for  viscera.  What  the 
author  meant  is  clear:  not  the  viscera,  but  the  gizzard 
and  liver  of  the  chickens  were  to  be  used,  since  it  is 
unlikely  that  then,  any  more  than  now,  the  guts  of  the 
chickens  were  ever  cooked.  This  change  of  writing 
could  not  possibly  have  happened  before  the  V. 
century,  in  all  probability  much  later. 

^  Cena  Trimalchionis,  67. 

2  Chr.  Th.  Schuch,  Apici  Caeli  De  re  coquinaria  libri  decern,  Heidelbergae 
1874,  IV.  141,  p.  80. 

3  Ibid.,  IV.  181,  p.  97.  "  Ibid.,  V.  200,  p.  108. 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  195 

In  the  VIII.  century,  when  the  vocabularies  were 
formed,  this  ''gizeria  pullorum"  of  Caelius  caused 
trouble  enough.  Paulus,  in  his  edition  of  Festus, 
entered:  ''gizeria  ex  multis  obsoniis  decerpta,"  "found 
in  many  food  preparations,"  and  thus  avoided  giving 
any  explanation  which  would  compromise  him.  The 
interpolator  of  Nonius  mistook  "Caelius"  for  "Lucilius" 
and  wrote:  ''gigeria,  intestina  gallinarum  conhisetita 
cocta.  Lucilius  lib.  VIII  (9) :  gizerini  sunt  sive  adeo 
hepatia"  (p.  119).  Having  found  gizeria,  gigeria  in- 
variably connected  with  "pullorum"  in  Caelius,  the 
interpolator  quite  correctly  wrote  "intestina  galli- 
narum," and  what  follows  should  be  corrected  to 
"cum  isicia  cocta,"  as  we  actually  find  in  the  cook- 
book. His  "gizerini  sunt  sive  adeo  hepatia"  is  merely 
another  gloss,  picked  out  from  a  vocabulary,  and  should 
be  ''gizeria  intestina  sive  adeo  hepatia." 

The  last  word  is  found  in  Petronius:  "hepatia  in 
catillis,"  only  a  few  lines  below  gizeria,  which  occurs  in 
the  following  combination:  "habuimus  tamen  in  primo 
porcum  botulo  coronatum  et  circa  saviunculum  et 
gizeria  optime  facta"  (66).  The  combination  "in- 
testina sive  adeo  hepatia"  follows  from  the  Graeco- 
Latin  gloss  ''xoiA,riJ[aTaoQViO~05  gequaria,''^  where  the 
Greek  stands  for  «xoiA,ia,  f]JiaTa  6QVi0og»  "chickens' 
gizzard  and  liver,"  which  is  correct.  Gizeria  got  only 
into  French,  originally  as  a  book  word,  as  the  forms  of 
the  word  show.  We  have  OFr.  ginsier,  guisier,  juisier, 
leading  to  Fr.  gesier,  Eng.  gizzard.  In  OFrench  guisier 
means  both  "gizzard"  and  "liver."  Another  Latin- 
Greek  gloss  wrote  ''gileriis  gallinarum  tcovcxxqcotcov 
OQVi^cov,"^  corrected  much  later  to  «Td  hnzqa  xwv 
6qvi0(dv.»  Gileriis  for  giseriis  shows  that  we  are  dealing 
here  with  a  book  word,  since  the  palaeographic  con- 

■  1  Goetz,  vol.  II,  p.  351. 
2  Ibid.,  p.  33. 


196    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

fusion  of  s  and  I  is  very  common.  The  Glossae  Bernen- 
ses  could  not  make  out  the  meaning  of  the  previous 
gloss  and  wrote  foolishly  "akraton  geseria,'"^  which  is 
also  found  in  the  Glossae  Salomonis." 

Wherever  we  find  the  word,  it  is  invariably  connected 
with  the  chicken,  because  it  was  so  originally  connected 
in  Apicius  Caelius.  In  the  languages  which  have  not 
borrowed  the  strange  word  gizeria  there  does  not  exist 
a  special  word  for  the  stomach  of  a  bird,  except  in 
Arabic. 

There  is  a  Coptic  root  kons,  kons  "to  slaughter,  cut 
the  throat,"  which  seems  to  lie  at  the  foundation  of 

Arab.    ^J^  qana^   "what  is    taken,   captured,   caught, 

hunted,  chased."  By  the  side  of  Copt,  knos  "putre- 
faction," which  apparently  is  identical  with  the  first, 
we  have  also  xons  "the  putrified  thing  smelled  badly." 
Similarly  we  have  Arab,  jij^  hana§  "any  bird  that  is 
hunted,"  (j-^  hanasa  "he  hunted."  The  uncertainty 
of  the  first  and  last  letter  at  once  indicate  a  borrowing. 
Now  we  have  Arab.   <^\i  qanisah  "intestines,  bowels 

of  a  bird,  triple  stomach,  gizzard,"  all  of  which  develop 
from  the  Copt,  knos  "putrefaction."  But  in  Arabic  it 
has  acquired  the  specific  meaning  of  "the  parts  of  the 
bird  which  are  not  the  cadaver,"  that  is,   "giblets," 

for  we  have   v^^  qanisah,  \aiy  qauni^ah,  recorded  in 

Alcala  as  "molleja  en  las  aves,  gizzard"  and  "obispillo 
del  ave,  the  rump  of  the  bird." 

In  the  Germanic  languages  the  word  entered  but 
sparingly.  We  have  Goth,  hunps  "captivity,  chase," 
frahinpan  "to  capture."  AS.  hentan  "to  pursue," 
gehentan  "to  take,  seize,"  hunt  "hunting,"  do  not  seem 
to  be  recorded  before  the  X.  century.     They  certainly 

1  Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  488. 

2  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  IV,  p.  179,  note. 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  197 

are  not  so  recorded  in  the  early  vocabularies.  But  we 
have  in  the  Kentish  glosses  hude  "praedam,"  and  OHG. 
herihunta,  herihunda  "praeda"  only  twice, ^  and  these 
are  apparently  borrowed  from  the  Gothic.  Otherwise 
there  is  no  trace  of  the  word  in  the  other  Germanic 
languages,  and  this  absence  from  them,  together  with 
the  irregular  correspondence  of  Goth,  p  and  AS.  t  and 
d  and  the  peculiar  treatment  of  n  in  ASaxon,  marks 
these  words  as  borrowings.  They  must  have  arisen 
from  some  Frankish  vocabularies  where  a  form  some- 
thing like  gunz  existed.  Indeed,  we  have  already  met 
with  LLat.  ginzeria,  OFr.  ginsier  "gizzard,  liver,"  as 
in  Arab.  -U;  U  qani§ah.    But  we  have  also  a  whole  series 

of  French  words,  in  which  the  form  ginzeria  was  read 
as  giuzeria,  givceria,  producing  LLat.  gibicere  "to  hunt 
(birds),"  hence  OFr.  gihecier,  gibesser,  gebecier  "to  hunt," 
hence  gibeciere  "hunting  bag,"  gibier,  jebier,  gibiez, 
etc.,  "the  hunt,  more  particularly,  bird  hunting,"  gibelet 
"some  preparation  from  the  bird,"  hence  Eng.  giblet. 

If  we  now  turn  back  to  the  Latin-Greek  glossary,  we 
find  that  ''gileriis  xcovaxQWTcov  oqviO^coa'"  should  have 
read  ''giseriis  tc5v  axQCOV  tcov  oqviOcov,"  that  is,  ginseria 
was  the  extremities,  legs,  wings,  neck,  rump,  including 
also  the  gizzard,  liver  and  heart,  of  the  chicken;  and 
thus  gizeria  of  Petronius  and  Apicius  Caelius  turns 
out  to  be  what  it  should  have  been,  the  giblets,  which 
even  now  are  prepared  as  an  especial  delicacy  in  many 
countries.  This  places  Petronius'  Cena  incontestably 
in  the  VIII.  or  IX.  century.^ 

In  Pliny  the  word  dos  occurs  twice  in  connection 
with  the  pearl:    "dos  omnis  in  candore,  magnitudine," 

1  Ibid.,  vol.  I,  p.  287. 

2  There  are  a  number  of  other  Arabic  words  in  the  Cena:  "tangomenas 
facere,  to  go  on  a  spree"  is  unquestionably  Arab,  {anadamun  "to  go  on  a 
spree;"  "mufrius,  non  magister"  should  be  corrected  to  "muftius,  non 
magister,"  from  Arab,  rnu/^i  "teacher  of  law;"  "bacalusiae,  avfeetmeats"  is 
from  Arab,  baqal  "vegetables." 


198    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

etc.,^  and  "cohaerentes  videmus  in  conchis  hac  dote 
unguenta  circumferentibus."^  In  the  second  case 
"hac  dote"  is  forced,  unless  it  means  "by  this  gift," 
which,  even  so,  does  not  make  it  less  forced.  In  the 
first  case  dos  is  translated  by  "all  its  merit,"  which 
is  not  any  less  objectionable.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
forger  had  in  mind  Pseudo-Hilary's  dotes  of  the  pearl, 
namely  that  whoever  puts  on  "this"  pearl,  that  is, 
Christ,  "does  not  grow  ill,  or  old,  or  die.  It  has  nothing 
in  itself  which  harms  the  body,  and  to  him  who  uses  it 
nothing  befalls  which  brings  death,  or  advances  age, 
or  interferes  with  health."^  But  this  is  not  the  only 
reason   why   the  forger  used   dos  in   this  connection. 

The    "precious    pearl"    is    in    Arabic  Vri  sji    durrah 

yatimah,  and  Arab,  ij^  durrah  at  once  suggested  the 

Syr.  |io?  dura  bcaped  "dower,"  which  forms  the  subject 
of  so  many  Graeco-Syrian  laws.  The  "pearl"  was 
naturally  considered  as  the  precious  dower  for  man. 

This  found  its  way  as  a  curious  interpolation  into 
Isidore:  "  Donatio  est  cuiuslibet  rei  transactio.  Dictam 
autem  dicunt  donationem  quasi  doni  actionem,  et 
dotem  quasi  do  item.  Praecedente  enim  in  nuptiis 
donatione,  dos  sequitur.  Nam  antiquus  nuptiarum  erat 
ritus  quo  se  maritus  et  uxor  invicem  emebant,  ne  vi- 
deretur  uxor  ancilla,  sicut  habemus  in  iure,  Inde  est 
quod  praecedente  donatione  viri  sequitur  dos  uxoris."^ 
The  original  Isidore  could  only  have  had  "dicta  autem 
est  donatio  quasi  doni  actio,"  after  which  followed 
"donatio  usufructuaria  ideo  dicitur,"  etc.  But  the 
interpolator  wanted  to  bring  in  the  durrah  yatimah, 
that  is,  the  dos  item,  and  this  he  could  only  do  by  ety- 
mologizing on  the  accusative  case  of  dos',  so  he  changed 
the  whole  into  the  accusative  and  produced  the  im- 

» IX.  112.  ax.  109. 

3  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  X,  col.  550.     See  p.  153.  "  V.  24.  25,  26. 


THE  PEARL  IN  PLINY,  ETC.  199 

possible  "dictam  autem  dicunt  donationem,"  although 
for  pages  back  and  afterwards  we  have  only  etymologies 
on  the  nominative  case. 

That  the  interpolator  got  his  do  item  from  an  Arabic 
source  is  shown  by  the  mixture  of  the  Arabic  conception 
of  the  donatio  by  the  groom,  which  is  followed  by 
the  European  conception  of  the  dos  of  the  bride.  There 
is  no  provision  in  either  Roman  or  Germanic  law  for  a 
"donatio  ante  nuptias,"  in  order  to  make  the  marriage 
valid,  whereas  in  Moslem  law  a  marriage  is  not  valid 
until  the  groom  has  paid  the  mahr  to  the  bride's  wall,^ 
and  this  was,  indeed,  a  continuation  of  the  pre-Mos- 
lemitic  marriage  by  purchase.  We  shall  later  see  to 
what  tremendous  consequences  this  do  item  led  in  the 
so-called  Germanic  laws. 

Solinus  says  that  uniones  were  introduced  in  the  time 
of  Sulla,  "Sullanis  primum  temporibus  Romam  inlati 
sunt  uniones,''^  and  gives  the  same  explanation  as  to 
the  origin  of  the  name,  "numquam  duo  simul  repe- 
riuntur,  inde  unionibus  nomen  datum. "^  But  Pliny 
specifically  quotes  Aelius  Stilo  as  an  authority  for  the 
origin  of  the  word  or  thing  during  the  Jugurthine  war, 
meaning  by  it  that  the  pearl  had  been  in  use  much 
longer;  since  according  to  Aelius  Stilo  the  uniones,  not 
the  small  pearls,  were  introduced  about  111  B.  C., 
whereas  at  that  time  Sulla  was  but  27  years  old  and 
hardly  known.  If  so,  it  is  extremely  strange  that 
Solinus,  who  is  supposed  to  have  quoted  Pliny,  should 
not  have  told  the  same  story.  There  are  some  spurious 
quotations  from  Aelius  Stilo^  and  this  one  in  Pliny 
is  obviously  impossible. 

1  Th.  W.  Juynboll,  Handbuch  des  Islamischen  Gesetzes,  Leiden,  Leipzig 
1910,  p.  209  ff. 

2  LIIL  30. 

3  LIIL  27. 

*  F.  Mentz,  De  Lucio  Aelio  Stilone,  in  Commentationes  philologicae  lenenses, 
vol.  IV,  p.  35  flf. 


XVII.    UNIONES  IN  MARTIAL. 

Uniones  are  twice  mentioned  in  Martial,  and  it  will 
now  be  shown  that  certain  poems  of  Martial,  like 
Petronius'  Cena,  are  of  no  earlier  date  than  the  VIII. 
century. 

Bardocucullus  occurs  in  Martial  in  the  following  two 
places:  "Sic  interpositus  villo  contaminat  uncto  | 
Urbica  Lingonicus  Tyrianthina  bardocucullus,"  I.  53. 
5;  "Gallia  Santonico  vestit  te  bardocucullo.  |  Cerco- 
pithecorum  paenula  nuper  erat,"  XIV.  128.  The  latter 
is  obviously  a  borrowing  from  Juvenal's  "Tempora 
Santonico  velas  adoperta  cucullo,"^  It  is  not  likely 
that  the  writer  misread  -perta  cucullo  as  one  word, 
though  this  may  have  helped  in  associating  harda  with 

"cucullus."     He  had   in  mind    the  Arab.    s^^.   burdah 

"a  kind  of  garment  which  is  wrapt  around  the  body, 

an  oblong  piece  of  thick  woolen  cloth,  generally  brown 

or  of  a  dark  or  ashy  dust-color,  and  either  plain,  or 

having  stripes  so  narrow  and  near  together  as  to  appear 

at  a  little  distance  of  one  color,  used  both  to  envelop 

the  person  by  day  and  as  a  night-covering."      The 

Augustan  History,  which  for  many  other  reasons  will 

be  shown  to  be  a  VIII.  or  IX.  century  product,  has 

''bardocucullum  unum."^     But  we  also  have  "cuculli 

Bardaici,'"^  where  the  word  is  brought  in  harmony  with 

Juvenal's  "calceus  Bardaicus,'"^  whatever  this  may  have 

been. 

Bascauda.    "Barbara  de  pictis  veni  bascauda  Britan- 

nis,  I  Sed  me  iam  mavolt  dicere  Roma  suam."^     The 

1  VIIL  145.  2  Claudius,  XVII. 

3  Pertinax,  VIII.  "  XVI.  13-14. 

^  Martial,  XIV.  99. 


UNIONES  IN  MARTIAL  201 

word  is  found  in  Juvenal,  "adde  et  bascaudas  {bas- 
caldas,  bastaudas,  bascaulas,  pascaudrias),''^  to  which 
the  scholia  reads  "mascaudas  uasa  ubi  calices  lauantur." 
Of  Juvenal's  XII.  satire  Friedlaender  says:  "eine  der 
schwachsten  Arbeiten  Juvenals."  The  least  one  can 
say  of  bascauda  in  Juvenal  is  that  it  is  an  interpolation. 
Martial  says  that  the  bascauda  came  from  the  tattooed 
Britons,  because  he  found  the  word  in  an  ASaxon 
vocabulary.  We  have  in  the  Epinal  and  Erfurt  Gloss- 
aries ''uescada  mundleu,"  and  in  the  Corpus  Glossary 
**mundleu"  is  the  translation  of  both  uescada  and 
*'conca."  Thus  it  is  certain  that  a  laver  is  meant. 
This  is  also  brought  out  in  the  corrupt  glosses,  "6as- 
cuudas  concas  aereas,"  Lib.  gloss, ^"^  ''bascaudas  concas 
hereas,"  Glossae  AA.,^  "barcanda  conca  aerea,"  Gloss. 
Scal.,'^  ''bascaudas  concas  ereas,"  Gloss.  Cod.  Vat.  3321,^ 
but  the  important  Sang.  912  has  "vascaudes  concas 
ereas. "^  Thus  it  appears  that  the  oldest,  VIII.  century 
form  is  vescada  or  vascauda,  and  through  the  Spanish 

betacism  we  get  "bascauda  c— i-,"  that  is,  "wash- 
basin" in  the  Latin- Arabic  glosses.^ 

This  is  the  Arab.    \f^  fasqiyyat,  fisqiyyat  from  Lat. 

"piscina,"  "basin  in  which  the  religious  ablution  is 
performed,  a  basin  with  a  jet  of  water  in  it."  The 
exceedingly  strict  observances  of  cleanliness  enjoined 
by  the  Moslem  religion,  brought  into  use  the  lavers, 
which  spread  over  Europe  with  the  Arabic  invasion. 
But  the  Arabs  got  the  idea  from  the  Greeks,  who 
changed  the  Latin  word  piscina  to  cpioxiva,  Piaxiva;^ 

1  XII.  46. 

2  Goetz,  vol.  V,  p.  170. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  442. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  592. 

6  Ibid.,  vol.  IV,  p.  24. 

« Ibid.,  p.  294. 

^  C.  F.  Seybold,  op.  cit.,  p.  42. 

*  Ducange,  sub  ^la-Kba  "fountain,  basin." 


202    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

but  it  never  assumed  the  meaning  of  laver  in  Greek. 
Ital.  vasca  may  still  represent  Gr.  Piaxiva,  through  a 
pronunciation  paoxiva,  of  which  it  is,  as  it  were,  an 
augmentative;  but  it  is  far  more  likely  already  the 
Arab,  fisqiyyat,  of  which,  to  judge  from  the  Gr.  Piaxiva, 
there  must  also  have  been  a  form  wisqiyyat  or  wasqiyyat. 
It  is  in  the  south  of  Italy  that  vasca  is  best  preserved: 
Sicil.  vasca  "basin  of  a  fountain,"  of  which  we  have  the 
diminutive  vaschetta,  Neap,  vasca  "basin,"  and  here 
we  also  have  vasillo  and  vacile  "laver."  But  vasca 
"basin  of  the  fountain"  is  fairly  universal  throughout 
Italy.  It  is  only  the  vac,  vas  forms,  the  latter  because 
of  its  association  with  Lat.  vas,  that  have  spread  in  the 
Romance  countries  in  the  sense  of  "basin,  laver," 
such  as  Port,  bacia,  Span,  bacin,  Fr.  bassin,  etc. 

In  the  Germanic  languages  this  vasca,  or,  rather,  the 
LLat.  vascauda,  vescada  very  slowly  assumed  citizen- 
ship in  ASaxon,  where  waescern  "lautorium"  is  found  in 
Alfric's  vocabulary,  and  waescan,  waxan,  waxsan  occur 
only  sporadically.  In  OHGerman  ultimately  wascan 
completely  obliterated  the  older  word,  while  in  Gothic 
only  pvahan  is  found  for  "to  wash," 

It  is,  therefore,  clear  that  we  are  dealing  here  with  the 
evolution  of  the  Arabic  "laver"  words,  and  that 
bascauda  of  Martial  is  a  late  VIII.  century  word,  which 
was  unknown  before  the  arrival  of  the  Arabs. 

Covinnus.  "O  iucunda,  covinne,  solitudo,  |  Carruea 
magis  essedoque  gratum  |  Facundi  mihi  munus  Aeli- 
ani":^  What  a  covinnus  is,  is  made  clear  from  various 
authors.  Mela  says:  "dimicant  (Britanni)  non 
equitatu  modo  aut  pedite,  verum  et  bigis  et  curribus, 
Gallice  armati:  covinnos  vocant,  quorum  falcatis 
axibus  utuntur."^  In  Lucan's  Pharsalia  we  read:" 
"Et  docilis  rector  rostrati  Belga  covinni  \  Arvernique 

1  Martial,  XII.  24.  1-3. 
^  III.  6. 


UNIONES  IN  MARTIAL  203 

ausi  Latio  se  fingere  fratres  |  Sanguine  ab  Iliaco 
populi,"^  to  which  the  scholiast  says:  ""Quovenna 
genus  vehiculi,  cuius  usum  Galli  primum  invenerunt." 
Paulus  Festus  has  it:  ''henna  lingua  Gallica  genus 
vehiculi  appellatur,  unde  vocantur  conbennones  in 
eadem  henna  sedentes." 

All  these  passages  are  due  to  an  unfortunate  state- 
ment in  Pseudo-Berosus:^  "Comerus  more  Scythico 
unde  venerat  docuit  suos  Italos  urbem  curribus  com- 
ponere.  Et  idcirco  Veii  appellati  sunt  vocabulo  Sago, 
qui  Veias  plaustrum  appellant,  et  urbem  ex  his  com- 
positam  si  parva  sit  Veitulam,  si  magna  Vlurdum,  si 
metropolis  Cy  Ocholam  ad  haec  quoque  tempora 
Scythae  plaustris  et  curru  pro  domibus  utuntur.  Et 
sub  solario  quidem  stabulum,  supra  vero  habent 
officinas  domus.  Concludit  et  loca  a  se  cognominata 
Tyras,  postquam  Tyrum  fundavit,  cum  principibus 
coloniarum  littora  maris  tenuit,  fundavitque  Thraces 
Archadius  Archadiam,  Emathius  Emathiam  tenuit. 
Anno  .xlv.  huius  Beli  lanus  pater  posuit  colonias  in 
Arabia  Foelice,  et  a  suo  nomine  unas  vocavit  Noam, 
et  a  cognomine  lanineas.  Qui  vero  ex  posteritate 
Comeri  erant  Galli  ab  avito  cognomine  illos  appellavit 
Gallos."^  Pseudo-Berosus  made  Comerus  the  founder 
of  the  Gauls  and  located  him  in  Italy,  where  he  let  him 
found  Veii  and,  in  Scythian  manner,  build  it  of  chariots; 
hence  they  call  a  wagon  Veias.  Of  course,  Pseudo- 
Berosus  had  in  mind  Lat.  vehiculus,  and,  most  likely, 
he  wrote  Vehi  and  Vehias.  The  Scythians  were  especi- 
ally known  as  the  Hamaxohii,'^  and  Pseudo-Berosus' 
statement  is  correct  as  far  as  the  Scythians  are  con- 
cerned.    But  the  glossators  were  misled  by  Pseudo- 

1  I.  426  flf. 

2  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  174  flf. 

3  J.    Annius,    Antiquitatum   variarum   volumina   XVII,    1512,   lib.  XV, 
fol.  CXXI. 

^  See  Herodotus,  IV.  46,  and  the  note  to  it  in  Creuzer  and  Baehr's  edition. 


204    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Berosus,  and,  misreading  vehias  as  vennas,  assumed  it 
to  be  a  Gallic  word,  whence  the  first  part  of  Paulus' 
note.  But  the  first  part  in  Pseudo-Berosus,  "et 
idcirco  Veii  appellati  sunt  vocabulo  Sago,"  was  under- 
stood by  Paulus  to  refer  to  "Italos,"  that  is,  the  Gauls, 
and  reading  "idcir(co)  covenni  appellati  sunt,  qui  vennas 
plaustrum  appellant,"  he  called  those  who  traveled 
in  a  venna  or  henna  the  conhennones.  From  this  horrible 
confusion  of  a  bit  of  forgery  arose  the  covinnus  "a 
Gallic  chariot"  and  covinnarius  "a  charioteer."  The 
confusion  of  vehia  and  venna,  more  especially  the  word 
convenna  as  understood  by  Paulus,  was  due  chiefly  to 
the  use  of  convena  by  Pseudo-Berosus  in  connection  with 
the  Italian  Gauls. ^ 

But  the  case  is  far  worse  still.  In  Britain  the  ASaxon 
glossators  knew  (!)  that  "more  scythico"  was  derived 
from  AS.  side,  with  which  "falx"  is  glossed  in  the 
Corpus  Glossary,  or  sigde,  as  it  is  found  in  the  Epinal 
Glossary, — presto!  The  Britons  employed  scythed 
chariots  in  warfare.  Scythed  chariots  are  frequently 
mentioned  in  the  East,  but  there  is  not  a  particle  of 
evidence  that  there  had  ever  been  any  in  Gaul  or 
Britain.  If  we  now  turn  to  the  reference  to  scythed 
chariots  in  Britain,  the  passages  all  turn  out  to  be 
interpolations  or  forgeries. 

In  Tacitus'  Agricola  occur  these  two  passages: 
**  Media  campi  covinnarius  eques  strepitu  ac  discursu 
complebat,"^  and  "interim  equitum  turmae,  fugere 
covinnarii,  peditum  se  proelio  miscuere."^  In  the 
first,  covinnarius  is  distinctly  a  gloss  to  "eques;"  if  not, 
an  et  has  to  be  supplied,  and  this  has  been  done  by  many 
editors,  since  a  ^'covinnarius  eques"  is  mere  nonsense, 
the  horses  not  having  been  ridden  by  the  charioteer. 

1  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  190. 

2  XXXV.  3. 

» XXXVI.  3. 


UNIONES  IN  MARTIAL  205 

In  the  second  case,  "fugere  covinnarii''  is  obviously 
interpolated,  for  no  chariots  were  present;  hence  at 
least  one  editor  has  bracketed  it  as  a  glossarial  note. 
Other  editors  try  to  read  "interim  equitum  turmae 
fugere,  covinnarii  pedituni  se  proelio  miscuere,"  which 
is  bad,  since  no  covinnarii  are  mentioned  before. 

Just  such  an  interpolation  of  two  lines  is  found  in 
Silius  Italicus'  Punica,  where,  without  rhyme  or  reason, 
the  hand  to  hand  fight  of  the  Romans  is  compared  with 
the  scythed  chariot  charge  of  Thule:  "Caerulus  hand 
aliter,  cum  dimicat,  incola  Thyles  ]  Agmina  falcigero 
circumuenit  arta  couinno.'"^  With  the  omission  of 
these  two  lines  the  story  gains  in  unity.  In  Lucan's 
Pharsalia  the  line  containing  the  w^ord  covinni  follows 
two  lines  which  have  already  been  proscribed,  and  ten 
lines  further  down  another  five  lines  have  been  long 
declared  spurious.  Indeed,  the  whole  intervening  part 
is  a  forgery,  since  it  contains  references  to  bards  and 
Druids.^  Mela  has  similarly  been  declared  interpolated 
and  need  not  even  be  discussed.  Nor  need  we  turn  to 
the  vocabularies,  where  conuinna,  couinnus,  XO161V05 
are  given  with  the  meaning  "genus  vehiculi." 

Flodoardus  writes:  "haec  omnia  vehiculo,  quod  vulgo 
henna  dicitur,  imposuit."^  This  shows  that  in  the  X. 
century  the  henna  was  identified  with  a  wicker  cart, 
quite  a  deterioration  from  the  dreaded  scythed  chariots 
of  old.  Hence  we  get  Fr.  hanne  "cart,"  which  is  found 
in  a  variety  of  forms  in  the  dialects.  In  Italy  henna 
is  a  wicker  basket  used  in  transporting  goods  over  the 
mountains.  OFr.  hanastre,  hennastre,  etc.,  "osier 
basket,  carriage  shade,"  is  found  in  Span,  hanasta 
"basket,"  and  it  is  most  likely  that  LLat.  venna 
"wicker  weir  for  catching  fish"  and  AS.  hinn  "bin," 

iXVII.  416,  417. 

2  This  will  be  brought  out  in  Mr.  Phillips  Barry's  work. 

^  Historia  Remensis  ecclesiae,  Reims  1854,  vol.  I,  p.  154  (I.  20). 


206    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

as  well  as  Welsh  benn  "wagon,"  men,  menn,  Bret. 
mann  "wicker  basket,"  etc.,^  are  all  derived  from  the 
assumed  Gallic  henna,  that  is,  from  Pseudo-Berosus' 
''veias  plaustrum  appellant." 

No  doubt,  more  such  words  can  be  discovered  in 
Martial.  Of  his  urus  and  bubalus  I  spoke  elsewhere. 
This  much  is  certain, — if  there  ever  was  a  poet 
Martial  who  wrote  in  the  day  of  Domitian,  the  poems 
under  discussion  are  VIII.  century  forgeries.  Inci- 
dentally, this  forgery  about  the  scythed  chariots  of 
the  Britons  adds  another  proof  to  the  statement  that 
Jordanes'  Getica  is  a  forgery.  Here  we  read  "(Brittani) 
non  tantum  equitatu  vel  pedite,  verum  etiam  bigis 
curribusque  falcatis,  quos  more  vulgare  essedas  vo- 
cant."^  Jordanes  not  only  quoted  the  previous  forgery, 
but  even  succeeded  in  adding  a  blunder  by  calling  the 
scythed  chariot  an  "esseda." 

Uniones  occurs  twice  in  Martial.^  From  what  we 
have  already  found  in  him  in  the  way  of  words  foreign 
to  any  century  previous  to  the  VIII.,  we  conclude 
that  these  poems  are  equally  spurious.  Uniones 
occurs  in  the  Augustan  History,  but  this  work  has 
long  been  suspected.  It  occurs  in  Seneca:  "Video 
uniones  non  singulos  singulis  auribus  conparatos;  iam 
enim  exercitatae  aures  oneri  ferundo  sunt;  iunguntur 
inter  se  et  insuper  alii  binis  superponuntur;  non  satis 
muliebris  insania  viros  superiecerat,  nisi  bina  ac  terna 
patrimonia  auribus  singulis  pependissent.  Video  sericas 
vestes,  si  vestes  vocandae  sunt,  in  quibus  nihil  est, 
quo  defendi  aut  corpus  aut  denique  pudor  possit, 
quibus  sumptis  parum  liquido  nudam  se  non  esse 
iurabit;  hae  ingenti  summa  ab  ignotis  etiam  ad  com- 
mercium  gentibus   accersuntur,   ut  matronae  nostrae 

'  See  Holder,  Alt-celtischer  Sprachschatz,  Leipzig  1891-,  sub  henna. 
2  11  (15). 
=VIII.  81  and  XII.  49. 


UNIONES  IN  MARTIAL  207 

ne  adulteris  quidem  plus  sui  in  cubiculo,  quam  in 
publico  ostendant."^  Elsewhere  in  Seneca  we  find 
only  margarita}  Especially  interesting  is  the  De 
remediis  fortuitorum  liber,  whether  it  is  Seneca's 
genuine  work  or  not,  because  here  we  find  repeated  the 
statement  that  the  women  wear  two  fortunes  in  each 
ear;  but  the  word  used  with  it  is  margarita,  which  makes 
it  certain  that  in  De  heneficiis  this  word  was  originally 
used,  and  not  uniones:  "Due  bene  institutam  nee 
maternis  inquinatam  vitiis,  non  cuius  auriculis  utrimque 
patrimonia  bina  dependeant,  non  quam  margaritae 
suffocent,  non  cui  minus  sit  in  dote  quam  in  veste, 
non  quam  in  patente  sella  circumlatam  per  urbem 
populus  ab  omni  parte  aeque  quam  maritus  inspexerit, 
cuius  sarcinis  domus  non  sit  angusta."^  The  whole  is 
a  paraphrase  of  the  passage  in  De  heneficiis. 

We  also  have  uniones  in  Ammianus,  who  has  already 
been  shown  to  be  a  forgery.^  "  Restat  ut  super  ortu 
lapidis  huius,  pauca  succinctius  explicentur.  Apud 
Indos  et  Persas,  margaritae  repperiuntur  in  testis 
marinis  robustis  et  candidis,  permixtione  roris  anni 
tempore  praestituto,  conceptae.  Cupientes  enim  uelut 
coitum  quendam,  humoVes  ex  lunari  aspergine  capiunt, 
densius  oscitando.  Exindeque  grauidulae,  edunt  minu- 
tas  binas  aut  ternas,  uel  u7iio7ies,  ideo  sic  appellatas, 
quod  euisceratae  conchulae  singulas  aliquotiens  pariunt, 
sed  maiores.  Idque  indicium  est  aetheria  potius  deri- 
uatione,  quam  saginis  pelagi  hos  oriri  fetus  et  uesci, 
quod  guttae  matutini  roris  isdem  infusae,  claros 
efficiunt  lapillos  et  teretes,  uespertini  uero  flexuosos 
contra  et  rutilos,  et  maculosos  interdum.  Minima 
autem  uel  magna  pro  qualitate  haustuum  figurantur, 
casibus    uariatis.      Conclusae    uero    saepissime    metu 

'  De  heneficiis,  VII.  9.  4,  5. 

^Dialogi,  XL  16.  3,  De  heneficiis,  II.  12.  1. 

'  XVI.  7. 

*  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  151,  275. 


208    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

fulgurum  inanescunt,  aut  debilia  pariunt,  aut  certe 
uitiis  diffluunt  abortiuis.  Capturas  autem  difficiles 
et  periculosas,  et  amplitudines  pretiorum  ilia  efficit 
ratio,  quod  frequentari  sueta  litora  propter  piscantium 
insidias  declinantes,  ut  quidam  coniciunt,  circa  deuios 
scopulos,  et  marinorum  canum  receptacula  delitiscunt. 
Quod  genus  gemmae  etiam  in  Brittanici  secessibus 
maris  gigni  legique,  licet  dignitate  dispari  non  igno- 
ramus."^ The  whole  is  obviously  post- Arabic,  since 
we  have  here  the  story  of  the  origin  of  the  pearl  from 
the  morning  dew. 

There  is  an  inscription  in  Spain,  apparently  a  dedi- 
cation to  Isis,  which  begins  with  the  words  "in  basilio 
unio  et  margarita  n  VI, "^  and  which  is  ascribed  to  the 
II.  century  and  was  given  in  1623  to  the  Museum  at 
Lorilla  by  Marquis  Adam  Centurion  de  Estepa.  The 
words  unio  et  are  no  longer  legible.  If  they  really 
existed  on  the  stone,  then  the  unique  inscription  is  a 
forgery.  Indeed,  ''unio  et  margarita  n  VI"  is  ridiculous, 
since  in  all  the  writings  discussed  above  "unio"  and 
"margarita"  are  interchangeable,  even  though  now 
and  then  unio  is  "a  large  pearl." 

We  have  seen  that  there  was  a  warrant  in  the  VIII. 
century  writers  to  correct  hianio  of  the  vocabularies, 
which  did  not  mean  anything,  to  unio,  through  its 
association  with  "the  One,"  Christ,  as  brought  out  in 
all  the  patristic  writers.  Lat.  unio,  however,  does  not 
mean  "the  One,"  but  "a  union,  set."  For  this  the 
Coptic  word  is  §dnf,  and  this  was  taken  over  by  the 
Arabs  in  the  form  <^J^  sanf  or  uJj^  sunf  "the  upper 

earring,  a  pendant  suspended  from  the  upper  part  of 
the  ear."  This  Copt,  sonf  is  itself  from  Gr.  a\rvaq)r| 
"conjunction,  connection,"  which  is  translated  in  the 
glosses   by    "coniunctio,    copula,    series."      When   the 

1  XXIII.  6.  85-88. 

2  Corpus  inscriptionum  latinarum,  vol.  II,  p.  459  (No.  338C). 


UNIONES  IN  MARTIAL  209 

Arabs  took  over  the  Coptic  word,  they  knew  that  it 
referred  to  the  set  of  pearls  or  gems  worn  in  the  ear, 

but  Arab.  ^J^    sanf   lost    this    meaning,  and    means 

only  "the  upper  pendant."  On  the  other  hand,  neither 
Gr.  awacprj  nor  Copt.  §onf  ever  acquired  the  meaning 
of  "pendant."  Hence  Lat.  unio  arose  at  a  time  when 
the  meaning  of  Copt,  sonf  was  not  yet  lost  in  Arab. 

•-fi^  sanf,  that  is,  not   later  than  the  VIII.  century, 

when  the  connection  of  the  Arabs  with  Egypt  was  still 
felt. 


XVIII.   THE  PEARL  IN  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS. 

Arab.    v^.  yatlmah    "the  precious    pearl,"   Isidore's 

do  item,  found  its  way  into  the  Corpus  Glossary,  where 
we  read  "dos  uuituma  uel  uuetma."  In  the  Laws  of 
Alfred,  of  the  end  of  the  IX.  century,  there  are  intro- 
duced the  Hebrew  laws  from  Exodus.  Exodus  XXI. 
7-11  runs  as  follows  in  ASaxon:  "Deah  hwa  gebycgge 
his  dohtor  on  l?eowenne,  ne  sie  hio  ealles  swa  deowu 
swa  odru  mennenu:  nage  he  hie  ut  on  eldeodig  folc  to 
bebycgganne.  Ac  gif  he  hire  ne  recce,  se  de  hie  bohte, 
laete  hie  freo  on  eldeodig  folc.  Gif  he  donne  alefe  his 
suna  mid  to  haemanne,  do  hi  ere  gyfta:  locige  ]?aet 
hio  haebbe  hraegl;  7  l^aet  weord  sie  hiere  maegdhades, 
paet  is  se  weotuma  (wituma),  agife  he  hire  l?one.  Gif 
he  hire  J^ara  nan  ne  do,  J?onne  sie  hio  frioh."^  "J>aet 
is  se  weotuma''  is  clearly  a  gloss  to  "pretium  pudicitiae" 
of  the  Vulgate.  Weotuma  occurs  again  in  Exodus 
XXII.  17:  "Gif  hwa  faemnan  beswice  unbeweddode  7 
hire  midslaepe,  forgielde  hie  7  haebbe  hi  siddan  him 
to  wife.  Gif  daere  faemnan  faeder  hie  donne  sellan 
nelle,  agife  he  daet  feoh  aefter  J^am  weotuman.'"'^  Here 
"aefter  J?am  weotumari"  is  a  translation  of  "iuxta 
modum  dotis,  quam  virgines  accipere  consueverunt" 
of  the  Vulgate. 

The  word  is  not  otherwise  recorded  in  the  ASaxon 
laws  or  documents  and  is  distinctly  a  Bible  gloss.  It 
must  have  been  picked  up  by  an  Anglo-Saxon  in  Central 
France  at  the  end  of  the  VIII.  century,  since  it  is  found 
in  the  Burgundian  laws.     Here  the  law  from  Exodus 

^  F.  Liebermann,  Die  Gesetze  der  Angelsachsen,  Halle  a.  S.  1898,  vol.  I, 
p.  30. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  38. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS       211 

XXII.  16  is  found  in  the  following  form:  "Si  quis 
puellam  rapuerit,  pretium,  quod  pro  puella  daturus  erat, 
in  novigildo  cogatur  exsolvere,  et  multae  nomine  solidos 
XII. "^  Elsewhere  pretium  puellae,  pretium  nuptiale 
is  used  in  similar  combinations:  "Si  vero  puella,  quae 
rapta  est,  incorrupta  redierit  ad  parentes,  sexies  puellae 
pretium  raptor  exsolvat,  multae  autem  nomine  solidos 
XII  ;"^  "si  vero  puella  sua  sponte  expetierit  virum  et 
ad  domum  illius  venerit,  et  ille  se  cum  ilia  miscuerit, 
nuptiale  pretium  in  triplum  solvat;  si  autem  incorrupta 
redierit  ad  domum  suam,  remota  omni  calumnia  re- 
vertatur;"^  "et  quoniam  Aunegilde  post  mariti  prioris 
obitum  in  sua  potestate  consistens  se  antedicto  Fre- 
degisclo  non  solum  ex  parentum  consensu,  verum  etiam 
proprio  arbitrio  et  voluntate  donaverat,  et  maiorem 
nuptialis  pretii  partem  sponso  adnumerante  perceperat, 
fidemque  placiti  libidinis  ardore  succensa  disrumpens 
ad  Baltamodi  non  tam  vota  cucurrit,  quam  ad  consue- 
tum  flagitium  remeavit,  atque  ob  hoc  non  aliter  tantum 
crimen  tantumque  dedecus  libertatis  quam  sanguinis 
sui  effusione  debuerit  expiari,  tamen  districtioni  pub- 
licae  dierum  reverentiam  praeponentes  iubemus,  ut 
Aunegilde  divino  humanoque  dehonestata  iudicio 
pretium,  hoc  est  CCC  solidos,  Fredegisclo  coacta  dis- 
solvat;"^  "quaecumque  mulier  natione  barbara  ad  viri 
coitum  spontanea  voluntate  furtim  convenerit,  nuptiale 
pretium  in  simplum  tantum  eius  parentibus  dissolvatur; 
et  is,  cui  adulterii  dicitur  societate  permixta,  alterius 
postmodum  coniugio  si  voluerit  societur."^  If  we  com- 
pare these  laws  with  the  corresponding  Roman  law, 
"De  raptibus  virginum  et  viduarum,"^  we  at  once 
perceive  that  the  conception  of  a  "nuptiale  pretium" 
is  foreign  to  it  and  merely  results  from  Exodus. 

1  MGH.,  LegcH,  sect.  I,  vol.  II',  p.  51  (XII.  1). 

2  Ihid.,  XII.  2  (p.  51).  3  ji)id^^  XII.  4  (p.  51). 
'  Ihid.,  LII.  3  (p.  85  f.).                                 ^  Ibid.,  LXI  (p.  93). 
^Ibid.,lX  (p.  132  f.). 


212    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

In  the  later  Burgundian  laws  wittimon  takes  the  place 
of  "nuptiale  pretium:"  "Puella,  quae  marito  traditur, 
patrem  et  fratres  non  habens  nisi  patruum  et  sorores, 
de  wittimo  tertiam  partem  patruus  accipiat,  et  alteram 
tertiam  sorores  sibi  noverint  vindicandum.  Si  vero 
puella  sine  patre  maritum  accepit,  fratres  non  habens, 
placuit,  ut  de  wittimo  tertiam  partem  mater  accipiat 
et  alteram  tertiam  proximiores  parentes;"^  "mulier 
quae  ad  secundas  nuptias  traditur,  wittimon  eius  a 
prioris  mariti  parentibus  vindicetur.  Si  vero  tertium 
maritum  accipere  voluerit,  wittimon,  quod  maritus 
dederit,  mulieri  proficiat;"^  "de  wittimon  vero  si  de- 
mandaverit  pater,  ut  non  queratur,  demandatio  eius 
non  valeat;  sed  sicut  lex  alia  expressit,  proximus  parens 
accipiat,  ita  ut  de  eo,  quod  acceperit,  tertium  solidum 
in  ornamentis  puella  accipiat;"^  "de  wittimon.  Quicum- 
que  Burgundio  alicuius  obtimatis  aut  mediocris  sine 
ordinatione  patris  cum  alicuius  filia  se  copulaverit, 
iubemus,  ut  tripla  solutione  obtimatis  ille  qui  fuerit 
patri  ipsi,  cum  cuius  filia  se  copulavit  et  eum  ante 
scire  non  fecit  nee  consilium  petiit,  CL  solidos  ei 
cogatur  exsolvere,  et  multae  nomine  solidos  XXXVI. 
Leudis  vero  si  hoc  praesumpserit  facere,  similiter  in 
tripla  solutione,  hoc  est  solidos  XLV,  et  multae  nomine 
solidos  XII. "^  The  last  case  makes  it  perfectly  clear 
that  in  the  Burgundian,  as  in  the  ASaxon,  laws  the 
wittimon  is  the  "pretium  pudicitiae"  or  "dos  quam 
virgines  accipere  consueverunt"  of  Exodus. 

In  the  Arabic  version  of  Exodus,  as  given  by  Saadya, 
and  unquestionably  similarly  in  earlier  translations, 
the  end  of  XXII.   17  is  "secundum  dotem  virginum 

j\^y\  j4fS  kamahriii  'al-ahkdrin.''     'Abkdr  is  the  plural 

1  Ibid.,  LXVI.  1,  2  (p.  94  f.). 
^Ibid.,  LXIX.  1,  2  (p.  95  f.). 
3  Ibid.,  LXXXVI.  2  (p.  108). 
*Ibid.,  CI.  1,  2  (p.  114). 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS       213 

of   either    Jo_    hikr    "virgin,   unperf orated    pearl"    or 

Ji^  bakar  "morning."     We  have  already  seen  from  the 

previous  discussion    that  J^^   was    glossed   somewhere 

as  <rrij  o^^  murgan  wa-yatlmah.    SriJ,  if  not  marked 

with   vowel   signs,  would  be  read   witimah,  and  it  is 
this   that   entered  into  the  ASaxon  and  Burgundian 

laws;  but  the  reading  o^^'  ,^  mahr  'al-murgdn  has  led 
to  far  more  weighty  consequences. 

The  Gothic  forger  who  composed  a  poetical  donation, 
dating  it  in  the  year  615,  has  the  lines:  "Ecce  decern 
inprimis  pueros  totidemque  puellas  |  Tradimus  atque 
decem  virorum  corpora  equorum,  |  Pari  mulos  numero 
damns  inter  caetera  et  arma,  |  Ordinis  ut  Getici  est 
et  morgingeba  vetusti."^  Morgingeba  is  an  exact  render- 
ing of  o^^l  ,j^  mahr  'al-murgdn,  geba  corresponding 
to    mahr,    and    morgin   being    the    untranslated  o^y* 

murgan.  No  such  word  is  found  in  the  Visigothie 
laws,  and  it  is  nothing  but  the  Hebrew  "dos  virginum," 
as  passed  through  an  Arabic  translation.  There  was 
no  escape  from  the  result.  Through  the  Arabic  the 
pearl  became  the  one  born  from  the  morning  dew; 
hence  also  morgin  is  not  only  the  pearl,  as  found  in 
at  least  one  Latin  version  of  the  Physiologus,  but  also 
"the  morning,"  that  is,  the  morgingeba  was  conceived 
as  the  gift  to  the  bride  after  the  nuptial  night.  This  is 
neither  Roman  nor  Germanic  law,  but  Hebrew  law 
as  passed  through  an  Arabic  gloss.  Thus  arose  Goth. 
maurgins,  AS.  morgen,  OHG.  morgan,  etc.,  "morning." 
Alas,  even  geba  is  a  Germanic  ghost  word!  In 
Jerome's  Onomastica  we  find  '' Zebdi  dotis  meae, 
Zebedaeus    dotatus    sine    fluens    iste,    Zabadia    dotata 

'  Ibid.,  sect.  V,  Formulae,  p.  584. 


214    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

domini,"  all  from  Heb.  ^?.!  zebed  ''gift."  The 
Corpus  Glossary  gives  ''Zebedeus  dotatus,"  and  the 
Keronian  glosses  have  ''Zebedeus  donatus  kepo,''  where 
the  German  form  is  already  established.  But  AS. 
gifede  "datus,  concessus,"  gifte  "dowry,"  hence  ONorse 
gipta  "to  marry,"  show  that  Zebede  was  read  as  ^ebede 
and  changed  into  gebede,  just  as  gizeria  was  changed  into 
gigeria.^ 

It  has  already  been  shown  that  Gregory  of  Tours 
is,  to  say  the  least,  highly  interpolated.^  In  his  history 
is  given  a  pact  which  contains  the  sentence,  "De 
civitatibus  vero,  hoc  est  Burdegala,  Lemovecas,  Cadur- 
cus,  Benarno  et  Begorra,  quae  Gailesuinda,  germana 
domnae  Brunichilde,  tam  in  dote  quam  in  morganegyba, 
hoc  est  matutinale  donum,  in  Francia  veniens  certum 
est  adquisisse."^  Either  the  reference  to  the  mor- 
ganegyba  is  an  interpolation  or  the  whole  docu- 
ment is  a  forgery.  The  word  occurs  in  the  Lex  Ribuaria 
(XXXVII.  2),  the  Leges  Alamannorum  (LIV.  2),  and 
frequently  in  the  Langobard  laws,  where  we  also  find 
the  form  morgincapud.  It  follows  from  my  investi- 
gation that  all  these  laws  were  codified  in  the  VIII. 
century,  and  that  they  were  composed  in  some  such 
way  as  the  Pseudo-Isidorean  decretals.  Much  is 
probably  genuine,  but  a  considerable  amount  was 
made  up  to  suit  the  fancy  of  the  codifier. 

I  have  already  shown  that  the  Lex  salica  contains 
material  which  did  not  exist  before  the  end  of  the  VI. 
century,  and  this,  too,  in  such  a  corrupt  form  that  in 
reality  it  cannot  be  of  an  earlier  date  than  the  VIII. 
century.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  presence  of  the 
pearl  story  in  it,  although  the  morgangeba  itself  is 
absent.     In  a  capitulary  ascribed  to  Chlodowec  we 

» See  p.  195. 

*  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  262  f. 

3  Historia  Francorum,  IX.  20,  in  MGH.,  Scrip,  rer.  merov.,  vol.  I,  p.  376. 


THE  PEARL  IN  THE  GERMANIC  LAWS       215 

read:  "De  muliere  \idua  qui  se  ad  alium  maritum 
donare  voluerit.  Si  quis  mulier  vidua  post  mortem 
mariti  sui  ad  alterum  marito  se  dare  voluerit  prius 
qui  eam  accipere  voluerit  reibus  secundum  legem  donet 
et  postea  mulier  si  de  anteriore  marito  filios  habet 
parentes  infantum  suorum  debet  consiliare.  Et  si  in 
dotis  XXV  solidos  accepit  III  solidos  achasium  paren- 
tibus  qui  proximiores  sunt  marito  defuncto  donet;  hoc 
est  si  pater  aut  mater  desunt  frater  defuncti  aut  certe 
nepus  fratris  senioris  filius  ipsis  achasius  debetur.  Et 
si  isti  non  fuerint  tunc  in  mallo  judici  hoc  est  comite 
aut  grafione  roget  de  ea  in  verbum  regis  mittat  et 
achasium  quem  parentibus  mortui  mariti  dare  debue- 
rant  parti  fisei  adquirat.  Si  vero  LXIII  solidos  in 
dotis  accipiat  solidi  VI  in  achasium  dentur  hoc  est  ut 
per  decinus  solidos  singuli  in  achasium  debentur  sic 
tamen  ut  dotem  quem  anterior  maritus  dedit  filii  sui 
post  obitum  matris  sine  ullum  consorcium  sibi  vendicent 
ac  defendant  de  qua  dotem  mater  nee  vendere  nee 
donare  praesummat.  Certe  si  mulier  de  anteriore 
marito  filios  non  habuerit  et  cum  dote  sua  ad  alias 
nuptias  ambulare  voluerit  sicut  superius  diximus 
achasium  donet.  Et  sic  postea  scamno  cooperiat  et 
lecto  cum  lectaria  ornet  et  ante  novem  testes  paren- 
tibus defuncti  invitat  et  dicat:  Omnis  mihi  testis 
scitis  quia  et  achasium  dedi  ut  pacem  habeam  parentum 
et  lectum  stratum  et  lectaria  condigna  et  scamno 
coperto  et  cathedras  quae  de  casa  patris  mei  exhibui 
hie  dimitto.  Et  hoc  liceat  cum  duas  partes  dotis  sui 
alio  se  dare  marito.  Si  vero  istud  non  fecerit  duas 
partes  dotis  perdat  et  insuper  fisco  solidos  LXIII 
culpabilis  judicetur.  De  puellas  militurias  vel  litas 
haec  lex  medietate  servetur."^  Here  the  woman  retains 
her  dower  by  giving  for  it  the  achasium;  that  is,  just 
as  the  precious  pearl,  the  murgdn,  is  obtained  by  giving 

'  R.  Behrend,  Lex  salica,  Weimar  1897,  Capiiulare  I.  7,  p.  133  f. 


216    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

up  the  stone  achates,  so  the  morgangeba  is  retained  by 
abandoning  a  small  part  of  it,  the  achasium.  This 
achasium  is  the  origin  of  Fr.  achat  "purchase,"  acheter 
"to  buy,"  which,  on  the  one  hand,  becomes  confused 
with  LLat.  adquisitum  "that  which  is  acquired,"  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  is  explained  as  LLat.  accaptare, 
although  there  is  no  warrant  for  such  a  word  in  any 
of  the  early  documents,  and  produces  Ital.  accattare, 
OFr.  achapter,  OSpan.  acabdar,  OPort.  achatar  "to 
buy." 


XIX.     THE  WHALE. 

To  Hosea  XII.  11  Jerome  has  the  following  com- 
mentary: "Si  Galaad  idolum,  ergo  frus- 
tra  erant  in  Galgal  bobus  immolan- 
tes;  nam  et  altaria  eorum  quasi 
acervi  super  sulcos  agri.  LXX:  S  i  n  o  n 
Galaad  est,  ergo  falsi  erant  in  Gal- 
gala  principes  immolantes,  et  alta- 
ria eorum  quasi  testudines  super  de- 
sertum  agri.  Pro  eo  quod  nos  transtulimus, 
bobus,  qui  Hebraice  appellantur  surim,  LXX  inter- 
pretati  sunt,  principes,  qui  vocantur  sarim,  verbi 
similitudine  atque  ambiguitate  decepti.  Rursum  ubi 
nos  posuimus,  acervos,  qui  Hebraice  appellantur  gallim 
et  proprie  divag  significant,  hoc  est,  ex  arena  tumulos 
congregatos,  qui  maxime  ir.  deserto,  et  in  littoribus 
flante  vento,  vel  augentur,  vel  minuuntur,  LXX 
transtulerunt,  testudines  (xeA,covag) :  pro  quibus 
Symmachus,  acervos  lapidum,  mterpretatus  est:  Theo- 
dotio  colles.  Et  revera  si  d^ivag  respicias,  habent 
similitudinem  magnarum  testudinum  in  deserto  agro, 
vel  in  ripis  atque  littoribus  paululum  humo  eminentium. 
Quod  ergo  dicit,  hoc  est,  si  in  Galaad,  de  qua  scriptum 
est :  Galaad  civitas  operantium  ido- 
lum, supplantata  sanguine,  falsi  sunt  dii 
et  perversa  religio,  et  est  trans  Jordanem  ubi  duae 
tribus  habitant,  Ruben  et  Gad,  et  dimidia  tribus 
Manasse,  ergo  et  Galgal  de  qua  in  hoc  eodem  propheta 
legimus :  Omnis  malitia  eorum  in  Gal- 
gala,  quae  est  post  tergum  Betha- 
V  e  n  ;  quicumque  idola  colunt,  non  boves  diis  im- 
molant,  sed  bobus  offerunt  sacrificia,  imitantes  errorem 


218    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Samariae.  Eo  enim  tempore  quo  haec  prophetabantur, 
Galaad  in  regno  decern  tribuum  erat;  et  Galgal  sub 
imperio  duarum  tribuum,  quae  appellabantur  Juda. 
Ergo  et  decem  tribus  et  duae  pari  idololatriae  errore 
deceptae  sunt,  et  altaria  eorum  sicut  aeervi  et  tumuli 
de  lapidibus  congregati,  sive  de  arenis.  Cumque  et 
illi  et  hi  in  captivitatem  fuerint  abducti,  arae  quondam 
eorum  absque  cultoribus  testudinum  vel  tumulorum 
habebunt  similitudinem.  Quia  vero  Galaad  interpre- 
tatur,  translatio  testimonii,  et  Galgal,  volutabrum,  hoc 
dicere  possumus,  quod  principes  haereticorum  testi- 
monia  veritatis  transferant  in  mendacium,  et  quidquid 
colunt,  idolum  sit,  et  sacrificia  eorum  habeant  simi- 
litudinem, vel  acervorum  de  lapidibus  congregatorum, 
vel  testudinum.  Quomodo  enim  dtveg,  et  aeervi  hinc 
atque  illinc  de  lapidibus  et  sabulo  congregantur:  ita 
et  haeretici  de  sapientia  saeculari  et  argutiis  hominum, 
fraude  atque  mendacio  simulacra  componunt.  Et  cum 
hoc  fecerint,  tardis  gressibus  in  uno  moventur  loco,  et 
totum  orbem  occupare  non  possunt.  Testudo  tardi- 
grada  et  onerata,  immo  oppressa  pondere  suo,  non  tam 
ambulat  quam  movetur,  haereticorum  gravissima  pec- 
cata  significans,  qui  suis  in  coeno  et  volutabro  luti 
erroribus  immolant,  adorantes  opera  manuum  suarum, 
et  instar  boum  cuncta  pro  terrenis  frugibus  laborantes."^ 
In  the  Onomastica  sacra  Jerome  added  a  new  inter- 
pretation to  Galaad,  namely  "aceruus  testimonii,"^ 
"aceruus    testis."^      In    the    Syriac    vL]Z     gdld   means 

"acervus,  testudo,"  the  latter  in  the  double  sense  of 
"protection,  rampart"  and  "tortoise,"  and  this  Syriac 
word  found  its  way  into  a  Graeco-Latin  glossary  as 
"cheloni  golai.'"^    From  here  it  found  its  way  into  other 

1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXV,  col.  928  f. 

"-  VII.  4. 

3  XIII.  17. 

*  Hermeneumala  monacensia,  in  Goetz,  vol.  Ill,  p.  189. 


THE  WHALE  219 

glossaries:  "testudo  coniunctio  scutorum;  testudo 
quam  uulgo  testudinem  alii  golaiam  dicunt  grado  lento 
graditur  secum  domum  suam  portans  dorso  picta  et  es 
uenenosa;  testudo  glarea  depauimentum."'^  One  gloss- 
ary quoted  only  the  reference  to  the  turtle  and  gravel: 
"testudo  quam  uulgo  guleiam  uocant  est  in  mari  alia 
est  quadrupedum  in  terra;  testudo  glarea  idest  paui- 
mentum;"^  another  left  out  the  word  guleia,  but 
otherwise  quoted  the  same  lemmata:  ''testudo  ordo 
militum  in  modum  coron§  interius  terga  habentes  uel 
duritia  glarea;  testudine  genus  quadripedi  est;  testudo 
grarea  idest  pauimentum."^  That  all  this  is  based  on 
the  Hebrew  and  Syriac  is  shown  by  the  specific  meaning 
"glarea,"  which  is  recorded  in  the  Syriac  and  Hebrew. 
The  Corpus  Glossary  has  the  readings  "testudo  densitas 
ramorum"  and  "duritia,  gallacia,''  where  the  last  is  a 
corruption  of  golaia  of  the  other  vocabularies. 

It  can  now  be  shown  that  the  Syriac  or  Hebrew 
word  golaia  for  "turtle"  came  in  through  the  Arabic. 
We  have  Arab.  U^Jiv  sulahfa,  also  silhafa,  etc.,  "the 
tortoise,  called  in  Persian  <^\j_  bdhah  and  ^iS 
kasaf.^^  Alcala  gives  4»UL-  sulhdfah,  and  others 
Uii^   suhlafd.     Dozy  has  pointed  out   that   this  must 

be  the  same  as  Alcala's  g.ulfdka  "landre  que  mata,  a 
tumor  of  a  pestiferous  nature,"  and  points  to  the  double 
meaning  of  Span,  galapago  "tortoise,  cleft."  The  Spanish 
word  arose  unquestionably  from  the  hybrid  word  gala 
'+  bdhah,  both  of  which  mean  "tortoise."  This  is 
confirmed  from  the  Latin  glosses,  where  we  read 
''golaia  idest  gala  pagomarinosiueriano"'*  and  "golaia  .i. 

1  Codex  Vaticanus  3321,  ibid.,  vol.  IV,  p.  184. 
-Codex  Vaticanus  1468,  ibid.,  vol.  V,  p.  516. 
'  Glossae  A  A,  ibid.,  p.  486. 
*  Glossae  Cassinenses,  ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  539. 


220    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

galapacomagrinos  siue  finocreta."^  These  two  corrupt 
glosses  become  at  once  clear  from  the  ASaxon  glosses. 
We  have  in  the  Corpus  Glossary  "testudo  borddeaca,'' 
and  in  the  Epinal  Glosses  "testudo  horohaca  I  sceld- 
reda  I  Jaenucae.''  The  last  word  is  AS,  fen  +  yce, 
lit.  "swamp  +  toad,"  hence  Aldhelm's  "testudo  palus- 
tris"  is  translated  in  the  ASaxon  Riddles  by  fenyce. 
Finocreta  of  the  Latin  Glossary  is,  therefore,  AS. 
fenychreda  "the  covering  of  the  testudo;"  hence  the 
glosses  containing  galapago  have  gone  through  an 
ASaxon  source,  and  should  be  corrected  to  ''golaia 
A.  galapago  marino  siue  fenychreda."  But  "galapago," 
which  is  the  Syrio-Arabic  term  galahdhah,  has  entered 
the  Spanish  as  galapago  "tortoise,  cleft,"  That  golaia 
was  known  in  Spain  is  shown  by  the  Latin-Arabic 
glossary,  where  we  read  "testudo  animal  quod  testam 
gerit  i.  e.  goloia  item  testudo  coniunctio  scutorum 
cithara  concameratio  templi  uel  glarea  i.  e.  pulmentis." 
Ducange  also  records  "testudo,  quam  vulgo  guolatiam 
vocant;  testudo,  quam  vulgo  golia  dicunt."  Indeed, 
Alcala  records  "tortuga  galapago  calapag,''  which 
shows  that  the  Arabs  knew  the  word  and  that  Arab. 
Qulfdka  in  Alcala  and  the  other  Arabic  tortoise  words 
are  corruptions  of  the  same. 

For  Syr.  gdld  "acervus,"  however,  a  native  Arabic 
word  was  used  in  Spain.  We  have  Arab.  ^  nabara 
"he  raised,  elevated  a  thing,"  hence  ^  nibr  "heaps," 
jLx  'anbdr  "magazine,  chamber,"  i^  nabrah  "a 
swelling  in  the  body,"    _rr*   minbar  "the  pulpit."     It 

became  necessary  for  the  Arabs  to  maintain  the 
"testudo"  glosses,  but  no  exact  idea  was  connected 
with  the  marine  animal,  except  that  it  was  something 
like  a  shield.     The  Arabic  "heaps"  glosses  by  a  slight 

^  Hermeneumata  Codicis  Vaticani  Reginae  Christinae  1260,  ibid,,  p.  564. 


THE  WHALE  221 

change  admitted  of  such  a  transference.  It  was  taken 
to  be  the  sperm  whale,  ^^  'anbar,  which,  therefore, 
had  also  to  be  "a  shield;"    hence  we  have  ,^  'anbar 

^'ambergris,  an  excrement  found  in  the  belly  of  a  certain 
great  fish  which  is  called  by  the  same  name,  shields  are 
made  of  its  skin."  Thus  we  have  the  "testudo"  gloss 
preserved  in  all  its  amplitude. 

There   can   be   little   doubt    that    ^^   'anbar  is  an 

Arabic  word,  and  that  the  original  meaning,  still  pre- 
served for  it,  was  "saffron,"  for  which  we  get  also  the 
form     ^j^    'ablr     "a    certain     mixture     of     perfumes 

compounded  with  saffron,  saffron  itself."  When  the 
Arabs  discovered  the  sperm  whale  along  the  East 
coast  of  Africa  and  obtained  from  it  the  ambergris, 
which  lent  itself  to  the  same  purposes  as  the  saffron, 
the  latter  name  was  transferred  to  it,  and  the  whale 

itself  was  named  ^^^   'anbar.     The  meaning    "shield" 

is,  in  all  likelihood,  not  derived  from  the  animal,  since 
it  is  not  likely  that  the  whale  skin  could  have  been  so 
used. 

Already  in  classical  times  Lat.  scutum  had  the  mean- 
ing of  "protection,"  In  the  Bible  it  is  quite  frequent 
in  this  acceptation:  ''scutum  auxilii  tui,"  Deut. 
XXXIII.  29;  "Deus  scutum  meum,"  2  Reg.  XXII.  3; 
''scutum  est  omnium  sperantium  in  se,"  2  Reg.  XXII. 
31;  "ut  scuto  bonae  voluntatis  tuae  coronasti  nos," 
Psal.  V.  13;  "scuto  circumdabit  te  Veritas  ejus,"  Psal. 
XC.  5.  In  the  Langobard  law  we  read  "omnes  ware- 
gang,  qui  de  exteras  fines  in  regni  nostri  finibus  ad- 
venerint,  seque  sub  scuto  potestatis  nostrae  subde- 
derint,  legibus  nostris  Langobardorum  vivere  debeant."^ 
In  the  ASaxon  laws  and  elsewhere  scildan  is  several 

'  Roth.  367,  MGH.,  Leges,  ed.  Pertz,  vol.  Ill,  p.  85. 


222    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

times  used  for  "protegere,  preuidere,  noxium  dimittere," 
even  as  in  the  Slavic  language  Lat.  scutum  has  pro- 
duced Uit,  Hit  "shield,  protection." 

There  is  an  OHGerman  gloss  to  1  Maccab.  IV.  6, 
"tegumenta  schuta,''^  although  in  other  MSS.  we  read 
"tegumenta  scilti,  scilta.''^  The  first  is  not  a  mistake  for 
the  second,  but  is  simply  the  Lat.  scuta,  with  which, 
without  warrant,  tegumenta  in  Maccab.  was  confused, 
although  the  Gr.  xaA,X)^i|iaTa  indicates  that  "a  covering, 
a  cloak"  was  meant.  Now  "covering"  is  given  in  the 
Latin  glosses  as  "pallas  sindones  uel  coopertorium  al- 
taris,"  and  "sindonis  amictoria  linea,  quibus  operiun- 
tur  humeri,"  and  we  have  the  ASaxon  glosses  ""scyte 
sindo,"  from  which  we  ultimately  get  Eng.  sheet.  In 
the  Corpus  Glossary  is  found  the  gloss  "sandalium 
scete  loda,''  but  this  is  obviously  a  blunder,  since  loda 
is  frequently  glossed  by  "lacerna"  or  "stragulum," 
as  it  should  be,  while  "sandalia"  is  glossed  in  the 
Epinal  Glossary  as  "calciamenta  que  non  habent  de- 
super  corium,"  and  the  Corpus  Glossary  has  "sandalia 
calciamenta."  As  loda  indicates,  scete  belongs  to  a 
lemma  "lacerna"  or  "stragulum,"  or,  what  is  more 
likely,  "sandalium"  is  a  misread  "sindonem."  Thus 
we  are  left  for  the  ASaxon  with  only  the  meaning 
"cloak,  sheet"  for  scete,  scyte. 

In  Isidore  we  read:  "Paenula  est  pallium  cum  fim- 
briis  longis.  Lacerna  pallium  fimbriatum  quod  olim 
soli  milites  utebantur;  unde  et  in  distinguenda  cas- 
trensi  urbanaque  turba  hos  togatos,  illos  lacernatos 
vocabant.  Inde  autem  lacernae  quasi  amputatis  capi- 
tibus  fimbriarum,  neque  ita  laxis  ut  sunt  paenularum."^ 
Isidore  confused  lacerna  with  lacinia,  even  as  Apuleius 
regularly  used  "lacinia"  for  the  whole  garment;   hence 

1  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  IV,  p.  285. 

2  Ihid.,  vol.  I,  p.  691. 
2  XIX.  24.  14. 


THE  WHALE  223 

he  jumped  to  the  preposterous  conclusion  that  a 
"lacerna"  was,  as  it  were,  a  garment  with  the  tassels 
cut  off.  From  this  confusion  of  "lacerna"  and  "lacinia" 
we  get  the  Goth,  skauts  for  "fimbria."  The  correspond- 
ing ASaxon  glosses  are  instructive:  sceat,  sceata  are 
used  for  "garment,  cloak,  cloth,  napkin,  bosom,  lap, 
bay,  nook,  corner,  projection."  In  Alfric's  vocabulary 
sceat  is  the  translation  of  "nebris  heortes  hyd,  hart's 
hide."  Even  in  the  X.  or  XI,  century  we  find  "mantile, 
gausape"  for  it,  but,  at  the  same  time,  we  get  ''sceata 
pes  ueli,  sceatline  propes,"  where  the  meaning  is 
transferred  to  the  edge  of  the  sail.  Thus  there  is  no 
doubt  possible  as  to  the  identity  of  Goth,  skauts,  etc., 
with  Lat.  scutum. 

In  OHGerman  we  get  but  late  scoza  "lacinia,  pla- 
guncula,  gremium,"  -scoz  "cornered."  As  we  have  AS. 
-scite  "cornered,"  we  once  more  get  an  identity  of  all 
the  words  so  far  discussed.  MHG.  schiltzen  "to  pro- 
tect" is  apparently  a  late  introduction  from  LGerman, 
since  we  have  MD.  scutte  "sluice,  dam,"  schutten  "to 
shut  up,  let  pass  through  a  sluice."  That  these  are  all 
borrowed  words,  follows  from  the  phonetic  variations, 
MLG.  beschutten,  beschudden  "to  shut  up,  protect, 
cover  by  pouring  on,"  schut  "protection."  Side  by  side 
with  Ger.  schiitzen  we  have  schutt  "damming  of  water," 
schiitte  "alluvial  hills,  circumvallation,  place  for  heaping 
things." 

AS.  scyttan  "to  shut,  shoot  a  bolt,  cause  rapid  move- 
ment" is  clear  enough  in  the  first  acceptation,  since 
"to  shut"  follows  easily  enough  from  "to  protect." 
But  AS.  scijttel  "bar,  bolt,"  scytel  "dart,"  scutel  "dart, 
arrow"  show  that  "to  shoot  a  bolt,  cause  rapid  move- 
ment" relates  scyttan  to  scudan  "to  shake,  tremble," 
in  spite  of  the  change  of  final  consonant.  Here  we 
have  not  only  a  borrowed  word,  but  also  a  borrowed 
etymology.     In  Isidore  we  read:    ''scutum  appellatum 


224    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

eo  quod  a  se  excutiat  telorum  ictum,"  "the  shield  is  so 
called  because  it  shakes  out  the  darts."  The  Codex 
Sangallensis  912  has  the  gloss  "vibrare  asta  intorquere 
militare  (minitare)."^  This  runs  in  the  Keronian 
glosses  as  follows: 

Uiberare  scuten  hnutte 

asta  ast  scaft 

intorquire  pinca 

minitare  huuennen. 

Just  as  ast  is  a  repetition  of  Lat.  asta,  so  scuten  is 
here  a  reminiscence  of  Isidore's  "scutum"  etymology, 
no  matter  whether  it  represents  scutum  or  excutere. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  another,  more  weighty 
reason  why  scutum  should  have  been  used  to  express 
the  idea  of  shooting.  "Cum  scuto  et  fuste  contendere" 
is  the  usual  IX.  century  formula  for  a  judicial  duel.^ 
In  the  Langobard  law  we  have  similarly  "sub  uno 
scuto  per  pugnam  dimittere,"^  where  "sub  uno  scuto'' 
means  "merely  by  duelling,"  hence  it  was  natural  to 
think  of  "scutare"  or  "scutere,"  which  is  recorded  only 
as  scuten  in  the  Keronian  glosses,  as  referring  to  shoot- 
ing. 

It  can  now  be  shown  that  some  of  the  connotations  of 
scutum  are  due  to  Arabic  influence.  During  and  after 
the  conquest  of  Spain  the  Arabs  invited  the  Spaniards 
to  become  Mohammedans  or  to  pay  the  \y>r  gaziyyah 
"a  capitation  tax"  which  assured  them  of  full  pro- 
tection,^ <-i   dzimmah,  and,  "by  virtue  of  the  pact  and 

the  payment  of  the  tribute,  the  lives  and  persons  of  the 
dzimmis  or  subjects  were  ipso  facto  placed  under  the 

1  Goetz,  vol.  IV,  p.  295. 

-  See  MGH.,  Leges,  sect.  II,  Vocabulary,  sub  scutum. 
^Roth.  164-166. 

''  Simonet,  Historia  de   los  Mozdrabes  de  Espana,    Madrid    1897-1903, 
p.  40  S. 


THE  WHALE  225 

safety  and  defense  of  the  Moslem  law  and  govern- 
ment. "^ 

The  Christian  rulers  were  not  slow  in  adopting  the 
Arabic  method  of  protection,  since  it  insured  them  a 
new  source  of  extortion  from  the  subject  nations.  In 
the  Cortes  of  Barcelona  of  1064  we  already  find  this 
protection,  called  emparajnentum,  in  full  swing.^  The 
frequent  phrases  "recipio  et  emparo  te  sub  mea  custodia 
et  defensione,"^  "recipio  in  mea  emparanza  ac  defen- 
sione,"'*  make  it  clear  that  we  are  dealing  here  with  the 
same  kind  of  protection  as  offered  by  the  Arabic 
conquerors  and  independently  referred  to  in  the 
Langobard  law  as  being  under  the  "scutum  potestatis." 

It  has  already  been  shown  that  Rothar's  Edict  was 
composed  by  someone  acquainted  with  Gothic  sources, 
and  in  the  case  of  the  waregang  v/ho  conies  under  the 
"scutum  potestatis"  we  fortunately  have  a  corre- 
sponding reference  in  the  year  974  in  Spain.  In  the 
Fuero  of  Castrojeriz  it  says:  "Damns  foros  bonos  ad 
illos  Caballeros,  ut  sint  infanzones,  et  firmitur  super 
infanzones  deforas  Castro,  et  populetur  suas  heredi- 
tates  ad  avenientes,  et  escotos  et  habeant  illos  sicut 
infanzones  et  si  sue  gentes  aleves  fuerint,  deshereditent 
illas."^  The  Spanish  translation  of  it  reads:  "Et 
que  puedan  poblar  sus  heredades  de  homes  forros,  e 
avenedisos,  e  que  los  puedan  haber  por  vasallos  asi 
como  los  han  los  fijosdalgo  de  Castiella."^     The  per- 

1  Ibid.,  p.  77. 

2  "Simili  modo  firmissime  observetur  treuga  et  securitas  quam  perceperit 
princeps  inter  inimicos  teneri,  quamvis  ipsi  inimici  eandem  treugam  ei 
non  aiictorizaverint,  et  empar amentum  quod  fecerit  princeps  per  se  vel  per 
nuncium  suum  vel  per  suum  sagionem  vel  per  suum  sigillum,  nemo  sit  ausus 
ei  desemparare  nisi  primum  fatigaverit  se  de  directo  in  principem  ad  con- 
suetudinem  ipsius  curie,"  Cortes  de  los  antiguos  reinos  de  Aragon  y  de  Valencia 
y  Principado  de  Cataluna,  Madrid  1896,  vol.  I,  p.  25*. 

'  J.  Balari  y  Jovany,  Origenes  historicos  deCataluna,  Barcelona  1899, p.  485. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  48G. 

*  T.  Munoz  y  Romero,  Coleccion  de  fueros  municipales,  Madrid  1847, 
vol.  I,  p.  37. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  44. 

20 


226    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

mission  is  given  to  settle  on  the  land  certain  newcomers 
and  escoti,  who  may  be  treated  as  vassals.  The 
Spanish  translation  "forro"  for  escotus  shows  that  it 

means  "a  free  man,"  from  Arab.    j>-   hurr  "free  man," 

but  the  connection  with  "avenientes"  shows  that  we 
are  dealing  here  with  the  waregang,  who,  having  come 
under  the  "scutum,"  becomes  like  a  free  man;  hence 
escotus  is  from  "scutum,"  although  the  regular  Spanish 
word  for  "to  protect"  is  escudar.  Henry  the  First  in 
1115  freed  London  from  the  scot  and  danegild,^  which 
would  indicate  that  it  was  originally  due  to  the  Danes 
and  had  grown  to  be  a  burdensome  tax. 

In  order  to  show  the  overwhelming  influence  of  Arabic 
institutions  upon  the  Germanic  ideas  in  the  VIII. 
century,  especially  as  referring  to  the  "scutum"  words, 
it  is  necessary  first  to  touch  upon  a  vastly  greater  and 
more  important  family  of  words,  originally  connected 
with  Arabic  magic,  but  ultimately  forming  the  founda- 
tion of  Germanic  religious  and  legal  words. 

There  is  an  ONorse  word  hdls-hoc  "a  book  to  swear 
upon."^  In  the  ASaxon  versions  of  Matth.  XXIII.  5 
halshec  is  used  for  "philacteria:"  "hig  to-braedad  hyra 
heals-baec  (hals-baec,  heals-hec).''  We  have  here  a 
derivative   of    Arab.  ^Jfi'^\    Hhlds,    the    name    of    the 

CXII.  sura  of  the  Koran,  which  runs  as  follows:  "Say, 
God  is  one  God;  the  eternal  God;  he  begetteth  not, 
neither  is  he  begotten;  and  there  is  not  anyone  like 
unto  him."  This  sura  was  used  as  one  of  the  chief 
phylacteries  in  Arabic  magic.  It  had  as  much  merit  as 
one  third  of  the  Koran,  and  was  employed  against  all 
kinds  of  sorcery.^     This  Arab.  ^:>U1   'ihlds  is  derived 

^  "Et  sint  quieti  de  scot  (eschot,  schot)  et  de  danegildo  et  de  murdre," 
Liebermann,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  525. 

2  "J>eir  scolo  taca  cros  ihond  ser  eda  boc  ]>a.,  er  meire  se  en  hdls  hoc," 
Grdgds,  Copenhagen  1852,  vol.  I,  p.  76. 

2  E.  Doutte,  op.  cit,  p.  216  f. 


THE  WHALE  227 

from  fj/!^  halasa  "he  was  or  became  (j^^  hdli^  clear, 
pure,  safe,  free,  genuine."  From  this  a  large  number  of 
Germanic  words  are  derived.  AS.  halshec  means 
decidedly  "amulet  writing,"  hence  the  early  sources 
report  halsere,  haelsere  "augur,  exorcist,"  halsian  "to 
exorcise,  conjure,  implore,  beseech,"  haelsian  "to 
foretell,"  haelsung  "divination,  augury,"  and,  side  by 
side  with  it,  the  abbreviated  hael  "omen,  auspice." 
That  haelan  "to  heal,  cure,  make  safe,"  hdel  "health, 
happiness,  salvation,"  hdelend  "the  Saviour,"  hdlor 
"salvation,"  hdl  "whole,  hale,  safe"  belong  here  follows 
not  only  from  the  semantic  relationship,  as  in  Arabic, 
but  also  from  hdls  "health,  salvation." 

The  forms  in  OH  German  are  even  more  instructive. 
Here  we  have  heilison  "to  divine,  conjure,"  heilisunga^ 
heiUsod  "omen,  auspice."  The  very  uncommon  form 
heilisod,  obviously  from  an  original  hdlisod,  is  a  very 
close  rendering  of  Arab.  oUU-  hdlisat,  which  is  used 
for  (j^Mi-l  'ihlds,  the  CXII.  sura,  the  sovereign  amulet. 
While  in  ASaxon  there  seems  to  be  no  precise  line  of 
demarcation  between  the  "augur"  and  "safety"  words, 
the  shorter  OHG.  heil,  Goth,  hails  "well,  sound"  are 
abbreviated  from  the  longer  form  of  the  Arabic  on  the 
basis  of  a  misunderstood  etymology  in  the  Onomastica 
sacra.  Here  we  read  ''Elisaeus  dei  mei  salus,"  ''Elisa 
deus  mens  uel  eius  salus  uel  ad  insulam  uel  dei  mei 
saluatio,"  ''Elisue  dei  mei  salus."  The  etymology  of 
"Elisaeus"  is  repeated  in  the  Corpus  Glossary.  The 
Gothic  Bible,  following  the  Gr.  'E?iiO(xiog,  spells  the 
word  Haileisaius,  of  which  hails  seems  to  be  an  abbrevi- 
ation, the  borrower  not  having  been  aware  of  the  fact 
that  the  first  part,  hailei,  refers  to  "deus  mens,"  and 
only  eisaius  to  "salus." 


228    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

The  Arabic  Christians  used  ^JA^  halasa  for  the 
Christian  acceptation  of  "to  save,"  and  the  Christian 
Redeemer  was,  therefore,  ijois,^  muhallls.  In  Psalm 
CXV.  25  osanna  of  the  Latin  version  is  translated  by 
Saadya  U^^Ur  tuhallisnd,  literally  "save  us."  "Osan- 
na" has  played  an  enormous  part  in  the  liturgy,  as  is 
evidenced  by  Jerome's  letter  to  Damasus,^  in  which 
he  explains  the  Hebrew  origin  of  the  word  and  points 
out  the  importance  of  Psalm  CXV,  in  that  it  foretells 
the  coming  of  Christ.  While  the  Gothic  Bible  did  not 
have  the  courage  to  translate  osanna,  yet  in  Mark  XV. 
18  it  translated  "xaiQ8  ave"  by  hails.  It  is  clear 
that  here  we  have  the  original  word,  from  which  the 
adjective  hails  was  formed,  with  apocopated  s.  That 
this  hails  was  the  usual  Gothic  word  for  an  exclamation 
is  proved  by  a  Latin  poem,  De  conviviis  barbaris,  which 
consists  of  two  lines,  "Inter  eils  goticum  'scapia  matzia 
ia  drincan'  |  Non  audet  quisquam  dignos  edicere 
versus."^  Eils  means  "hail!"  Massmann  put  the  Codex 
Salmasianus,  in  which  this  poem  is  placed,  in  the  VII. 
century;^  Riese  placed  it  in  the  VII.  or  VIII.  century, 
and  Quicherat  and  Delisle  put  it  in  the  VIII.  century.* 
An  inspection  of  a  MS.  page  reproduction  in  Watten- 
bach  and  Zangemeister  shows  that  the  uncials,  with 
their  capitals  and  red  rubrics,  are  more  likely  of  the 
beginning  of  the  IX.  century.    There  can  be  little  doubt 

that  the  Arab.  ^jA^  halasa  "to  save"  is  responsible  for 

the  "osanna"  meaning,  hence  we  get  once  more  the 
confirmation  of  the  fact  that  the  Gothic  Bible  was 
translated  from  a  bilingual  Graeco-Arabic  original. 

1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXII,  col.  375  ff. 

2  A.  Riese,  Anthologia  latina,  Lipsiae  1894,  vol.  I^  p.  221  (No.  285). 
^  Zeitschrift  filr  deutsches  Alterthum,  vol.  I,  p.  379. 

^  Riese,  op.  cit.,  p.  XIII. 


THE  WHALE  229 

John  VIII.  36,  "si  ergo  vos  filius  liberaverit,  vere 
liberi  eritis,"  has  led  to  the  extension  of  Christ's 
attribute  as  not  only  "the  Saviour,"  but  also  "the 
Liberator."  In  St.  Augustine's  Tractatus  XLI  this 
idea  is  expressed  as  follows:  "Liberat  ergo  ab  hac 
servitute  solus  Dominus:  qui  illam  non  habuit,  ipse 
de  ilia  liberat;  solus  enim  in  hac  earne  venit  sine  pec- 
cato.  Nam  quos  videtis  in  manibus  matrum  parvulos 
ferri,  nondum  ambulant,  et  jam  sunt  compediti; 
traxerunt  enim  de  Adam  quod  solvatur  a  Christo. 
Pertinet  etiam  ad  ipsos,  cum  baptizantur,  ista  gratia 
quam  Dominus  pollicetur;  quia  de  peccato  solus  11- 
berare  potest,  qui  venit  sine  peccato,  et  factus  est 
sacrificium  pro  peccato."^  "Mane  in  servitute  Dei, 
in  libertate  Christi;  mente  servi  legi  Dei  tui.  Noli 
te  dare  concupiscentiis  tuis:  sequendo  eas,  vires  eis 
addis;  dando  eis  vires  quomodo  vincis,  quando  contra 
te  inimicos  nutris  viribus  tuis?  Quae  igitur  libertas 
plena  atque  perfecta  in  illo  Domino  Jesu  qui  dixit. 
Si  vos  Filius  liberaverit,  tunc  vere 
liberi  eritis;  quando  plena  et  perfecta  libertas 
erit?  Quando  nullae  inimicitiae,  quando  novissima 
inimica  destruetur  mors."-  "Dominus  noster  etiam 
in  forma  servi  non  servus,  sed  in  forma  etiam  servi 
Dominus  (fuit  quippe  ilia  carnis  forma  servilis,  sed 
quamvis  esset  similitudo  carnis  peceati,  non  erat  caro 
peccati),  libertatem  promisit  credentibus  in  se."^ 
Moreover,  the  Lord,  Dominus,  is  the  Liberator,  and, 
although  a  slave  in  form,  is  Himself  free. 

This  led  in  the  Germanic  languages  to  the  creation 
of  a  word  for  "Lord"  from  a  root  "free."  We  have 
Goth,  frauja  "lord,"  fraujinon  "to  be  a  master,"  AS. 
fred   and    the   indeclinable  freo    "lord,    master,"    the 

1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXXV,  col.  1694  f. 
^Ibid.,  col.  1699. 
3  Ibid.,  col.  1700. 


230    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

latter  also  meaning  "woman,  mulier  ingenua,"  frowe 
"lady,  the  Virgin  Mary."  In  OH  German  we  have 
chiefly  in  Otfrid  Jro  "dominus,"  otherwise  frawa 
"domina,  matrona,"  and  the  indeclinable  fron,  frono 
"dominus,  dominicus,"  hence  "publicus."  That  frono 
meant  "one  of  high  degree,  magnificent"  is  proved  by 
the  adjective  fronisc  "distinguished,  famous,  elegant, 

mystical,    secret."      All    these    come    from    Arab.    j>- 

hurr,  which  produced  Span,  forro,  horro  "free,"  while 

OSpan.  horra,  Arab.  5^  hurrah  were  the  usual  words 

for  "lady,  queen,  princess,  empress."^  It  is  not  only 
in  Spanish  that  the  initial  letters  interchanged,  for  we 
have  also  J  furr,  nominative  furrun  "the  best,  choice 
of  men,"  although  this  is,  no  doubt,  from  a  different 
root.     The    latter    aided    the    change    of    Arab.  <_y>- 

hurriyyah  "freedom,  free  persons  collectively,  the  emi- 
nent, elevated,  noble  persons  of  the  Arabs  and  of  the 

foreigners"    into    AS.   fred,  freo,   while  Arab.  J  furr, 

furrun  led  to  Goth,  frauja,  OHG.  fron,  etc.,  "master." 
The  first  produced  OHG.  frl,  Goth,  frei  "free,"  etc. 

Goth,  frei-hals,  AS.  freols  "freedom,"  OHG.  frl-hals, 
O^orse  frjals  "free,"  have  been  explained  as  having  in 
its  second  part  hals  "neck."  Kluge,  in  his  Etymological 
Dictionary,  says:  "it  signifies  with  a  free  neck, — a  ring 
around  the  neck  was  an  OTeut.   mark  of  a  slave." 

All  very  well,  but  hals  is   the  Arab.   fjAi-  halasa    "to 

set  free,"  which  I  have  already  discussed.  It  is  true, 
hals  assumed  the  meaning  "neck,"  because  the  Arabic 
expression  for  "to  emancipate"  was  "to  free  a  neck," 

'\ij  jj=-  "he  freedVneck,  i.  e.,  a  slave."^     One  of  the 

^  Simonet,  op.  cit.,  p.  115. 

2  Lane,  An  Arabic-English  Lexicon,  sub     p- . 


THE  WHALE  231 

Arabic  words  for  "neck"  is  (j^^  'unq,  and  we  have  also 

j;x  'anaq  "length  of  the  neck."     Apparently  there  was 

a  Gothic  gloss  frei-hals=frei-'unq,  which  produced  the 
curious  Goth,  hals-agga  "neck."  But  the  other  Ger- 
manic languages  were  more  fortunate:  they  split  the 
composite  gloss  hals-agga  into  two  parts,  and  so  we  get 
OHG.  hals  and  hnac,  nac,  in  Swabian-Frankish  anke, 
genick,  MHG.  genick  "nape  of  the  neck."  AS.  heals, 
hals  "neck"  did  not  maintain  itself  in  English,  but 
hnecca  produced  Eng.  neck. 

In  the  Langobard  laws  frea  "liberta"  occurs  but 
twice:  "Si  quis  fream  alienam  sine  volontatem  de 
mundoald  eius  movere  de  casa,  ubi  inhabitat,  pre- 
sumpserit,  et  alibi  duxerit,  conponat  ille  qui  in  caput 
est,  pro  inlecita  presumptione  ad  mundoald  eius  solidos 
numero  octonta.  Et  si  liberi  homenis  cum  ipso  fuerent, 
conponat  unusquis  per  caput  solidos  20;  servi  autem 
in  conpositione  domini  sui  conpotentur.  Nam  si  forte 
ille  homo  liber,  qui  ipsam  fream  de  casa  ubi  est  tolerit, 
et  sibi  uxorem  duxerit,  sic  conponat,  sicut  gloriose 
memorie  Rothari  rex  in  anteriore  edicto  instituit," 
Liut.  94;^  "contenit  autem  anterior  edictus  de  fream 
suam,  qui  earn  male  tractaverit,  ut  amittat  mundium 
ipsius;  et  non  dicit,  qualis  sit  ipsa  mala  tractatio," 
Liut.  120.2  The  first  refers  back  to  Roth.  186,  187, 
the  second,  to  Roth.  182,  but  here  "libera"  and  not 
"frea"  is  used. 

In  all  other  cases  we  find  fulcfrea  for  "the  liberated 
slave  woman."  Liut.  140  runs  as  follows:  "Si  quis 
homo  liber  habuerit  servum  vel  ancillam,  haldium  aut 
haldiam  coniucatus,  et  insticantem  inimicum  humani 
generis  cum  ipsa  ancilla,  que  servus  eius  maritum  habit 
aut  cum  haldia  qui  cum  haldione  eius  copulata  est, 

1  MGH.,  Leges,  ed.  Pertz,  vol.  IV,  p.  146  f. 
^Ibid.,  p.  157. 


232    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

adulterium  perpetraverit ;  ita  statuimus,  ut  perdat 
ipsum  servum  aut  haldionem,  cuius  uxorem  adultera- 
vit,  et  ipsa  mulier  insimul,  ut  vadant  liberi  et  absoluti 
fulfrealis,  tamquam  si  thingati  fuissent,  ubi  voluerint; 
quia  non  est  placitum  Deo,  ut  quilevit  homo  cum  uxore 
aliena  debeat  fornicari.  Tamen  de  ipsa  libertatem 
dicimus,  quia  non  possunt  sic  sine  vera  ahsolutione  veri 
liberi  esse,  nisi  sicut  edictus  contenit,  aut  per  thinx, 
aut  circa  altare,  sicut  nos  instituimus;  ideoque  veniant 
ad  palatio  ad  nos  aut  qui  pro  tempore  princeps  fuerit 
terrae  istius,  eos  absolvat  et  faciat  eorum  prgceptum, 
et  sint  postea  certissimi  liberi  et  absoluti.''^  According 
to  this  law,  8i,fulcfreal  is  an  "absolutus  liber,"  a  "verus 
liber,"  one  who  has  been  absolved  in  a  prescribed  legal 
fashion.  Liut.  9  similarly  points  out  that  the  complete 
manumission  is  absolute  in  the  case  of  those  who  are 
"fulcfreal  thingati:"  "  Si  quis  servum  suum  aut  ancillam 
in  manum  regis  dederit,  et  ipse  princeps  eos  per  manos 
sacerdotis  circa  sacrum  altarem  liberos  dimiserit,  sic 
permaneant  liberi,  sicut  illi  qui  fulcf real  thingati  sunt."^ 
The  same  is  implied  in  Liut.  23  and  55.  Roth.  224 
gives  the  procedure  for  such  a  manumission:  "Si 
quis  servum  suum  proprium  aut  ancillam  suam  liberos 
dimittere  voluerit,  sit  licentia  qualiter  ei  placuerit. 
Nam  qui  fulcfree,  et  a  se  extraneum,  id  est  haamund, 
facere  voluerit,  sic  debit  facere.  Tradat  eum  prius  in 
manu  alteri  homines  liberi  et  per  gairthinx  ipsum  con- 
firmit;  et  ille  secondus  tradat  in  tertium  in  eodem 
modo,  et  tertius  tradat  in  quartum.  Et  ipse  quartus 
ducat  in  quadrubium,  et  thingit  in  gaida  et  gisil,  et 
sic  dicat:  de  quattuor  vias  ubi  volueris  ambulare, 
liberam  habeas  potestatem.  Si  sic  factum  fuerit,  tunc 
erit  haamund,  et  ei  manit  certa  libertas;  postea  nuUam 
repetitionem  patronus  adversus  ipsum  aut  filius  eius 

1  Ibid.,  p.  169  f. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  111. 


THE  WHALE  233 

habeat  potestatem  requirendi.  Et  si  sine  heredes 
legetimus  ipse  qui  haamund  factus  est,  mortuus  fuerit, 
Curtis  regia  illi  succidat,  nam  non  patronus  aut  heredes 
patroni."^ 

Whatever  the  origin  of  these  laws  may  be,  the 
non-Latin  terms  used  in  them  show  that  they  were 
codified    under    Arabic    influence.      We    have    Arab. 

jil*  o^  talq,  tuluq  "loosed  from  his  bond,  set  loose  or 
free,"  ,j^  tallq  "a  man  freed  from  slavery,  emanci- 
pated." LsbUgoh&rd  fulcfreal,  therefore,  is  a  misreading 
for  tulc-freal,  literally  "free  by  an  act  of  emancipation," 
or,  as  the  Langobard  laws  say,  "verus,  absolutus, 
certissimus,  confirmatus  liber."  That  we  have  in 
fulcfreal  a  misspelling  is  proved  by  Goth,  tulgus  "firm," 
tulgjan  "to  confirm,"  tulgipa  "confirmation,  security," 
OS.  tulgo  "very,"  AS.  tylg  "propensior;"  but  the  Latin 
glossaries  explain  "propensior"  as  "qui  incumbit  animo 
ad  pergendum  siue  bene  sine  mala."  A  fulcfreal,  that 
is,  tulcfreal,  is  "a  more  firmly  established  freedman," 
one  of  those  who  becomes  an  amund  "a  se  extraneus," 
that  is,  "one  completely  free  from  his  patron;"  and  this 

is  again  an  Arabic  word,  namely,  dy'^  'amun  "secure, 

free  from  fear,"  from  j>i  ^amina  "he  was   or  became 

secure,  in  a  state  of  security  and  safety." 

The  Langobard  laws  repeatedly  say  that  the  freed- 
man comes  into  "manus,  votum  regis,"  and  we  have 
similarly  found  "scutum  regis."  We  have  also  observed 
that  in  Spain  the  usual  term  for  coming  under  the 
protection  of  the  king  was  "in  amp ar amentum  regis." 

This  am-par amentum,  from  Arab,  j^  'anbar  "shield," 

very  soon  deteriorated  into  blackmail,  hence  throughout 
western  Europe  words  derived  from  this  began  to  mean 

'  Ibid.,  p.  54  f. 


234    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

"molestation,  hindrance,  embarrassment."  Hence  am- 
par amentum  is  also  recorded  in  the  sense  of  "usurpation, 
what  is  unjustly  held,"  and  the  clause  was  used, 
"donee  totum  am^par amentum  vel  omnia  amparamenta^ 
quotiescumque  facta  fuerint,  in  integrum  vobis  sint 
restituta."^  Similarly  we  get  amparare  "to  protect" 
and  "to  invade,  carry  off,  occupy."  Generally  these 
words  were  conceived  as  derived  from  in  +  parare^ 
hence  imparamentum  "protection,"  and,  in  Aragon, 
imparantia  "sequestration." 

In  the  Romance  languages  we  find,  side  by  side,  the 
contradictory  meanings.  Thus  we  have  OProv.  ampar, 
ampara,  empara  "protection,"  hence  emparo  "rampart, 
defence,"  and  empar,  ampar  "opposition,  contestation," 
emparamen  "prohibition,  confiscation,"  hence  emparar 
"protect,  forbid,  take  possession,  learn,  receive,  seize." 
But  we  have  also  the  phonetically  more  correct  em- 
harrar  "to  surround,  protect"  and  embarc  "impediment, 
indebtedness,"  embarguier  "burden."  Similarly,  the 
same  Arabic  word  is  responsible  for  Fr.  emparer,  em- 
barras,  and  Span,  embargo,  etc.  In  Spanish  we  have 
both  ampar ar  and  mamparar  "to  protect,"  the  latter 

from  an  Arabic  participial  form  of   ,^ . 

While  occasionally  LLat.  embargum  was  used  for 
"hindrance,"  "in  ilia  medietate,  Grimardus  non  debet 
deinde  mittere  uUum  embargum"  (1160),^  the  writers 
of  documents  were  tempted  to  confuse  amparicare 
with  the  common  amaricare  "to  provoke,  exasperate" 
of  the  patristic  writers,  and  so  wrote  for  the  legal  phrase 
"without  let  or  hindrance"  "sine  omni  ammaricatione:" 
"Dare  et  atducere  debeatis  omni  annue  in  sancte  marie 
de  augusto  mensis  idest  triticum  bonu  siccum  modia 
dua  tractum  paratum  usque  ante  regia  domui  nostre 

'  Ducange,  sub  ampar  amentum. 

2  C.  Douais,  Cartulaire  de  I'Abbaye  de  Saint-Sernin  de  Toulouse,  Paris, 
Toulouse  1887,  p.  280. 


THE  WHALE  235 

mensuratum  at  modium  iustum  de  commedendum  sine 
omni  ammaricatione''  (981);^  "intus  portas  memorati 
sancti  et  venerabilis  vestris  monasterii  mensuratum  at 
modium  iustum  de  commedendum  et  at  quarta  iusta: 
sine  omni  ammaricatione"  (985)  ;^  "et  in  sanctum  pasce 
similiter  paria  dua  sine  omnia  maricatione''  (988);^ 
"at  modium  iustum  da  comedendum  et  at  quarta 
iusta,  absque  omni  amaricatione"  (990);^  "usque  intus 
memorato  sancto  et  benerabili  nostro  monasterio  sine 
omni  amaricatione  insuper  dedi  tibi  in  beneficium  et 
integrum  unum  modium  de  terra  iusta  ipsum"  (990);^ 
"idest  auri  tare  unum  bonum  expendibile;  et  unum 
modium  de  fasioli  rubei:  et  senium  una  quarta  de  nuce 
mundate:  sine  omni  amaricatione''  (992);®  "et  si  alia 
chartula  exinde  inbenta  dederit  mittere  ilia  debeamus 
aput  vos  sine  vestra  dapnietate  aut  amaricationerrC' 
(1014).^ 

As  early  as  766  Ato,  a  notary  of  St.  Gall,  wrote  for 
this  "sine  ulla  marricione:''  "Et  si  filius  mens  post  me 
voluerit,  ipsud  faciat,  sin  autem,  ipsas  res  sine  ulla 
marricione  ad  ipsum  monasterium  revertantur."^  The 
identical  phrase  in  the  same  clause  is  used  again  by 
Ato  and  by  Hartker.^     "Absque  ulla  contradictio  vel 


1  Regii  neapolitani  archivi  monumenta,  Neapoli  1849,  vol.  Ill,  p.  1. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  47. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  81. 

<  Ibid.,  p.  104. 

6  Ibid.,  p.  106. 

'Ibid.,  p.  117. 

'  M.  Camera,  Memorie  storico-diplomatiche  delV  antica  cittd  e  ducato  di 
Amalfi,  Salerno  1876,  vol.  I,  p.  226. 

*  H.  Wartmann,  Urkundenbuch  der  Abtei  Sand  Gallen,  Zurich  1863, 
vol.  I,  p.  51  (No.  50). 

^  "Si  genuerit  filium  de  legetima  uxore,  hoc  id  ipsum  faciat,  sin  autem  post 
obitum  ejus  ipsas  res  sine  ulla  marricione  ad  nos  revertantur,"  ibid.,  p.  35 
(No.  32);  "si  genuerint  filium,  hoc  ipsud  faciat,  sin  autem,  post  opidum 
amborum  ipsorum  ipsas  res  sine  ulla  marricione  ad  ipsum  monasterium 
revertantur"  (769),  ibid.,  p.  54  (No.  55);  "si  filius  mens  aut  frater  meus 
id  ipsud  facere  voluerint,  faciant,  sin  autem,  ipsas  res  sine  ulla  marritione 
ad  ipsum  monasterium  revertantur"  (770),  ibid.,  p.  55  (No.  56). 


236    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

marritione''  occurs  in  a  later  document^  and  "absque 
ulla  marritione''  in  another,^  where  other  documents 
read  simply  "sine  ulla  contradictione"  or  add  "vel 
minuatione."^  The  word  entered  into  the  Cartae 
Senonicae^  and  Formulae  Augienses,^  and  became  a 
regular  term  in  Carolingian  documents,^  But  maracio 
also  means  "truck,  everything  which  aids  in  the  busi- 
ness." In  this  sense  it  is  used  in  the  documents  of  the 
north  of  France  in  connection  with  salt  works. ^  We 
have  here  the  double  meaning  of  Span,  ampara  as 
found  everywhere,  e.  g.,  Basque  enparantza  "shed," 
enparau  "surplus,"  enparii  "obstacle,  impediment," 
Catal.  ampara  "detention,  embargo,"  amparo  "pro- 
tection," emharger,  emhrassar  "to  disturb,  impede, 
embarrass."  In  the  other  languages  one  form  has 
survived  for  "protection,"  another  for  "impediment," 
as,  for  example,  Prov.  empara  "to  aid,"  embarga  "to 
sequestrate." 

The  Arab.  ^^^  'anbar  underwent  all  kinds  of  trans- 
formations. The  Span,  amparar  was  taken  to  be  a 
Lat.  imparare,  and  produced  Prov.  apara,  as  though 
from  Lat.  adparare  "to  defend,  protect,"  hence  Ital. 
para-petto,^  para-occhi,  para-sole,  in  which  para  means 

1  Ibid.,  p.  97  (No.  103). 

^Ibid.,  p.  174  (No.  185). 

^Ibid.,  p.  60  (No.  60). 

^  "Propterea  omnino  tibi  rogamus,  ut,  si  Veritas  est,  integra  iustitia  sine 
ulla  maratione  ei  facias  exinde,"  MGH.,  Leges,  Sect.  V,  Formulae,  p.  193. 

^  "Presumptor,  qui  earn  marrire  presumpserat,  partibus  fisce  sit  obnoxius," 
ibid.,  p.  345;  "post  discessum  eius  sine  aliqua  marrilione  ad  supradictum 
traditione  revertantur  perpetualiter,"  ibid.,  p.  350. 

•^  "Et  nemo  per  ingenium  suum  vel  astutiam  perscriptam  legem,  ut  multi 
Solent,  vel  sibi  suam  iustitiam  marrire  audiat  vel  prevaleat,"  ibid..  Sec.  II, 
Capitularia,  vol.  I,  p.  92;  "ut  nullum  bannum  vel  preceptum  domini  im- 
peratori  nullus  omnino  in  nullo  marrire  praesumat,"  ibid.,  p.  93. 

'  See  Ducange,  sub  maracio,  and  Cartulaire  de  Saint-Jean  d'Angely,  in 
Archives  historiques  de  la  Saintonge  et  de  VAunis,  vols.  XXX  and  XXXIII, 
passim. 

**  Of  course,  this  is  mere  popular  etymology.  The  real  root  of  the  word  is 
irapaireTda-ia  of  the  Codex  Theodosianus:  "Aedificia  quae  vulgi  more  para- 
•petasia  nuncupantur,  vel  si  qua  aliqua  opera  publicis  moenibus  vel  privatis 


THE  WHALE  237 

"protection,"  and  riparo  "protection,  shield,"  Rum. 
apera  "to  protect."    While  Arab.  ^^  'anhar  "granary" 

entered  the  Slavic  languages  as  ambar,  no  doubt  through 
the  Turkish,  it  is  found  chiefly  in  an  apocopated  form 
as  parens,  paricus,  though  we  have  also  the  verb  im- 
parcare  and  the  noun  imparcamentum  in  the  English 
laws.  In  the  Bavarian  laws  pare  is  "a  granary,"  "de 
illo  granario  quod  pare  appellant,"  but  in  the  Ripuarian 
and  English  laws  parens,  parriens  is  "an  enclosure." 
In  the  Corpns  Glossary  we  have  "clatrum  pearuc,'" 
and  in  the  Epinal  Glossary  "clatrum  pearroc.'"  That 
the  original  meaning  everywhere  was  "that  which 
encloses"  is  proved  by  dial.  Eng.  par,  parr  "to  enclose, 
confine." 

An  original  LLat.  ambar  has,  however,  produced 
more  derivatives.  We  have  LLat.  ambarium,  ambarrurn 
"enclosure,"  and  this  has  led  to  barra  "enclosure, 
bolt,  bar,"  with  an  endless  number  of  derivatives  in  the 
Romance  languages.  The  most  interesting  LLatin 
derivatives  are  barrare  "to  enclose,  obstruct,  deceive," 
barrinm  "hamlet,  enclosure."  If  LLat.  embargnm  was 
taken  to  be  ira  +  bargnm,  the  Italian  also  formed  an 
ex  +  barrare,  namely,  sbarrare  "to  shut  up,  barricade" 
and  sbarra  "bar,  obstacle,  barrier."  This  produced 
late  OHG.  sperran  and  late  AS.  besparrian  "to  shut  in,"^ 
and  OFr.  esparre,  OHG.  sparro,  etc.,  "spar,  rafter." 

We  have  already  met  with  the  LLatin  form  am- 
maricare,  which,  though  parallel  with  amarieare  of  the 
patristic  writers,  was  conceived  as  admaricare.  There 
is  little  doubt  that  this  arose  orally  from  amparicare, 
embargare  of  the  rest  of  France.     Just  as  amparicare 

sociata  cohaerent,  ut  ex  his  incendium,  vel  insidias  vicinitas  reformidet, 
aut  angustentur  spatia  platearum,  vel  minuatur  porticibus  latitude,  dirui 
ac  prosterni  praecipimus,"  XV.  1.  39. 

'  But  we  have  already  in  the  Corpus  Glossary  "oppilatae  bisparrade," 
apparently  a  late  correction,  since  the  Epinal  Glossary  has  "oppilauit 
g  scdae." 


238    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

gave  parens  and  emhargare  harra,  etc.,  so  ammaricare 
produced  marrire,  maratio,  marricio,  which  have  already 
been  discussed.  From  these  we  get  OFr.  maremance, 
marance  "affliction,  deception,"  Wallon.  marmense, 
Namur  maWmense  "annoyance,  embarrassment,"  mare- 
ment,  marrement  "pain,  affliction,"  marissement,  maris- 
son  "displeasure,"  marir  "to  lose  one's  way,  be  afflic- 
ted," hence  mar  "badly,  unfortunately."  The  Ger- 
manic languages  have  preserved  the  original  meaning 
of  the  word,  which  is  that  of  "to  impede,"  namely, 
OHG.  marrjan,  merran,  AS.  merrian  "to  hinder, 
annoy;"  but  the  Gothic  formed  its  word  from  maricio 
of  the  documents,  hence  marzjan  "to  annoy."  The 
word  has  not  survived  in  German,  but  we  have  Eng. 
mar. 

Whether  Arab.  ^^  'anhar  is  of  native  origin  or  from 

the  Persian,^  it  was  brought  into  Spain  by  the  Arabs, 
and  gave  rise  throughout  Europe  to  a  very  large  number 
of  words  which  developed  out  of  the  idea  of  "shield, 
protection"  and  its  abuse,  "obstacle,  impediment," 
and  formed  three  distinct  roots,  par,  bar,  and  mar. 
The  relation  of  the  Arabic  word  to  the  homonymous 
words  meaning  "whale"  and  "amber"  led  to  the  story 
in  the  Physiologus  of  the  whale  who  attracted  his 
booty  by  the  odor  exhaled  by  it  and  was  called  "the 
shield."  In  the  Syriac  version^  the  fish  qete  is  called 
'espes.  All  the  other  versions  are  taken  from  the  Greek 
and  give  the  name  dajti6ox8Aa)vr|.     The  Syriac  version 

shows  that  all  proceeded  from  the  Arab.  _^  'anbar, 

which  means  both  "whale"  and  "shield." 

We  find  dombo%z'k(Xivy\  in  Basil's  De  contubernalibus, 
«Ti  Tr]v  Tf[c,  doniho%E'k(X)'vr]C,  vnovXov,  dyobniv  jipotipiag  ifji; 
xov  dhzJiCpov   yvTioiag    dyajtrig,    why   dost   thou   prefer 

1  P.  de  Lagarde,  Gesammelte  Abhandlungen,  Leipzig  1866,  p.  12. 

2  Ahrens,  op.  cit.,  p.  73. 


THE  WHALE  239 

the  feigned  love  of  this  aspidochelone  to  the  genuine 
love  of  thy  brother."^  This  reference  to  the  feigned 
love  of  the  aspidochelone  shows  that  the  writer  had 
in  mind  that  part  of  the  Physiologus  story  which  speaks 
of  the  animal  which  exhales  a  pleasant  odor  only  to 
catch  the  unwary  fish,  and  that  this  story  is  the  parallel 
to  Prov.  V.  3,  "for  the  lips  of  a  strange  woman  drop 
honey  and  her  mouth  is  smoother  than  oil." 

The  whale  story  in  the  Physiologus  consists  of  two 
independent  parts,  one,  the  account  of  the  large  marine 
animal  which  is  like  an  island  that  submerges,  the  other, 
the  account  of  the  whale  which  catches  the  small  fish 
by  enticing  them  with  the  odor  which  he  exhales.  It  is 
this  second  story,  generally  given  first,  which  is  based 
on  the  Arabic  homonym  ^^^  'anbar  "whale,  amber- 
gris, shield,"  and  produced  the  Physiologus  myth. 
Hence  the  account  in  Basil's  De  contubernalibus  can 
have  arisen  only  after  the  middle  of  the  VII.  century, 
when  the  Arabs  came  in  contact  with  the  Greek  learn- 
ing in  Egypt,  and  De  contubernalibus  is,  eo  ipso,  a  late 
forgery.  'AojtiSoeaaa  -/e^covT]  occurs  also  in  Oppian's 
*A?iiei;Tixd  (I.  397),  which  similarly  marks  this  work 
as  a  forgery,  but  here  we  have  many  other  proofs  of 
its  spuriousness,  as  has  already  been  shown. 

'  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  XXX,  col.  824.    See  also  A.  S.  Cook,  The  Old  English 
Elene,  Phoenix,  and  Physiologus,  New  Haven,  London  1919,  p.  LXXXIV. 


XX.     THE  UNICORN. 

In  Isidore's  Etymologiae  there  is  a  description  of  the 
unicorn  which  presupposes  the  story  in  the  Physiologus. 
It  runs  as  follows:  "Rhinoceron  a  Graecis  vocatus. 
Latine  interpretatur  in  nare  cornu.  Idem  et  mono- 
ceron,  id  est  unicornus,  eo  quod  unum  cornu  in  media 
fronte  habeat  pedum  quattuor  ita  acutum  et  validum 
ut  quidquid  inpetierit,  aut  ventilet  aut  perforet.  Nam 
et  cum  elephantis  saepe  certamen  habet,  et  in  ventre 
vulneratum  prosternit.  Tantae  autem  esse  fortitudinis 
ut  nulla  venantium  virtute  capiatur;  sed,  sicut  asserunt 
qui  naturas  animalium  seripserunt,  virgo  puella  prae- 
ponitur,  quae  venienti  sinum  aperit,  in  quo  ille  omni 
ferocitate  deposita  caput  ponit,  sicque  soporatus  velut 
inermis  capitur,"^  It  will  now  be  shown  that  at  least 
the  second  half  of  the  story  is  an  VIII.  century  inter- 
polation. 

Jerome  remarks  to  Isai.  XXXIV.  15,  "  i  1 1  u  c  c  o  n  - 
gregati  sunt  milvi,  alter  ad  alterum: 
illuc  congregari  milvos,  rapacissimam  avem,  quae 
Hebraice  appellatur  dajoth,  sive  ut  LXX  transtulerunt 
cervos."^  The  dayyah  here  mentioned  is  the  kite,  the 
smallest  of  the  vulturine  birds,  known  among  the  Arabs 

as  the  s  i-^  hida'ah,  about  which  Ad-Damiri  has   the 

following  story:  "The  relaters  of  narratives  and  the 
chroniclers  of  memorable  events  assert  that  it  was  one 
of  the  birds  of  prey  in  the  possession  of  Sulaiman  b. 
Da'wud,  but  that  it  is  not  now  tamed  or  possessed 
(by  any  body),  because  it  was  a  part  of  'the  kingdom 

'XII.  2.  12,  13. 

2  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXIV,  col.  373. 


THE  UNICORN  241 

which  was  not  to  be  seemly  to  any  one  after  him 
(Solomon).'  The  reason  of  this  bird  crying  out  at  the 
time  of  treading  is  that  a  male  bird  (once)  disacknowl- 
edged  the  young  one  which  it  had  begotten  by  a  female 
bird,  so  the  latter  said  (to  Solomon),  'O  prophet  of 
God,  the  male  bird  has  trodden  me,  but  after  my 
hatching  the  egg  and  after  my  young  one  had  come  forth 
out  of  it,  he  has  disacknowledged  me.'  Solomon  said 
to  the  male  bird,  'What  dost  thou  say?'  It  replied, 
*0  prophet  of  God,  she  roams  about  in  lands,  and  does 
not  withhold  herself  from  (other)  birds,  so  I  do  not 
know  if  it  is  my  young  one  or  that  of  any  other  bird.' 
Solomon  then  ordered  the  young  bird  to  be  produced, 
and  finding  it  resembling  its  male  parent,  handed  it 
over  to  the  male  bird  and  said  to  the  female  bird, 
'Never  allow  it  to  tread  thee  without  getting  other 
birds  to  bear  witness  against  it,  so  that  it  may  not 
deny  it  after  that.'  The  female  bird  has  therefore 
taken  to  crying  out  when  the  male  treads  it,  and  saying 
*0  birds,  bear  witness  that  he  has  trodden  me.'  The 
kite  says  in  its  cry,  'Everything  is  perishable  but  His 
face.'"^  The  significant  points  in  this  account  are 
these:  the  kite  lived  in  the  palace  of  King  Solomon; 
the  male  kite  must  be  caught  by  a  stratagem  to  ac- 
knowledge his  fatherhood;  the  female  kite  is  chaste 
and  has  witnesses  to  her  marital  faithfulness. 

In  the  Septuagint  the  kite  is  changed  into  e^aqpog,  a 
stag,  but  the  stag,  which  goes  to  water,  is  caught  with 
its  horn  in  the  forest;  it  is  the  TQayeAacpog,  the  hos 
cervi  figura  with  one  horn,  with  which  we  have  already 
met.  This  demanded  a  transference  of  apparently  a 
Talmudic  story,  to  suit  the  Greek  text.  So  the  kite 
becomes  the  unicorn,  "a  small  animal  resembling  a  kid, 
jiixQov  ^wov  sativ,  ofxoiov  8Qi(p(p»,^  which  fits  neither  the 

1  Op.  ciL,  vol.  I,  p.  514  f. 
^  Lauchert,  op.  cit.,  p.  254. 


242    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

kite  nor  the  unicorn.  Obviously  there  is  something 
wrong  here.  The  whole  becomes  clear  from  the  Latin 
versions,  one  of  which  runs  as  follows:  "Item  est 
animal  quod  graece  dicitur  rinoceros,  latine  vero  uni- 
cornis. Physiologus  dicit  unicornum  hanc  ejus  natur- 
am;  pusillum  animal  est,  simile  hedo,  acerrimum  nimis, 
unum  cornu  habens  in  medio  capite;  et  nullus  omnino 
venatorum  capere  potest,  hoc  argumento  capitur: 
Puellam  virginem  ducunt  in  loco  illo  ubi  ipse  moratur, 
et  dimittunt  eam  in  silva  solam.  Rinoceros  vero,  ut 
viderit  illam,  insilit  in  sinum  virginis,  et  anplectitur 
eam,  et  sic  capitur."^ 

Here    "simile    hedo"   is    due   to   Arab.   «l->^    hida'ah 

"the  kite."  The  Arabic  version  of  the  Physiologus 
story  deals  similarly  with  the  unicorn,  but  it  is  called 
j:>   dayyah,  as  in  the  Bible,  and  this  is  the  kite,  and 

not  the  unicorn:  "Est  animal  quod  dayyah  vocatur, 
valde  modestum,  quod  non  possunt  venatores  pre- 
hendere  propter  ejus  robur;  et  est  ei  in  medio  capite 
cornu  longum  unum  tantum."^  But  the  transformation 
was  made  peremptory  by  the  Septuagint  version,  where 
the  dayyah  is  a  stag.  We  find  in  the  Syriac  account  of 
the  unicorn  the  transitional  stage,  where  the  unicorn 
is  identified  with  the  stag,  for  here  we  read:  "How  is 
it  caught?  They  send  a  chaste  maiden  to  the  place 
where  it  is  wont  to  go  to  drink  water. "^  Just  as  the 
stag  of  the  Esopic  fable  goes  to  water,  so  does  here  the 
unicorn.  And  just  as  the  eXacpog  was  merged  into  the 
TQayiXaq)oq  and  the  "bos  cervi  figura"  with  one  horn, 
so  the  dayyah  ultimately  became  the  unicorn. 

The  "bos  cervi  figura"  comes  itself  from  this  unicorn 
story,  for  one  Latin  version  has  it.  "Et  in  Deuterono- 
mio,  Josue  benedicens  tribum  Joseph :    Primitives 

1  Cahier,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II,  p.  221  f. 

2  Land,  op.  cit.,  p.  146  f. 

3  Ahrens,  op.  cit.,  p.  43. 


THE  UNICORN  243 

tauri  species  ejus,  cornua  ejus  t a m - 
quam  cornua  unicornis.  Quod  autem 
unum  cornu  habet  in  capite,  significat  hoc  quod  dicit 
Salvator:  Ego  et  Pater  unum  sumus  ."^ 
The  "tauri  species  ejus"  was  wrongly  identified  with 
the  unicorn,  "quod  autem  unum  cornu  habet  in  capite." 
It  can  now  be  seen  that  the  "bos  cervi  flgura"  of  Caesar 
is  a  bold  interpolation,  which  could  have  come  only 
from  the  Physiologus,  that  is,  not  earlier  than  in  the 
VIII.  century.  When  the  dayyah  was  transformed  into 
a  unicorn,  the  virtuous  female  kite  became  a  chaste 
maiden  who  assuages  the  beast,  which  is  captured  and 
brought  to  the  king's  court,  even  as  the  female  kite 
went  to  Solomon  to  get  justice. 

Tnt  connection  of  the  kite  with  the  court  and  the 
identifi.cation  of  the  unicorn  with  the  stag  that  goes  to 
water  led  at  once  to  the  Merovingian  myth.^  In 
Fredegar's  Chronicle  there  is  an  account  of  the  origin 
of  the  Merovingians:  "Fertur,  super  litore  maris 
aestatis  tempore  Chlodeo  cum  uxore  resedens,  meridiae 
uxor  ad  mare  labandum  vadens,  bistea  Neptuni 
Quinotauri  similis  earn  adpetisset.  Cumque  in  con- 
tinuo  aut  a  bistea  aut  a  viro  fuisset  concepta,  peperit 
filium  nomen  Meroveum,  per  co  regis  Francorum  post 
vocantur  Merohingii."^  The  unicorn  which  goes  to 
water  here  becomes  "bistea  Neptuni  Quinotauri  similis," 
that  is,  the  unicorn  is  turned  into  the  narwhale,  which 
in  the  Bundehesh  is  called  mahi  ariz,  literally  "the 
fish  unicorn."  That  a  corrupt  form  of  the  word,  sound- 
ing something  like  meroeus,  was  known  to  the  Arabs 
is  proved  by  the  presence  of  ariz  of  the  Bundehesh  in 

Arabic   lore.      Ad-Damirl    gives    under  ^rt^    harts    a 

^  Cahier,  op.  ciL,  vol.  II,  p.  222. 

^  I  already  dealt  with  it  in  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  294  ff.,  to  which  I 
refer  the  reader.     I  repeat  here  only  so  much  as  is  needed  for  the  context. 
'  MGH.,  Scrip,  rer.  merov.,  vol.  II,  p.  95. 


244    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

version  which  is  already  under  Christian  influence  and 
presupposes  the  existence  of  the  Physiologus:  "A 
certain  speckled  species  of  serpents,  so  al-Jawhari  says. 
He  states  after  this  that  it  is  also  a  certain  beast  having 
claws  like  those  of  a  lion  and  a  horn  on  its  head  and 
that    the    people    call    it    o-^O^'    {al-karkaddan — the 

rhinoceros).  Abu-Hayyan  at-Tawhidi  states  that  it  is 
a  certain  small  animal  of  the  size  of  a  kid  or  lamb  and 
very  quiet,  but  it  has  such  strength  of  body  and  swift- 
ness of  motion  as  to  baffle  a  hunter;  it  has  in  the  middle 
of  its  head  a  solid  and  straight  horn  with  which  it 
strikes  all  animals;  nothing  can  subdue  it.  It  is  ne- 
cessary to  use  a  stratagem  for  seizing  it,  namely,  to 
expose  to  its  view  a  virgin  young  woman  or  a  young 
girl,  whom  when  it  sees,  it  jumps  into  her  arms  as  though 
intending  to  suck  her  milk,  which  is  a  natural  mark  of 
affection  ingrained  in  its  nature.  When  it  jumps  into 
her  arms,  it  sucks  her  breasts,  though  there  is  no 
milk  in  them,  with  such  a  gusto  that  it  is  overpowered 
by  intoxication  like  the  intoxication  from  wine;  while 
it  is  in  that  state,  the  hunter  comes  and  ties  it  up  firmly 
with  a  rope,  itself  being  motionless  on  account  of  this 
dodge.  Al-Kazwini  states  in  al-Ashkdl  that  al-harlsh 
is  a  certain  beast  of  the  size  of  a  kid  or  lamb,  possessing 
great  power  of  running  and  having  on  its  head  a  horn 
like  that  of  the  rhinoceros;  it  runs  mostly  on  its  two 
hind  legs,  and  nothing  can  overtake  it  in  running;  it  is 
found  in  the  forests  of  Bulgaria  and  Sijistan."^ 

The  Merovingian  myth  is  post-Arabic,  and  Frede- 
gar's  Chronicle  is  therefore  of  the  VIII.  century.  We 
also  have  the  Physiologus  story  of  the  unicorn  in 
Gregory's  M  or  alia.  To  Job  XXXIX.  9,  "n  u  m  q  u  i  d 
volet  rhinoceros  servire  tibi?,"  Greg- 
ory   says:      "Per    rhinocerotem    intelligendi    elati    et 

1  Op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  525. 


THE  UNICORN  245 

potentes  a  Christo  domiti,  et  Ecclesiae  servire  coacti. 
Eorum  superbiam  miraculis  fregit.  Rhinoceros  enim 
indomitae  omnino  naturae  est;  ita  ut  si  quando  captus 
fuerit,  teneri  nullatenus  possit.  Impatiens  quippe,  ut 
fertur,  illico  moritur.  Ejus  vero  nomen  Latina  lingua 
interpretatum  sonat,  in  nare  cornu.  Et  quid  aliud 
in  nare  nisi  fatuitas,  quid  in  cornu  nisi  elatio  designatur? 
Nam  quia  in  nare  fatuitas  solet  intelligi,  Salomone 
attestante  didicimus,  qui  ait:  Circulus  aureus 
in  naribus  suis,  m  u  1  i  e  r  pulchra  et 
f  a  t  u  a  .  Haereticam  namque  doctrinam  nitore  vidit 
eloquii  resplendere,  nee  tamen  sapientiae  apto  intel- 
lectu  congruere,  etait:  Circulus  aureus  in 
naribus  suis,  id  est  pulchra  et  circumflexa  locutio 
in  sensibus  mentis  stultae,  cui  ex  eloquio  aurum  pendet, 
sed  tamen  ex  terrenae  intentionis  pondere,  more  suis, 
ad  superiora  non  respicit.  Quod  secutus  exposuit, 
dicens:  Mulier  pulchra  et  fatua;  id  est, 
doctrina  haeretica;  pulchra  per  verbum,  fatua  per 
intellectum.  In  cornu  vero,  quia  elatio  frequenter 
accipitur,  Propheta  attestante  didicimus,  qui  ait: 
Dixi  iniquis,  nolite  inique  agere, 
et  d e 1  i  n  q u e n t i b u s ,  nolite  exaltare 
cornu.  Quid  ergo  in  rhinocerote  hoc  nisi  potentes 
hujus  saeculi  designantur,  vel  ipsae  in  eo  summae  prin- 
cipatuum  potestates,  qui  typho  fatuae  jactationis  elati, 
dum  falsis  exterius  inflantur  honoribus,  veris  miseriis 
intus  inanescunt?  Quibus  bene  dicitur:  Quid  s  u  - 
perbis,  terra  et  cinis?  In  ipsis  vero  initiis 
nascentis  Ecclesiae,  dum  contra  illam  divitum  se 
potestas  extolleret,  atque  in  ejus  necem  immensitate 
tantae  crudelitatis  anhelaret,  dum  tot  cruciatibus  anxia, 
tot  persecutionibus  pressa  succumberet,  quis  tunc 
credere  potuit  quod  ilia  recta  et  aspera  superborum 
colla  sibi  subjiceret,  et  jugo  sancti  timoris  edomita, 
mitibus   fidei   loris   ligaret?      Diu   quippe   in   exordiis 


246    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

suis  rhinocerotis  hujus  cornu  ventilata,  et  quasi  funditus 
interimenda  percussa  est.  Sed  divina  gratia  dis- 
pensante,  et  ilia  moriendo  vivificata  convaluit,  et 
cornu  suum  rhinoceros  iste  feriendo  lassatus  inclinavit; 
quodque  impossibile  hominibus  fuit,  Deo  difficile  non 
fuit,  qui  potestates  hujus  mundi  rigidas  non  verbis, 
sed  miraculis  fregit.  Ecce  enim  quotidie  servire  rhino- 
cerotes  agnoscimus,  dum  potentes  mundi  hujus,  qui 
in  viribus  suis  fatua  dudum  fuerant  elatione  confisi, 
Deo  subditos  jam  videmus.  Quasi  de  quodam  indomito 
rhinocerote  Dominus  loquebatur,  cum  diceret:  Dives 
difficile  intrabitin  regnum  coelorum. 
Cui  cum  responsum  esset :  Et  quis  poterit 
salvus  fieri?  lUico  adjunxit:  Apud  homi- 
nes hoc  impossibile  est,  apud  Deum 
autem  omnia  possibilia  sunt.  Ac  si 
diceret:  Rhinoceros  iste  humanis  viribus  mansuescere 
non  potest,  sed  tamen  divinis  subdi  miraculis  potest."^ 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  here  we  have  Gregory's 
genuine  writing.  Everything  is  in  keeping  with  the 
conception  of  the  rhinoceros  as  found  in  St.  Augustine 
and  the  other  patristic  writers  previous  to  Gregory. 
According  to  this  account,  the  rhinoceros  cannot  be 
held  if  caught,  because  it  dies  on  the  spot.  Only  God 
can  tame  him.  Had  Gregory  known  anything  about 
taming  the  rhinoceros  by  means  of  a  chaste  virgin, 
he  could  not  have  failed  to  mention  it  here,  and  he 
could  not  have  said  that  only  God  can  tame  it.  And 
yet  he  repeats  the  same  idea  a  little  further  on,  in  com- 
menting upon  verse  10,  "Nunquid  alligabis 
rhinocerotem  ad  arandum  loro  tuo?": 
"Saeculi  principes  divina  praecepta  quibus  alligantur, 
praedicant  et  servari  curant.  Lora  sunt  Ecclesiae 
praecepta  disciplinae.  Arare  vero  est  per  praedicationis 
studium  humani  pectoris  terram  vomere  linguae  pro- 

»  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  LXXVI,  col.  571  ff. 


THE  UNICORN  247 

scindere.  Hie  igitur  rhinoceros  quondam  superbus  ae 
rigidus  jam  nune  loris  fidei  tenetur  ligatus;  atque  a 
praesepi  ad  arandum  dueitur,  quia  earn  praedicationem 
qua  ipse  refectus  est  innotescere  et  aliis  conatur. 
Scimus  enim  rhinoceros  iste,  terrenus  videlicet  princeps, 
quanta  prius  contra  Dominum  crudelitate  saevierit, 
et  nunc  agente  Domino  cernimus  quanta  se  ei  humilitate 
substernit.  Hie  rhinoceros  non  solum  ligatus,  sed 
etiam  ad  arandum  ligatus  est,  quia  videlicet  disciplinae 
loris  astrictus,  non  solum  se  a  pravis  operibus  retinet, 
sed  etiam  in  sanctae  fidei  praedicationibus  exercet. 
Ecce  enim,  sicut  superius  dictum  est,  ipsos  huma- 
narum  rerum  rectores  ac  principes  dum  metuere  Deum 
in  suis  actionibus  cernimus,  quid  aliud  quam  loris 
ligatos  videmus?  Cum  vero  eam  fidem,  quam  dudum 
persequendo  impugnaverant,  nunc  prolatis  legibus 
praedicare  non  cessant,  quid  aliud  faciunt,  nisi  aratri 
laboribus  insudant?"^ 

The  commentary  goes  on  to  verse  18,  when,  as  is 
sometimes  the  case  in  the  Moralia,  we  are  brought  a 
considerable  distance,  this  time  back  to  verse  9.  We 
get  the  reference  to  verse  19,  "Sequitur  n  u  n  q  u  i  d 
praebebis  eqao  fortitudinem,  aut  cir- 
cumdabis  collo  ejus  h  i  n  n  i  t  u  m  ?,"  but, 
instead  of  a  discussion  of  this,  we  have  the  following 
apology:  "Sed  fortasse  prius  quam  hujus  equi  fortitu- 
dinem hinnitumque  disseramus,  ab  aliquibus  quaeritur 
ut  aliter  etiam  moralitate  postposita,  et  rhinocerotis 
virtus,  et  struthionis  hujus  fatuitas  exponatur.  Manua 
quippe  est  verbum  Dei,  et  quidquid  bene  voluntas  sus- 
cipientis  appetit,  hoc  profecto  in  ore  comedentis  sapit. 
Terra  est  verbum  Dei,  quam  quanto  labor  inquirentis 
exigit,  tanto  largius  fructum  reddit.  Debet  ergo  in- 
tellectus  sacri  eloquii  multiplici  inquisitione  ventilari, 
quia  et  terra,  quae  saepius  arando  vertitur,  ad  frugem 

» lUd.,  col.  574. 


248    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

uberius  aptatur.  Quae  igitur  et  aliter  de  rhinocerothe 
ac  struthione  sentimus,  sub  brevitate  perstringimus, 
quia  ad  ea  quae  obligatiora  sunt,  enodanda  properamus. 
Rhinoceros  iste,  qui  etiam  monoceros  in  Graecis  ex- 
emplaribus  nominatur,  tantae  esse  fortitudinis  dicitur, 
ut  nulla  venantium  virtute  capiatur;  sed  sicut  hi 
asserunt,  qui  describendis  naturis  animalium  laboriosa 
investigatione  sudaverunt,  virgo  ei  puella  proponitur, 
quae  ad  se  venienti  sinum  aperit,  in  quo  ille  omni  feroci- 
tate  postposito  caput  deponit,  sicque  ab  eis  a  quibus 
capi  quaeritur,  repente  velut  inermis  invenitur.  Buxei 
quoque  coloris  esse  describitur,  qui  etiam  cum  ele- 
phantis  quando  certamen  aggreditur,  eo  cornu  quod  in 
nare  singulariter  gestat,  ventrem  adversantium  ferire 
perhibetur,  ut  cum  ea  quae  molliora  sunt  vulnerat, 
impugnantes  se  facile  sternat.  Potest  ergo  per  hunc 
rhinocerotem,  vel  certe  monocerotem,  scilicet  uni- 
cornem,  ille  populus  intelligi  qui  dum  de  accepta  lege 
non  opera,  sed  solam  inter  cunctos  homines  elationem 
sumpsit,  quasi  inter  caeteras  bestias  cornu  singulare 
gestavit.  Unde  passionem  suam  Dominus,  Propheta 
eanente,  pronuntians,  ait:  Libera  me  de  ore 
leonis,  et  de  cornibus  unicornium 
humilitatem  meam.  Tot  quippe  in  ilia  gente 
unicornes,  vel  certe  rhinocerotes  exstiterunt,  quod 
contra  praedicamenta  veritatis  de  legis  operibus,  singu- 
lari  et  fatua  elatione  confisi  sunt."^ 

It  is  quite  impossible  for  Gregory  to  have  said  that 
those  who  have  labored  greatly  in  the  investigation 
of  the  nature  of  the  animals  have  declared  that  a  chaste 
maiden  is  put  in  his  way  and  that  she  opens  to  him  her 
bosom,  in  which  he  lays  down  his  head  and  thus  is 
suddenly  found  harmless  by  those  who  want  to  catch 
him.  Gregory  told  us  before  that  the  animal  can  never 
be  tamed,  except  by  God.    But  the  editor  or  interpola- 

1  Ibid.,  col.  589  f. 


THE  UNICORN  249 

tor  of  the  Moralia,  in  the  VIII.  century,  had  another 
version  of  the  rhinoceros  story,  and  so  he  had  to  add 
an  apology  before  introducing  it.  Then  follows  the 
version  which  is  not  Gregory's:  "Nunquid  volet 
rhinoceros  servire  tibi?  Ex  Judaeis  ferox, 
Saulus  a  Christo  domitus.  Ac  si  aperitus  dicatur: 
Nunquid  ilium  populum,  quern  superbire  in  nece 
fidelium  stulta  sua  elatione  consideras,  sub  jure  tuae 
praedicationis  inclinas?  Subaudis  ut  ego,  qui  et  contra 
me  ilium  singulari  cornu  extolli  conspicio,  et  tamen 
mihi  cum  voluero  protinus  subdo.  Sed  hoc  melius 
ostendimus,  si  de  genere  ad  speciem  transeamus.  Hie 
ergo  ex  hoc  populo  et  prius  in  superbia,  et  postmodum 
praecipuus  testis  in  humilitate  nobis  ad  medium  Paulus 
ducatur,  qui  dum  contra  Deum  se  quasi  de  custodia 
legis  nesciens  extulit,  cornu  in  nare  gestavit.  Unde  et 
hoc  ipsum  naris  cornu  per  humilitatem  postmodum 
inclinans,  dicit:  Qui  prius  fui  blasphemus, 
et  persecutor,  et  contumeliosus;  sed 
misericordiam  consecutus  sum,  quia 
ignorans  feci.  In  nare  cornu  gestabat,  qui 
placiturum  se  Deo  de  crudelitate  confidebat,  sicut  ipse 
postmodum  semetipsum  redarguens  dicit:  Et  pro- 
ficiebam  in  Judaismo  supra  multos 
coaetaneos  meos  in  genere  meo,  abun- 
dantius  aemulator  existens  pater- 
narum  mearum  traditionum.  Hujus  au- 
tem  rhinocerotis  fortitudinem  omnis  venator  extimuit, 
quia  Saulis  saevitiam  unusquisque  praedicator  expavit. 
Scriptum  namque  est:  Saulus  adhuc  spi- 
rans  minarum  et  caedis  in  discipulos 
Domini,  accessit  ad  principem  sa- 
cerdotum,  et  petiit  ab  eo  epistolas 
in  Damascum  ad  synagogas,  ut  si 
quos  invenisset  hujus  viae  viros  ac 
mulieres,  vinctos  perduceret  in  Jeru- 


250    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

s  a  1  e  m  .  Cum  flatus  nare  reddendus  trahitur,  spiratio 
vocatur,  et  illud  saepe  per  odorem  nare  deprehendimus, 
quod  oculis  non  videmus.  Rhinoceros  ergo  iste  nare 
gestabat  cornu  quo  percuteret,  quia  minarum  et  caedis 
in  Domini  discipulos  spirans,  postquam  praesentes 
interfecerat,  absentes  quaerebat.  Sed  ecce  omnis  ante 
ilium  venator  absconditur,  id  est  omnis  homo  rationale 
sapiens  opinione  timoris  ejus  effugatur.  Ut  ergo  hunc 
rhinocerotem  capiat,  sinum  suum  virgo,  id  est  secretum 
suum  ipsa  per  se  inviolata  in  carne  Dei  sapientia  ex- 
pandat.  Scriptum  quippe  est  quod  cum  Damascum 
pergeret,  subito  circumfulsit  ilium  die  media  lux  de 
coelo,  et  vox  facta  est,  dicens:  Saule,  Saule,  quid  me 
persequeris?  Qui  prostratus  in  terra  respondit:  Quis 
es,  Domine?  Cui  illico  dicitur:  Ego  sum  Jesus  Naza- 
renus,  quem  tu  persequeris.  Virgo  nimirum  rhino- 
ceroti  sinum  suum  aperuit,  cum  Saulo  incorrupta  Dei 
sapientia  incarnationis  suae  mysterium  de  coelo  loqu- 
endo  patef ecit ;  et  f  ortitudinem  suam  rhinoceros  perdidit, 
quia  prostratus  humi,  omne  quod  superbum  tumebat 
amisit.  Qui  dum,  sublato  oculorum  lumine,  manu  ad 
Ananiam  ducitur,  patet  jam  rhinoceros  iste,  quibus 
Dei  loris  astringitur,  quia  videlicet  uno  in  tempore 
caecitate,  praedicatione,  baptismate  ligatur.  Qui  etiam 
ad  Dei  praesaepe  moratus  est,  quia  ruminare  verba 
Evangelii  dedignatus  non  est.  Ait  enim:  A  s  c  e  n  d  i 
Jerosolymam  cum  Barnaba,  assump- 
to  et  Tito.  Ascendi  autem  secundum 
r  e  V  e  1  a  t  i  o  n  e  m  ,  et  contuli  cum  illis 
Evangelium.  Et  qui  prius  jejunus  audierat: 
Durum  est  tibi  contra  stimulum  cal- 
c  i  t  r  a  r  e  :  mira  postmodum  virtute  praesidentis 
pressus,  ex  verbi  pabulo  vires  obtinuit,  et  calcem  super- 
biae  amisit.  Iste  rhinoceros  ad  agrum  dominicum  aran- 
dum  ligatus.  Loris  quoque  Dei  non  tantum  a  feritate 
restringitur,  sed  quod  magis  sit  mirabile,  ad  arandum 


THE  UNICORN  251 

ligatur,  ut  non  solum  homines  crudelitatis  cornu  non 
impetat,  sed  eorum  etiam  refectioni  serviens,  aratrum 
praedicationis  trahat.  Ipse  quippe  de  evangelizantibus 
quasi  de  arantibus  dicit:  Debet  enim  in  spe 
qui  arat  arare;  et  qui  triturat,  in 
spe  fructus  percipiendi.  Qui  igitur  tor- 
menta  prius  fidelibus  irrogaverat,  et  pro  fide  postmodum 
flagella  libenter  portat,  qui  scriptis  etiam  epistolis 
humilis  ac  despectus  praedicat,  quod  dudum  terribilis 
impugnabat;  profecto  bene  ligatus  sub  aratro  desudat 
ad  segetem,  qui  vivebat  in  campo  male  liber  a  timore."^ 

The  exposition  of  the  harnessing  of  the  rhinoceros 
to  the  plow  is  practically  identical  with  the  previous 
version,  except  that  it  is  by  another  hand.  It  would 
have  been  absurd  for  Gregory  to  repeat  himself  in 
this  manner.  The  editor,  however,  could  do  no  better 
than  weld  the  two  versions  together  by  means  of  the 
apology.  One  need  only  compare  the  two  versions  of 
the  ostrich  eggs,  in  order  to  convince  oneself  that  the 
ill-disguised  borrowing  of  the  second  from  the  first 
cannot  have  proceeded  from  Gregory,  who  had  no 
reason  to  repeat  himself.  What  really  seems  to  have 
happened  is  this.  As  a  rule  the  allegorical  explanation 
follows  the  moral  exegesis  of  a  Bible  quotation.  In 
this  particular  case  there  was  no  allegorical  part  for  the 
verses  9-18.  This  was  supplied  by  someone  in  the  VIII. 
century  who  knew  the  Physiologus,  and  the  VIII. 
century  editor  of  the  Moralia  added  what  to  him  seemed 
to  be  written  as  an  improvement  on  Gregory,  and 
himself  supplied  the  apology  for  doing  so,  quite  unaware 
of  the  contradiction  in  the  nature  of  the  unicorn  which 
he  thus  created. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  story  of  the  unicorn  is  more 
complicated  than  so  far  shown.  From  the  story  of  the 
kite  only  the  reference  to  olJb-  hedus  and  the  presence 

1  Ibid.,  col.  590  f. 


252    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

at  the  court  are  all  that  definitely  belong  to  the  Arabic 
prototype.  The  rest  is  all  due  to  a  misunderstanding 
of  the  Esopic  stag  story  in  a  Latin  translation.  We  have 
already  observed  that  the  stag's  horn  getting  caught 
in  the  branches  gave  rise  to  the  one  horn  of  the  autolops. 
The  autolops,  after  drinking  from  the  Euphrates,  goes 
into  the  woods  and  there  plays  with  the  branches, 
virgae,  when  he  is  caught  and  trapped  by  the  hunters. 
The  Physiologus  or  its  source  read  virgo,  instead  of 
virgae,  and  thus  produced  the  story  of  the  unicorn  which 
plays  with  its  horn  in  the  bosom  of  the  virgo,  maiden, 
and  thus  is  caught.  This,  then,  shows  beyond  a  chance 
of  doubt,  that  the  unicorn  story  arose  only  after  the 
Arabs  came  in  contact  with  Latin,  which  was  after 
711,  and  thus  the  earliest  date  of  the  Physiologus  is 
established.^ 

1  For  the  story  of  the  narwhale  see  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  295  f. 


XXI.     THE  LION. 

St.  Augustine,  in  his  Quaestiones  de  Genesi,  did  not 
discuss  that  part  of  Chap.  XLIX  which  dealt  with  the 
Benediction  of  the  Patriarchs,  and  confined  himself 
merely  to  the  statement:  "Quod  ita  benedicit  nepotes 
suos  Israhel,  ut  dexteram  manum  minori  inponat, 
maiori  autem  sinistram,  et  hoc  filio  suo  loseph  uolenti 
corrigere  quasi  errantem  atque  nescientem  ita  re- 
spondet :  scio,  fili,  scio;  et  hie  erit  in 
populum,  et  hie  exaltabitur.  Sed 
frater  eius  iunior  maior  illo  erit  et 
semen  eius  erit  in  multitudine  gen- 
tium, hactenus  de  Christo  accipiendum  est,  quatenus 
etiam  de  ipso  lacob  et  fratre  eius  dictum  est  quia 
maior  seruiet  minori.  Secundum  hoc  enim 
significauit  aliquid  prophetiee  hoc  faciendo  Israhel, 
quod  populus  posterior  per  Christum  futurus  genera- 
tione  spiritali  superaturus  erat  populum  priorem  de 
carnali  patrum  generatione  gloriantem."^  But  in  his 
Contra  Faustum  he  elaborated  upon  the  Benediction 
of  Judah,  because  this  gave  him  an  opportunity  for  an 
allegorical  interpretation  as  to  the  coming  of  Christ. 
However,  this  passage  is  not  so  much  an  original 
exposition  of  Augustine's,  as  a  free  restatement  of 
Ambrose's  elaborate  account  of  the  same  event  in  his  De 
patriarchis,  as  may  be  seen  from  a  comparison  of  the  two. 

Ambrose,  De  Patriarchis,  chap.  IV. 

"Et  quia  per  admixtionem  generis  luda  et  Leui 
tribus   iunctae   sunt,   ideo   Matthaeus   ex   tribu   luda 

^  Quaestionum  in  Heptateuchum  libri  VII,  in  CSEL.,  vol.  XXVIII-,  p.  86  f . 


254    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

discribit  eius  familiam.  Et  apostolus  ait:  q  u  o  n  i  a  m 
de  luda  ortus  est  dominus  noster, 
ut  ex  tribu  Leui  sacerdotalis  et  plena  sanctitatis  ad- 
numeretur  hereditas,  ex  tribu  autem  luda,  ex  qua  Dauid 
et  Solomon  et  reliqui  reges  fuerunt,  regalis  successionis 
splendor  effulgeat,  ut  idem  rex  et  sacerdos  scripturarum 
testimonio  demonstretur.  Meritoque  se  circa  gratiam 
ludae  lacob  sanctus  effudit  dicens:  luda,  te  lau- 
dabunt  fratres  tui;  manus  tuae  super 
dorsum  inimicorum  tuorum,  adora- 
bunt  te  filii  patris  tui.  Catulus  leonis 
luda.  Ex  germine,  fili,  mihi  ascen- 
disti.  Recumbens  dormisti  ut  leo 
et  tamquam  catulus:  quis  suscitabit 
eum?  Non  deerit  index  ex  luda  et 
princeps  de  femoribus  eius,  donee 
uenit  cui  repositum  est,  et  ipse  ex- 
spectatio  gentium:  alligans  ad  uitem 
asinam  suam  et  cilicio  pullum  asi- 
naesuaelauabitin  uinostolamsuam 
et  in  sanguine  uuae  anaboladium 
suum:  hilares  oculi  eius  a  uino  et 
dentes  candidiores  quam  lac.  Ad 
ludam  quidem  patriarcham  dirigi  uidetur  alloquium, 
sed  luda  ille  posterior  uerus  confessor  exprimitur,  qui 
ex  ea  tribu  natus  est,  qui  solus  laudatur  a  fratribus,  de 
quibus  dicit:  narrabo  nomen  tuum, fra- 
tribus meis,  dominus  per  naturam,  frater 
per  gratiam,  cuius  manus,  quas  expandit  ad  populum 
non  credentem,  super  dorsum  inimicorum.  Isdem 
enim  manibus  atque  eadem  passione  suos  texit  et 
subiugauit  aduersarias  potestates  omnesque  fidei  et 
pietatis  exortes  subditos  sibi  fecit.  De  quibus  ait  pater 
ad  filium :  et  dominaberis  in  medio  ini- 
micorum tuorum.  Quos  inimicos  sua  fecit 
malitia,  non  Christi  uoluntas.     In  quo  magna  gratia 


THE  LION  255 

domini.  Etenim  spiritales  nequitiae,  quae  ante  cerui- 
cem  nostram  iugo  solebant  captiuitatis  inflectere,  ita 
ut  Dauid  ipse  manus  quodammodo  super  se  trium- 
phantium  sen  tire  se  scriberet  dicens:  super  dor- 
sum meum  fabricauerunt  peccatores, 
ipsae  nunc  subditae  Christi  triumpho  et  quibusdam 
manibus  eius,  id  est  factis  operibusque  subiectae  per 
petuae  subeunt  captiuitatis  aerumnam.  Ipse  est 
utique,  qui  adoratur  a  filiis  patris  sui,  quando  adoratur 
a  nobis,  quibus  ipse  permisit  ut  patrem  uocemus,  cuius 
seruum  esse  uirtutis  est. 

"C  atulus  leonis  luda.  Nonne  euidenter  et 
patrem  expressit  et  filium  declarauit?  Quid  tam  euidens, 
quo  unius  naturae  filius  deus  cum  patre  esse  doceatur? 
Leo  ille,  hie  catulus  leonis.  Uili  conparatione  eiusdem 
naturae  aut  potentiae  unitas  intellegitur.  Rex  ex 
rege  processit,  f ortis  ex  forte.  Quia  futuros  praeuidebat 
qui  filium  adsererent  iunioris  aetatis,  occurrit  his  subi- 
ciens :  ex  germine  mihi  ascendisti.  Re- 
cumbens  dormisti  ut  leo  et  tamquam 
catulus.  Et  alibi  habes  quia  catulus  ipse  est  1  e  o 
de  tribu  luda.  Ergo  quia  catulum  dixerat, 
bene  statim  leonem  posuit,  hoc  est  di^^'ere:  non  capi- 
antur  aures  uestrae,  quia  catulum  auO.'erunt;  filium 
expressi,  non  dixi  minorem.  Et  ipse  est  leo  sicut  pater. 
Audiant  quia  et  leonem  et  catulum  appellauit,  leonem 
quasi  perfectae  plenaeque  uirtutis,  catulum  quasi 
filium,  ne  quis  cum  audiret,  aequalem  patris  non 
putaret  filium.  Non  sic  laudatur  filius,  ut  separetur  a 
patre.  Ille  probat  aequalem  qui  filium  confitetur. 
Mirifice  autem  et  incarnationem  eius  expressit  dicens: 
ex  germine  mihi  ascendisti,  eo  quod 
tamquam  frutex  terrae  in  aluo  uirginis  germinauerit  et 
ut  flos  boni  odoris  ad  redemptionem  mundi  totius 
maternis  uisceribus  splendore  nouae  lucis  emissus  as- 
cendent,   sicut    Esaias    dicit:     exiet     uirga     ex 


256    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

radice  lessae  et  flos  ex  radice  as- 
cend e  t  .  Radix  familia  ludaeorum,  uirga  Maria, 
flos  Mariae  Christus.  Recte  uirga,  quae  regalis  est 
generis  de  domo  et  patria  Dauid,  cuius  flos  Christus 
est,  qui  faetorem  mundanae  conluuionis  aboleuit, 
odorem  uitae  infudit  aeternae.  Habes  ergo  incarna- 
tionem,  accipe  passionem.  Recumbens  inquit 
dormisti  ut  leo,  quando  iacuit  in  sepulchro 
uelut  quodam  corporis  sui  somno  quietus,  sicut  ipse 
ait:  ego  dormiui  et  requieui  et  surrexi, 
quoniam  dominus  suscipiet  me.  Unde 
et  lacob  ait:  quis  suscitabit  eum?  Hoc 
est:  quern  dominus  suscipiet.  Quis  est  alius  qui  re- 
suscitet,  nisi  ipse  se  sua  patrisque  resuscitet  potestate? 
Uideo  natum  auctoritate  propria,  uideo  mortuum  pro- 
pria uoluntate,  uideo  dormientem  potestate  propria. 
Qui  omnia  suo  fecit  arbitrio  cuius  alterius  ut  resurgat 
egebit  auxiliis?  Ipse  igitur  resurrectionis  suae  auctor 
est,  qui  mortis  est  arbiter,  qui  expectatur  a  gentibus. 
Ideo,  donee  ille  ueniat,  non  deficiet 
dux  ex  luda.  Ut  usque  ad  eius  ortum  regalis 
successionis  fldes  incorrupta  seruetur.  Postea  enim,  ut 
docuimus  tractatu  habito  in  euangelium,  per  Herodem 
adulterata  successio  praerogatiuam  dignitatis  amisit. 
Etenim  quia  uerum  regem  negarunt,  falsos  habere 
eoeperunt.  Ergo  hoc  dicit  patriarcha:  seruabitur  in 
iudicibus  uel  regibus  ludaeorum  intemeratae  succes- 
sionis hereditas  ducta  per  reges,  donee  ueniat 
cui  repositum  est,  ut  ecclesiam  dei  con- 
greget  ex  conuentu  nationum  omnium  et  gentilium 
deuotione  populorum,  hoc  est  ipsum  manet,  ipsi  debi- 
tum  reseruatur,  ipsi  tantae  gratiae  praerogatiua  de- 
fertur. 

"Et  ipse  est  expectatio  gentium. 
Plus  dixit  quam  si  dixisset:  ipsum  expectant  gentes, 
quod   omnis   spes   ecclesiae   in   ipso   recumbat.      Ideo 


THE  LION  257 

dicitur  Moysi:  solue  calciamentum  pe- 
dum tuorum,  ne ipse sponsus ecclesiae crederetur, 
qui  dux  plebis  eligebatur.  Ideo  soluit  calciamentum 
suum  lesus  Naue,  ut  uenturo  tanti  muneris  gratiam  et 
ipse  seruaret.  Ideo  dicit  lohannes:  post  me  ue- 
nit  uir,  cuius  non  sum  dignus  soluere 
corrigiam  calciamenti  eius,  ideo  dicit : 
qui  habet  sponsam  sponsus  est;  ami- 
cus autem  sponsi,  qui  stat  et  audit 
eum,  gaudio  gaudet,  hoc  est:  ipse  est  solus 
uir  ecclesiae,  hie  est  expectatio  gentium,  huic  deferentes 
copulam  gratiae  nuptiaUs  calciamentum  suum  soluerunt 
prophetae.  Hie  sponsus  est,  ego  sponsi  amicus :  gaudeo, 
quia  uenit,  quia  uocem  audio  nuptialem,  quia  iam  non 
dura  peccatorum  supplicia,  dura  legis  tormenta,  sed 
remissionem  criminum,  uocem  laetitiae,  sonum  iucun- 
ditatis,  exultationem  festi  nuptialis  audimus.  Hie  est 
ille  alligans  ad  uitem  asinum  suum  et 
cilicio  pullum  asinae  suae,  ut  feruorem 
spiritus  sancti  congregatio  habeat  nationum  ante  re- 
missa  et  neglegens,  set  iam  deuota  per  Christum  et  uiti 
illi  perpetuae,  hoc  est  domino  lesu,  qui  ait:  ego 
sum  uitis,  pater  mens  agricola,  uelut 
fructuosi  palmitis  quibusdam  inexsolubilis  fidei  uinculis 
alligemur.  Hoc  est  illud  mysterium,  quod  pullum 
asinae  solui  iussit  in  euangelio  et  ipse  dominus  lesus 
sedit  eum,  ut  alligatus  ad  uitem  perpetua  sanctorum 
suauitate  requiesceret. 

"Lauabit  inquit  in  uino  stolam  suam. 
Bona  stola  est  caro  Christi,  quae  omnium  peccata 
operuit,  omnium  delicta  suscepit,  omnium  texit  errores, 
bona  stola,  quae  uniuersos  induit  ueste  iucunditatis. 
Lauit  hanc  stolam  in  uino,  quando  cum  baptizaretur 
in  lordane,  descendit  spiritus  sanctus  sicut  columba 
et  mansit  super  eum,  quo  significatur  quod  plenitudo 
spiritus  sancti  indiuidua  in  eo  fuerit  nee  recesserit. 

32 


258     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Unde  et  euangelista  ait  quia  plenus  spiritu 
s  a  n  c  t  o  dominus  lesus  regressus  est  ab 
I  o  r  d  a  n  e  .  Lauit  ergo  lesus  stolam  suam,  non  ut 
suam  quae  non  erat,  sed  ut  nostram  quae  erat  sordem 
ablueret.  Denique  addidit:  et  in  sanguine 
uuae  anaboladium  suum,  hoc  est  in  passi- 
one  corporis  sui  diluit  gentes  suo  sanguine.  Etenim 
uerbi  anaboladium  gentes  sunt,  sicut  scriptum  est: 
uiuo  ego,  dicit  dominus,  nisi  omnes 
eos  induam  sicut  uestimentum  et  alibi : 
sicut  amictum  mutabis  eos,  et  muta- 
b  u  n  t  u  r  .  Non  ergo  sanguine  proprio  sua  peccata 
quae  non  erant,  sed  nostra  quae  fecimus  delicta  mun- 
dauit.  Et  bene  uuam  dixit,  quia  sicut  uua  pependit 
in  ligno.  Ipse  est  uitis,  ipse  uua:  uitis  ligno  adhaerens, 
uua,  quia  lancea  militis  apertum  latus  emisit  aquam 
et  sanguinem.  Sic  enim  dixit  lohannes  quia  e  x  i  u  i  t 
de  eo  aqua  et  sanguis,  aqua  ad  lauacrum, 
sanguis  ad  pretium.  Aqua  nos  abluit,  sanguis  nos 
redemit.  Et  ideo  ait  propheta:  hilares  oculi 
eius  a  uino  et  dentes  candidiores 
q  u  a  m  lac  significans  prophetas  et  apostolos.  Alii 
enim  sicut  oculi  Christi  praeuiderunt  et  adnuntiaue- 
runt  eius  aduentum,  de  quibus  ipse  dicit:  Abraham 
diem  meum  uidit  et  gauisus  est,  et 
unus  de  prophetis  dicit:  uidi  dominum  Sa- 
ba o  t  h  ,  quem  uidentes  spiritali  laetitia  conple- 
bantur:  alii  uero,  hoc  est  apostoli,  quos  dominus  ab 
omni  peccatorum  labe  mundauit,  candidiores  super  lac 
faeti  sunt,  quos  macula  postea  nulla  fuscauit.  Etenim 
lac  temporale  est,  gratia  autem  apostolorum  perpetua 
manet,  qui  nobis  spiritalia  ilia  atque  caelestia  con- 
ficientes  alimenta  mentis  internae  uiscera  saginarunt. 
Sunt  etiam  qui  mandata  domini  lucida,  quae  diuino 
ore  deprompta  sunt,  sicut  lac  nobis  facta  arbitrentur, 
quibus  nutriti  ad  panis  caelestis  peruenimus  alimoniam. 


THE  LION  259 

Unde  et  Paulus  ait:  lacte  nobis  potum  dedi, 
non  escam;  nondum  enim  poteratis. 
Corinthius  in  principio  fidei  potn  lactis  inbuitnr,  sancti 
illi  qnornm  fides  adnnntiatnr  in  uniuerso  mundo 
tamquam  ablactati  esca  solidiore  firmantur."^ 

Augustine,  Contra  Faustum,  lib.  XII,  cap.  42. 

"Uellem  scire,  immo  melius  nescierim,  qua  caecitate 
animi  legerit  Faustus,  ubi  uocauit  lacob  filios  suos  et 
dixit :  congregamini,  ut  nuntiem  uobis, 
quae  occursura  sunt  uobis  in  nouis- 
simis  diebus;  congregamini  et  au- 
dite,  filii  lacob;  audite,  Israhel,  pat- 
rem  uestrum.  Hie  certe  nemo  dubitat  pro- 
phetantis  personam  esse  dilucidatam.  Audiamus  ergo, 
quid  dicat  filio  suo  ludae,  de  cuius  tribu  Christus 
uenit  ex  semine  Dauid  secundum  car- 
n  e  m  ,  Sicut  apostolica  doctrina  testatur.  I  u  d  a  , 
inquit,  te  laudent  fratres  tui;  manus 
tuae  super  dorsa  inimicorum  tuorum, 
adorabunt  te  filii  patris  tui.  Catulus 
leonis  luda,  de  germinatione  filius 
mens,  ascendisti  recumbens,  dormi- 
sti  ut  leo  et  ut  catulus  leonis,  quis 
suscitabit  eum?  Non  deerit  princeps 
ex  luda  et  dux  de  femoribus  eius, 
donee  ueniant  quae  reposita  sunt 
ej;  et  ipse  expectatio  gentium  alli- 
gans  ad  uineam  pullum  suum  et  cili- 
cio  pullum  asinae;  lauabit  in  uino 
stolam  suam  et  in  sanguine  uuae  amic- 
tum  suum;  fulgentes  oculi  eius  a 
uino  et  dentes  candidiores  lacte. 
Falsa  sint  ista,   obscura  sint  ista,   si  non  in  Christo 

'  CSEL.,  vol.  XXXIP,  pp.  133-139. 


260    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

euidentissima  luce  claruerunt,  si  non  eum  laudant 
fratres  eius  apostoli  et  omnes  coheredes  eius,  non  suam 
gloriam  quaerentes,  sed  ipsius;  si  non  sunt  manus 
eius  super  dorsa  inimicorum  eius;  si  non  deprimuntur 
atque  curuantur  ad  terram  crescentibus  populis  chris- 
tianis,  quicumque  illi  adhuc  aduersantur;  si  non  eum 
adorauerunt  filii  lacob  in  reliquiis,  quae  per  electionem 
gratiae  saluae  factae  sunt;  si  non  ipse  catulus  est 
leonis,  quoniam  nascendo  paruulus  factus  est — propter 
hoc  additum:  de  germinatione  filius  mens. 
Causa  quippe  reddita  est,  quare  catulus,  in  cuius  laude 
alibi  scriptum  est:  catulus  leonis  fortior 
i  u  m  e  n  t  i  s  ,  hoc  est  etiam  paruulus  fortior  maio- 
ribus — si  non  ascendit  in  cruce  recumbens,  cum  in- 
clinato  capite  reddidit  spiritum;  si  non  dormiuit  ut  leo, 
quia  et  in  ipsa  morte  non  est  uictus,  sed  uicit,  et  ut 
catulus  leonis — inde  enim  mortuus  unde  et  natus — si 
non  ille  eum  suscitauit  a  mortuis,  quem  nemo  hominum 
uidit  nee  uidere  potest — eo  enim,  quod  dictum  est: 
quis  suscitabit  eum?  Satis  expressa  est 
tamquam  ignoti  significatio — si  defuit  princeps  ex 
luda  et  dux  ex  femoribus  eius,  donee  uenirent  oportuno 
tempore,  quae  promissa  tamquam  reposita  fuerant. 
Sunt  enim  litterae  certissimae  historiae  ipsorum  quoque 
ludaeorum,  quibus  ostenditur  primum  alienigenam 
Herodem  regem  fuisse  in  gente  ludaeorum,  quo  tem- 
pore natus  Christus  est,  Ita  non  defuit  rex  de  semine 
luda,  donee  uenirent,  quae  reposita  erant  illi.  Sed 
quia  non  solis  ludaeis  fidelibus  profuit,  quod  promissum 
est,  uide,  quid  sequatur:  et  ipse  expectatio 
gentium;  ipse  alligauit  ad  uineam 
pullum  suum,  id  est  populum  suum  in  cilicio 
praedicans  et  damans:  agite  paenitentiam; 
a  d  p  r  o  p  i  n  q  u  a  u  i  t  enim  regnum  caelo- 
r  u  m  .  Populum  autem  gentium  illi  subditum  cognosci- 
mus  pullo  asinae  conparatum,  in  quo  etiam  sedit  ducens 


THE  LION  261 

eum  in  Hierusalem,  id  est  in  uisionem  pacis,  docens 
mansuetos  uias  suas.  Si  non  lauat  in  uino  stolam  suam : 
ipsa  est  enim  gloriosa  ecclesia,  quam  sibi  exhibet  non 
habentem  maculam  aut  rugam;  cui  dieitur  etiam  per 
Esaiam:  si  fuerint  peccata  uestra  sicut 
p  h  o  e  n  i  c  i  u  m  ,  t  a  m  q  u  a  m  n  i  u  e  m  deal- 
b  a  b  o  .  Unde  nisi  de  dimissis  peccatis?  In  quo 
ergo  uino  nisi  illo,  de  quo  dieitur,  quod  pro  multis 
effundetur  in  r  e  m  i  s  s  i  o  n  e  m  peccato- 
r  u  m  ?  Ipse  est  enim  botrus  ille,  qui  pependit  in  ligno. 
Propterea  et  hie  uide,  quid  adiungat:  et  in  san- 
guine uuae  amictum  suum.  lam  uero 
fulgere  oculos  eius  a  uino,  ilia  in  corpore  eius  membra 
cognoscunt,  quibus  donatum  est  sancta  quadam  ebrie- 
tate  alienatae  mentis  ab  infra  labentibus  temporalibus 
aeternam  lucem  sapientiae  contueri.  Unde  quiddam 
paulo  ante  commemorauimus  dicente  Paulo:  sine 
enim  mente  excessimus,  deo.  Hi  sunt 
fulgentes  oculi  a  uino.  Sed  tamen  quia 
sequitur:  sine  temperantes  sumus,  nobis, 
nee  paruuli  relinquuntur  adhuc  lacte  nutriendi,  quia 
et  hie  sequitur:  et  dentes  candidiores 
lacte."^ 

That  the  second  is  based  on  the  first  follows  from 
Augustine's  crabbed  references  to  the  lion  and  the  lion 
cub,  which  cannot  be  understood  without  Ambrose's 
explanation.  Ambrose  says  that  the  juxtaposition  of 
the  lion  and  the  cub  is  due  to  this,  that  both  the  Father 
and  the  Son  are  designated,  "the  lion  representing 
perfect  and  full  Virtue,  the  cub,  the  Son,  lest  one  hearing 
this  should  understand  the  Son  not  to  be  equal  to  the 
Father."  "R  e  c  u  m  b  e  n  s  dormisti  ut  leo" 
is  explained  by  him  allegorically  as  referring  to  Christ 
sleeping  in  the  tomb,  while  "quis  suscitabit 
eum?"  is  similarly  made  to  refer  to  Christ,  Who 
1  CSEL.,  vol.  XXV,  pp.  367-370. 


262    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

"was  born,  died  and  slept  of  His  own  free  will  and  is  the 
author  of  His  own  resurrection,  even  as  He  is  the  arbiter 
of  His  own  death." 

All  the  commentaries  that  deal  with  the  Benediction, 
whether  before  or  after  the  writing  of  Ambrose's  dis- 
quisition, have  understood  the  allegory  of  the  lion  and 
the  cub  in  a  similar  manner.  Jerome  did  not  even  dis- 
cuss the  matter,  being  satisfied  with  the  statement, 
''licet  de  Christo  grande  mysterium  sit,  tamen  juxta 
litteram  prophetatur,  quod  reges  ex  Juda  per  David 
stirpem  generentur,  et  quod  adorent  eum  omnes  tri- 
bus."^  Cyril  of  Alexandria  wrote:  "Siquidem  c  a  t  u  - 
lus  leonis  est  Christus  ex  Juda,  cum  sit  Filius 
Dei  omnipotentis,  qui  et  sine  pugna  vincit,  et  solo 
verbo  potest  perterrefacere  eos  qui  ipsi  resistunt,  sicut 
propheta  ait:  Leo  rugiet,  et  quis  non 
t  i  m  e  b  i  t  ?  Catulus  itaque  leonis  est  Christus, 
sicut  et  ex  germine  et  nobili  radice  ortus  est,  ex  sancta 
Virgine.  .      .      Recumbens    dormivisti 

u  t  1  e  o  ;  hoc  est,  non  praeter  voluntatem  sustinuisti 
mortem,  sed,  etiamsi  omnibus  ut  leo  pavorem  incutere 
potes,  et  venatorum  manus  subterfugere,  tua  sponte  te 
submisisti:  neque  ut  ii  qui  te  crucifixerunt  cogitabant, 
mortis  vinculis  detentus;  sed  veluti  somno  usus,  atque 
exiguo  temporis  spatio  occlusus  fuisti.  Quis  igitur 
ipsum  excitabit?  inquit;  quasi  dicat:  Decubuit  quidem 
volens,  ita  tamen  ut  nullius  opera  indigeret  ad  resur- 
gendum:  quippe  qui  in  se  omne  robur  contineat, 
tanquam  Dei  Patris  potentia:  neque  quidquam  in 
ipso  desideratur,  quominus  possit,  et  quidem  facile 
admodum,  suum  ipsius  templum  vivificare.  Idcirco 
dicebat  ad  Judaeos :      Solvite   templum   hoc, 

'  Liber  hebraicarum  quaestionum  in  Genesim,  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXIII, 
col.  1006. 


THE  LION  263 

et  in  tribus  diebus  excitabo  i  1 1  u  d  ."^ 
Theodoret  has  similarly:  "D  ecumbens  dormi- 
sti  ut  leo,  et  velut  catulus  leonis. 
Quemadmodum  enim  leo  etiam  dormiens  terribilis 
est:  sic  mors  Domini  formidabilis  fuit  et  morti  et  diabo- 
lo.  L  e  o  n  e  m  porro  et  catulum  leonis 
ipsum  vocavit,  tanquam  regem  et  regis  filium,  et 
tanquam  Deum  et  Dei  Filium.  Nam  et  secundum 
humanitatem  ex  Davide  ortus  est,  et  tanquam  Deus 
ante  saecula  ex  Deo  Patre  genitus  est.  Hoc  autem: 
Quis  excitabit  ilium?  ineffabilem  ejus  po- 
tentiam  declarat.  Ipse  enim  se  suscitavit,  secundum 
praedictionem  suam:  Solvite  templum  hoc, 
et  in  tribus  diebus  excitabo  illud."^ 
Most  of  the  Commentary  to  Genesis  of  Procopius  of 
Gaza  has  been  preserved  in  a  Latin  translation.  Here 
we  read:  "Ut  appareat  imperatoria  dignitas,  scribitur: 
Catulus  leonis  Juda.  .  .  .  Accubans 
ut  leo  dormivisti,  etc.,  dicitur  ob  audaciam 
et  animosos  adversus  hostem  spiritus.  Deinde  significat 
tanta  firmitate  eum  insedisse  regio  solio,  quod  haeredi- 
tario  jure  sit  adeptus,  ut  inde  avelli  et  deturbari  ne- 
queat.  Leonis  nomen  imponitur  illi  tribui,  quod  leo, 
si  cubet,  terribilior,  propter  pectoris  amplitudinem, 
conspiciatur.  Quapropter  admiratur  Judam,  ut  terri- 
bilem  et  fortem,  quasi  nemo  facile  inveniatur,  qui 
ipsum  sit  excitaturus,  et  regio  solio  regiaque  dignitate 
dejecturus.  Hunc  paulo  post  refert  fore  exspecta- 
tionem  gentium,  qui  non  compariturus  sit  prius,  quam 
defuerit  princeps  et  dux  in  Israel.  .  .  Siquidem  Pater 
est  in  Filio,  et  in  Filio  Pater.  Scriptura  autem  insuevit 
somnum  appellare  mortem.  Verum  per  dictionem,  a  c  - 
c  u  m  b  e  n  s  ,    etc.,  significatur  nobis  voluntaria  mors 

'  Glaphyrorum  in  Genesim  Lib.  VII,  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  LXIX,  col.  354. 
I  shall  generally  quote  the  Latin  translation,  so  as  to  furnish  more  easily 
comparisons  with  our  Latin  texts. 

2  Quaestiones  in  Genesim,  ibid.,  vol.  LXXX,  col.  218. 


264    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Christi.  At  Christus  omnes,  ceu  leo  fortis  et  vigens 
pollensque  viribus  quiverat  devincere.  Nee  a  morte 
detentus  est,  quemadmodum  putaverunt  illi,  qui  ipsum 
in  crucem  egerunt.  Imo  volens  cubuit.  Quemadmo- 
dum leo  non  solum  vigilans,  sed  et  dormiens  terribilis 
est,  sic  Christus  non  ante  crucem,  sed  etiam  in  cruce 
terribilis  erat,  magnaque  designabat  miracula:  Non 
ait,  dormies,  etc.,  sed  dormivisti.  Tanta 
enim  prophetiae  est  certitude,  ut  ilia,  quae  nondum 
facta  sunt,  effecta  data  praesumant  sancti  Dei  homines, 
siquidem  id,  quod  factum  est,  fieri  infectum  nequit. 
At  Deo  id  quod  futurum  est,  jam  jam  factum  est,  tem- 
pusque  omne  penes  ipsum  certum  et  praesens  est. 
Huic  affine  est  et  illud  Scripturae  eloquium:  F  o  d  e  - 
runt  manus  meas  et  pedes  meos.  Nu- 
meraverunt  omnia  ossa  mea.  Quod 
ait:  Quis  excitabit  eum?  mirabili  modo 
significat  resurrectionem,  et  eum,  qui  nos  sus- 
citat  et  provocat  ad  inquirendum  Deum.  Indicat 
quoque  eum  volentem  cubuisse,  nee  indigere  alterius 
auxilio.  Pater  namque  suscitabit  eum  secundum 
Scripturam  dicentem :  Quern  Pater  susci- 
tavit  a  mortuis.  Ipse  vero  semetipsum  exei- 
tavit,  juxta  id,  quod  dicit:  Solvite  templum 
hoc,  et  in  tribus  diebus  suscitabo 
illud. "1 

In  the  whole  range  of  genuine  patristic  literature  there 
is  not  a  suggestion  of  the  extravagant  story  of  the 
Physiologus,  according  to  which  the  cub  is  born  dead 
and  is  revived  by  the  lion's  breath  on  the  third  day. 
Epiphanius  of  Cyprus,  who  reveled  in  animal  stories 
and  who  has  been  cited  as  an  example  of  a  fourth 
century  author  drawing  on  an  ancient  Physiologus,^ 
knows  absolutely  nothing  of  such  a  story:    "Leaenam 

1  Ibid.,  vol.  LXXXVIIS  col.  496  flf. 
*  A.  Karnyeev,  op.  cit.,  p.  26. 


THE  LION  265 

itaque  ferunt  nonnisi  semel  parere,  cujus  rei  banc  esse 
rationem:  Quod  animal  istud  voracissimum  sit,  colore 
fulvum,  validissimo  robore,  atque,  ut  uno  verbo  dicam, 
regia  quadam  dignitate  caeteris  antecellat,  porro  ex 
uno  conjuge  concipiat  fetumque  sex  et  viginti  totos 
menses  in  utero  gerat:  adeo  ut  ille  prae  longinquitate 
temporis  adultus  dentibus  omnibus,  atque  unguibus 
cum  justa  corporis  statura,  praeditus  sit,  antequam  in 
lucem  prodeat;  atque  et  claviculares,  quos  vocant,  et 
caninos  dentes  ac  molares  habeat,  et  alia  omnia,  quae 
animali  huic  a  natura  concessa  sunt.  Dum  igitur  matris 
utero  continetur,  subsultando,  movendoque  sese,  aut 
alio  quovis  modo  matris  uterum  laniare  unguibus  ac 
discerpere  narrant.  Quare  cum  ad  partum  mater 
venerit,  eadem  ilia  die  ab  omni  parturiendi  conditione 
ac  molestia  ventrem  illius  liberari.  Siquidem  in  ipso 
partu  uterum  simul  ac  matricem  excerni  naturalium 
rerum  indagatores  asserunt:  adeo  ut  nulla  in  posterum 
veneris  cupiditate  tangatur,  nisi  aliqua  vis  adhibeatur. 
Quod  si  marem  experiri  cogatur,  non  amplius  tamen 
fetum  gestare  posse,  utpote  quae  matrice  careat.  Qua 
quidem  ex  narratione  ad  id,  de  quo  agimus,  simili- 
tudinem  quamdam  licet  transferre,  quae  utilitatem 
potius  quam  damnum  aliquod  continere  videatur. 
Etenim  si  catulum  leonis  Judam  Jacob  nominans, 
Christum  quadam  sermonis  figura  adumbravit,  cum 
eoque  illud  ex  Joannis  Apocalypsi  congruit :  E  c  c  e 
vicit  leo  de  tribu  Juda,  et  de  stirpe 
David  :  cum  leoni  Dominus  assimuletur,  non  natura 
quidem,  sed  similitudinis  adumbrationisque  gratia, 
quod  regia  quaedam  insit  in  leone  dignitas,  sitque 
animalium  omnium  audacissimum,  ac  fortissimum,  et 
in  caeteris  omnibus  aspectu  jucundissimum,  non  ab- 
surde  matrem  illius  leaenam  appellabimus.  Qui  enim 
leo  generari  potest,  nisi  mater  ejus  leaena  nominetur? 
Caeterum  uti  leaena  secundo  non  parit:  ita  sacrosancta 


266    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

virgo  Maria  alterius  partus  expers  fuit,  ac  nullum  cor- 
poris commercium  exercuit."^  Ildefonsus,  who  lived 
after  Isidore  of  Seville,  and  who  is  also  cited  as  an 
example  of  an  author  who  has  drawn  largely  on  the 
Physiologus  in  his  chapters  especially  devoted  to  the 
animal  allegories  in  his  Liber  de  itinere  deserti,  and  who 
should  have  known  Isidore's  allegorical  reference  to 
the  lion,  if  this  were  genuine,  simply  says:  "De  sig- 
nificantia  utriusque  leonis.  Saeviat  licet  leo,  qui  cir- 
cuiens  quaerit  quem  devoret,  nobiscum  tamen  semper 
ille  est  ex  tribu  Juda  victor  leo,  qui  tam  libenter  nos 
de  illo  defendit  quam  ilium  ipse  potentialiter  vicit."^ 
Augustine  wrote  of  the  cub,  "inde  enim  mortuus 
unde  et  natus,"  a  clause  which  could  not  be  understood 
without  Ambrose's  "video  natum  auctoritate  propria, 
video  mortuum  propria  voluntate,  video  dormientem 
potestate  propria,"  of  which  it  is  an  abbreviation. 
Augustine  meant  to  say  that  the  cub  allegorizes  the 
birth  of  Christ  of  his  own  free  will,  even  as  the  lion 
allegorizes  his  death  of  his  own  free  will,  as  is  perfectly 
clear  from  the  preceding  reference  to  the  lion  as  alle- 
gorizing Christ's  invincibility  in  death.  The  un- 
natural history  of  the  cub's  birth  and  resurrection  was 
as  foreign  to  him  as  it  was  to  the  rest  of  the  patristic 
writers.  Indeed,  in  several  of  the  patchwork  Bene- 
dictions, ascribed  to  Jerome,  Augustine,  and  Alcuin, 
and  in  reality  composed  after  600,  in  all  probability 
considerably  later,  not  a  word  is  said  about  the  allegory 
of  the  cub.  GriaP  has  already  shown  that  the  expanded 
Benediction,  ascribed  to  Isidore  of  Seville,  is  composed 
of  bits  of  passages  from  Augustine,  Jerome,  and  Greg- 
ory; but  as  he  has  also  assumed  a  few  passages  to  origi- 
nate in  Rufinus'  De  benedictionihus  patriarcharum  and 

1  Adversus  haereses,  Migne,  P.  G.,  vol.  XLII,  col.  718. 

2  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XCVI,  col.  185. 

^  Divi  Isidori  Hispalensis  Episcopi  Opera,  Madriti  1599. 


THE  LION  267 

has  failed  to  identify  other  borrowings,  I  must  reopen 
the  subject. 

In  a  letter  to  an  unknown  person,  Alcuin  refers  to  a 
disquisition  of  his  upon  the  Benedictions  of  the  Patri- 
archs: "De  Benedictione  Patriarcharum,  de  quibus 
rogare  tibi  quoque  placuit,  composui  olim  epistolam 
sub  nomine  tuo  Samuelisque  condiscipuli  tui.  Nescio 
si  de  ea  postulasti,  sive  de  quolibet  alio  auctore. 
De  epistola  interrogasti,  quid  esset?  Nam  em  super, 
oxoka  hahitus  Graece  dicitur.  Unde  Adrianus  im- 
perator  Epictetum  philosophum  inter  alias  inquisi- 
tiones  interrogavit,  quid  esset  cinctumf  At  ille  videns 
eum  epistolam  manu  tenentem,  respondit:  Quod  manu 
tenes.  Volens  intelligere,  quasi  supercinctorium  esset 
epistolae  sigillum,  quo  a  foris  vestiatur  chartula.  Hanc 
habeto  interpretationem,  donee  meliorem  invenias  vel 
veriorem."^  The  absurd  etymology  of  epistola  was 
apparently  occasioned  by  "lavit  in  vinum  stolam  suam" 
of  Genesis  XLIX.  11,  which  is  discussed  in  the  Bene- 
diction of  Judah.  In  any  case,  Alcuin's  etymology 
should  be  kept  in  mind  for  the  investigation  of  the 
genuineness  of  Rufinus'  Benedictions,  De  henedictioni- 
bus  patriarcharum,  which  most  likely  Alcuin  sent  to  the 
recipient  of  the  letter,  is  attached  as  Interrogatio  281 
to  Alcuin's  Interrogationes  et  responsiones  in  Genesim. 
Only  the  Interrogatio  and  Responsio  of  the  introduction 
and  a  few  connecting  clauses  belong  to  Alcuin.  The 
rest  is  chiefly  a  reproduction  from  Jerome's  Quaestiones 
in  Genesim,  followed  by  a  cento  from  Ambrose,  Jerome, 
Augustine's  Contra  Faustum  and  De  civitate  Dei,  and 
Gregory's  M  or  alia}  With  slight  variations  the  cento 
is  reproduced  in  a  Benediction  ascribed  to  Augustine 


1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  C,  col.  460. 

2  See  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  LXXXIII,  col.  276  ff.,  notes. 


268    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

and  Jerome/  and,  with  certain  additions,  to  Eucherius,^ 
Isidore  of  Seville,^  Bede,^  Rabanus  Maurus,^  etc. 

Obviously  the  earliest  author  of  the  cento,  which  is 
a  part  of  the  whole  commentary  to  Genesis,  can  only 
be  Isidore,  since  Gregory's  Moralia  appeared  during  his 
lifetime.  This  is  made  a  certainty,  not  only  by  Ilde- 
fonsus'  words,  "collegit  etiam  de  diversis  auctoribus 
quod  ipse  cognominat  secretorum  expositiones  sacra- 
mentorum,  quibus  in  unum  congestis,  idem  liber  dicitur 
Quaestionum,"^  but  also  by  the  explicit  statement  of 
Isidore  in  the  preface  to  the  commentary,  where  he 
tells  us,  "has  autem  rerum  gestarum  figuras  de  mysticis 
thesauris  sapientium,  ut  praediximus,  depromentes, 
in  unam  formam  compendio  brevitatis  contraximus;  in 
quibus  lector  non  nostra  leget,  sed  veterum  releget. 
Quod  enim  ego  loquor,  illi  dicunt;  et  vox  mea  ipsorum 
est  lingua.  Sumpta  itaque  sunt  ab  auctoribus  Origene, 
Victorino,  Ambrosio,  Hieronymo,  Augustino,  Fulgentio, 
Cassiano,  ac  nostri  temporis  insigniter  eloquenti  Grego- 
rio."'  The  only  question  is  whether  the  De  benedictioni- 
bus  patriarcharum,  as  found  in  Isidore,  is  the  original, 
or  an  expanded  version,  made  some  time  after  Isidore's 
death.  That  the  latter  is  the  case  is  made  certain  by 
Alcuin's  version,  in  which  in  the  Benediction  of  Judah 
the  story  from  the  Physiologus  is  absent,  whereas  in 
Isidore  it  is  clearly  an  insertion. 

Requiescens   accubuis-  Recumbens      dormisti, 

ti  ut   leo.     Manifestissime  Chris-  euangelista  exponit,  ubi  dicit:     et 

tus   accubuit   in   passione,    quando  inclinato     capite     tradidit 

inclinato   capite   tradidit   spiritum,  s  p  i  r  i  t  u  m  ;   aut  certe  sepultura 

sive   quando   in   sepulcro    [securus]  eius    agnoscitur,    in    qua    recubuit 

velut  quodam  corporis  somno  quie-  dormiens,    Augustine,    De   civ.   dei, 

vit.  XVI.  41,  CSEL.,  vol.  XL^  p.  199. 

1  Ibid.,  vol.  XXIII,  col.  1307  ff. 

2  Ibid.,  vol.  L,  col.  1038  flf. 

3  Ibid.,  vol.  LXXXIII,  col.  276  ff. 

4  Ibid.,  vol.  XCI,  col.  273  ff. 
6  Ibid.,  vol.  CVII,  col.  655  ff. 

6  Ibid.,  vol.  LXXXIII,  col.  207  f. 
'  Ibid.,  col.  209. 


THE  LION 


269 


Ascendit  in  cruce  recumbens,  cum 
inclinato  capite  reddidit  spiritum, 
Augustine,  Contra  Faustum,  XII. 
42,  CSEL.,  vol.  XXV,  p.  368. 

Habes  ergo  incarnationem,  accipe 
passionem.  Recumbens  inquit 
dormisti  ut  leo,  quando 
iacuit  in  sepulchro  uelut  quodam 
corporis  sui  somno  quietus,  Ambrose, 
De  Patriarchis,  IV.  20,  CSEL., 
vol.  XXXIP,  p.  135. 

Mors  Christi  praedicta  est  uerbo 
dormitionis  et  non  necessitas,  sed 
potestas  in  morte  nomine  leonis. 
Quam  potestatem  in  euangelio  ipse 
praedicat  dicens:  Potestatem, 
etc.,  Augustine,  De  civ.  dei,  XVI.  41, 
CSEL.,  vol.  XL^  p.  198. 

Et  ut  catulus  leonis —  inde  enim 
mortuus  unde  et  natus,  Augustine, 
Contra  Faustum,  XII.  42,  CSEL., 
vol.  XXV,  p.  369. 

Non  dormiuit  ut  leo,  quia  et  in 
ipsa  morte  non  est  uictus,  sed  uicit, 
ibid. 

Quis  suscitabit  eum? 
hoc  est,  quia  nuUus  hominum,  nisi  se 
ipse,  qui  etiam  de  corpore  suo  dixit: 
Soluite  templum  hoc,  et 
in  triduo  resuscitabo 
i  1 1  u  d  ,  Augustine,  De  civ.  dei, 
XVI.  41,  CSEL.,  vol.  XLS  P-  199. 

Ut  usque  ad  eius  ortum  regalis 
successionis  fides  incorrupta  serue- 
tur.  .  Seruabitur  in  iudicibus  uel 
regibus  ludaeorum  intemeratae  suc- 
cessionis hereditas  ducta  per  reges, 
donee  ueniat  cui  reposi- 
t  u  m  est,  Ambrose,  De  Patri- 
archis, IV.  21,  CSEL.,  vol.  XXXIP, 
p.  136. 

Isidore's  version  reads:  "Quod  vero  addidit,  e  t  u  t 
catulus  leonis,  inde  enim  mortuus,  unde  et 
natus.  Physici  autem  de  catulo  leonis  scribunt,  quod 
cum  natus  fuerit,  tribus  diebus  et  tribus  noctibus  dormit. 
Tunc  deinde  patris  fremitu,  vel  rugitu,  veluti  tremefac- 
tus  cubilis  locus,  suscitare  dicitur  catulum  dormientem. 


Sed  quare  ut  leo  et  [vel- 
ut]  catulus  leonis?  In 
somno  suo  leo  fuit,  quoniam  non 
necessitate,  sed  potestate  hoc  ipsum 
implevit,  sicut  ipse  dicit:  Nemo 
toilet  a  me  animam 
meam,  sed  ego  ponam 
earn.  Quod  vero  addidit:  Et 
ut  catulus  leonis;  inde 
enim  mortuus  est,  unde  fet]  natus. 
Bene  [ergo]  Christus  ut  leo  re- 
quievit,  qui  non  solum  mortis 
acerbitatem  non  timuit,  sed  etiam 
in  ipsa  morte  mortis  imperium  vicit. 
Quod  autem  dicit:  Quis  sus- 
citabit eum?  Quid  est  aliud 
nisi  quod  ipse  dicit:  Solvite 
templum  hoc,  et  in  tri- 
duo suscitabo  illud.  Non 
deficiet  dux  de  Juda  [et 
reliqua].  Hoc  manifestissime  ad 
Judam  refertur.  Diu  enim  fuit  ex 
semine  illius  intemerata  apud  Judae- 
os  successio  regni,  donee  Christus 
nasceretur,  Alcuin,  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol. 
C,  col.  563. 


270    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Quod  valde  convenienter  de  passionis  morte  aptatur  in 
Christo,  qui,  tribus  diebus  et  tribus  noctibus  in  cubili 
sepuleri  jacens,  somnum  mortis  implevit.  Bene  ergo 
Christus,  ut  leo,  requievit,  qui  non  solum  mortis  acer- 
bitatem  non  timuit,  sed  etiam  in  ipsa  morte  mortis 
imperium  vieit.  Bene  idem  iterum  ut  catulus  leonis, 
quia  die  tertio  resurrexit."^  The  insertion  is  found  in 
Pseudo-Eucherius,  etc.,  and  is  also  given  in  Isidore's 
Etymologiae,  XII.  2.  5:  "Cum  genuerint  catulum, 
tribus  diebus  et  tribus  noctibus  catulus  dormire  fertur; 
tunc  deinde  patris  fremitu  vel  rugitu  veluti  tremefactus 
cubilis  locus  suscitare  dicitur  catulum  dormientem." 
Physici  is  used  in  the  Etymologiae  in  another  place 
(VIII.  6.  4):  ''physici  dicti,  quia  de  naturis  tractant; 
natura  quippe  Graece  (fvoic,  vocatur."  The  whole 
passage  in  Isidore  is  taken  bodily  out  of  Rufinus' 
Benedictio  Judae,  which  reads  as  follows:  "Sed  multo 
convenientius  aptabitur  huic  loco  mystica  expositio,  in 
qua  catulus  leonis,  Christus,  non  solum  (pvovx(bc„ 
verumetiam  tqojiixcoi;  designatur.  Nam  Physiologus 
de  catulo  leonis  haec  scribit,  Quod  cum  natus  fuerit, 
tribus  diebus  ac  tribus  noctibus  dormiat:  turn  deinde 
patris  fremitu  vel  mugitu,  tanquam  tremefactus  cubilis 
locus,  suscitet  catulum  dormientem.  .  .  R  e  c  u  m  - 
bens  dormisti  ut  leo,  et  sicut  catulus 
leonis.  Manifeste  recubuisse  et  dormisse,  dictum 
de  passione  mortis  ostenditur.  Sed  videamus  quare  ut 
leo,  et  ut  catulus  leonis,  dormit.  De  catuli  quidem 
somno  jam  superius  dictum  est,  quod  valde  con- 
venienter adaptatur  Christo,  qui  tribus  diebus  et  tribus 
noctibus  in  corde  terrae  sepultus,  somnum  mortis 
implevit."^  It  will  now  be  shown  that  this  Benedictio 
of  Rufinus  is  a  forgery,  written  after  Isidore's  death, 
in  fact,  after  711,  and  that  the  entries  in  Isidore's 
works  are  interpolations. 
1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  LXXXIII,  col.  279.  ^  jf,id.,  vol.  XXI,  col.  302. 


THE  LION  271 

We  have  but  two  references  to  Rufinus'  De  hene- 
dictionibus  patriarcharum.  In  Gennadius^  we  read: 
"Disseruit  et  Benedictionem  lacob  super  patriarchas 
triplici,  id  est,  historico,  morali  et  mystico  sensu." 
But  since  a  number  of  chapters  in  Gennadius  are  now 
bracketed  as  of  later  origin,  it  is  impossible  to  draw 
from  the  reference  to  Rufinus'  work  any  conclusion  as 
to  its  genuineness.  The  second  time  we  find  a  chapter 
in  De  viris  illustrihus  liber,  ascribed  to  Isidore  of  Seville, 
which  runs  as  follows:  "Toranius  Ruffinus  scripsit 
ad  quemdam  Paulinum  presbyterum  de  benedictionibus 
patriarcharum  triplici  intelligentia  librum  satis  succinc- 
tum  et  clara  brevitate  compositum.  Hie  autem  iuxta 
mysticum  sensum  ea,  quae  de  Dan,  filio  lacob,  scripta 
sunt,  non  recte  de  Domino  nostro  interpretatur,  dum 
proculdubio  ad  Antichristum  eadem  pertinere  sanc- 
torum Patrum  probet  assertio."^  The  genuineness  of  a 
number  of  chapters  in  this  work,  including  the  one  on 
Rufinus,  has  long  been  doubted.^  Dzialowski's  defence 
of  this  work  does  not  prevail  over  Ebert's  assertion  that 
there  are  interpolations  in  it.^  Besides,  the  information 
in  regard  to  the  Benedictions  is  given  in  the  identical 
words  as  in  regard  to  a  similar  work  ascribed  by  him 
to  Paulinus.^  Either  one  or  both  statements  are  inter- 
polations. 


1  Liber  de  viris  inlustribus,  ed.  by  E.  C.  Richardson,  in  Texte  und  Unter- 
suchungen  zur  Geschichte  der  altchristlichen  Literatur,  vol.  XIV,  Leipzig 
1896,  p.  68. 

-  G.  von  Dzialowski,  Isidor  und  Ildefons  als  Litter arhistoriker,  Miinster 
i.  W.  1898,  p.  11. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  81  ff. 

^  A.  Ebert,  AlJgemeine  Geschichte  der  Literatur  des  Mittelalters  im  Abend- 
lande,  Leipzig  1889,  vol.  I,  p.  601  f. 

^  'Taulinus  presbyter  explicuit  in  benedictionibus  patriarcharum  triplici 
inteiligentiae  genere  librum,  satis  succincta  brevitate  compositum,"  op. 
cit.,  p.  27. 


272     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


We  know  of  no  triple  interpretation  of  the  Bene- 
dictions by  Paulinus.  There  is  only  one  work  which  is 
attributed  to  Paulinus  of  Milan, ^  and  this  has  only 
two  interpretations,  the  historical  and  the  allegorical. 
This  forgery  is  based  entirely  on  Alcuin's  version,  of 
which  it  is  a  paraphrase  and  expansion.  Alcuin  says 
that  the  Benediction  has  both  a  historical  and  alle- 
gorical meaning,  and  that  the  allegory  refers  to  what 
will  happen  in  future  time.  "But  first  the  historical 
foundation  must  be  laid,  so  that  the  superstructure  of 
allegory  may  safely  rest  upon  it."  Precisely  the  same 
is  said  by  Paulinus. 

Alcuin. 

Quid  intelligendum  est  de  bene- 
dictionibus  quibus  Jacob  patriarcha 
benedixit  filios  suos:  an  historice 
vel  allegorice  intelligendae  sunt,  dum 
dixit:  Congregamini  filii 
Jacob  [audite,  Israel, 
patrem  vestrum],  ut  an- 
nuntiem  vobis  quae  Ven- 
tura sunt  in  novissimis 
d  i  e  b  u  s  ;  et  videtur  ex  his  verbis 
magis  allegoriam  sonare  quam  his- 
torian!?— IJtrumque  [vero]  et  his- 
toriam  et  allegoriam.  Historiam,  de 
divisione  terrae  promissionis,  quae 
[divisiones]  dividendae  erant  nepoti- 
bus  illorum.  Item  allegoriam,  de 
Christo  et  Ecclesia  in  novissimis  quid 
futurum  temporibus.  Sed  prius 
historiae  fundamenta  ponenda  sunt, 
ut  aptius  allegoriae  culmen  priori 
structurae  superponatur,  Migne,  P. 
L.,  vol.  C,  col.  558  f. 


Paulinus. 

Sacrosancta  atque  praesaga  sanc- 
torum Patriarcharum  benedictio, 
quae  per  Spiritum  sanctum  atque 
OS  beati  Jacobi  singulis  est  com- 
petenti  qualitate  distributa,  nee 
per  omnia  sensu  litterario  potest 
intelligi,  maxime  cum  idem  beatus 
Patriarcha  dicat:  Ut  annun- 
tiem  vobis  quae  ventura 
sunt  in  novissimis  die- 
bus:  nee  ita  extenuanda  per 
sensum  allegoricum,  ut  omnino 
evacuari  debeat  sensus  historicus: 
quia  et  quaedam,  uti  post  videbi- 
mus,  sic  eis  praedicta  sunt,  ut 
quaedam  in  proximo,  quaedam  mul- 
to  post  venerint:  tamen  plura  ex 
illis  in  finem  futura  servata  sunt. 
Quae  ergo  historialiter  in  ipsis  verbis 
intelligere  possumus,  primum,  quasi 
fundamenta  jaciendo,donante  Domi- 
no, strictim  pandam  us:  quae  autem 
omnimodis  litteram  refugiunt,  ea 
per  spiritalem  intelligentiam,  sicut 
et  spiritali  sunt  intellectu  carpenda, 
discutiamus,  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XX, 
col.  715. 

Alcuin  treats  all  the  Benedictions  together,  at  first 
historically,  then  allegorically.    Paulinus  combines  the 
two,  but  the  matter  is  always  the  same.    The  allegorical 
1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XX,  col.  715  ff. 


THE  LION 


273 


interpretation  of  the  Benediction  of  Ruben  in  both 
runs  as  follows: 


Alcuin. 

Spiritualiter  autem  (in]  Ruben 
prions  populi  Judaeorum  ostendit 
personam,  cui  a  Domino  per  pro- 
phetam  dicitur:  Israel  p  r  i  m  o  - 
genitus  meus.  Etenim  juxta 
quod  primogenitis  debebatur,  ipsius 
erat  accipere  sacerdotium  et  regnum. 
Additur:  Tu  virtus  mea. 
Utique  quod  huic  populo  funda- 
mentum  fidei  ex  ipsa  virtute  Dei, 
qui  est  Christus,  advenit. 


Quomodo  autem  ipse  sit  princi- 
pium  dolorum,  nisi  dum  Patri  Deo 
semper  irrogat  injurias,  convertens 
ad  eum  dorsxun  [et]  non  faciem? 


Iste  prior  in  donis,  quia 
ipsi  primum  credita  sunt  eloquia 
Dei,  et  legislatio,  et  testamentum 
[sive  promissio]. 


Iste  major  imperio, 
utique  pro  magnitudine  virium, 
quia  copiosius  caeteris  in  hoc  saeculo 
regnavit. 


Effusus  est  autem  sicut  aqua, 
peccando  in  Christo,  quae  vasculo 
non  tenetur;  voluntatis  effusus  est 
impetu:  et  idcirco  addidit  ultra 
non  crescas.  [Quia  peccavit, 
et  Christum  negavit],  quapropter 
ipse  postquam  in  universum  orbem 
dispersus  est,  valde  imminutus  est. 


S3 


Paulinus. 

Typice  autem  Ruben  iste  primo- 
genitus  populum  designat  Judaicum, 
qui  primogenitus  fuit  Dei,  juxta 
illud  quod  de  illo  Dominus  ad  Moy- 
sem  ait:  Filius  primo- 
genitus meus  Israel;  et 
beatus  Hieremias:  S  a  n  c  t  u  s 
Israel  Domino,  primi- 
tiae  frugum  ejus.  Qui 
fortitudo  illius  fuit,  quando  in 
Patriarchis  et  Prophetis,  et  caeteris 
quibuscumque  fortissimis  viris  con- 
tra idolatriam,  et  vitiorum  omnium 
impuramcatervam  fortiter  dimicavit. 

Qui  tamen  principium  do- 
lor i  s  ejus  postea  exstitit,  quando 
adveniente  Salvatore  in  incredulitate 
permanens  doctrinam  illius  suscipere 
mente  tumida  recusavit.  Unde 
Dominus  videns  civitatem  Hieru- 
salem,  flevisse  dicitur,  et  in  Lazari 
resuscitatione  pro  ejus  populi  caeci- 
tate  lacrymatus  esse  perhibetur. 

Cum  autem  dicitur  prior  in 
donis,  ostenditur  quidem  prae- 
cessisse  eumdem  populum  in  muneri- 
bus  a  Deo  collatis:  subsecuturam 
vero  gentiimi  Ecclesiam,  quae  eisdem 
et  multo  potioribus  esset  donanda 
charismatibus.  Cum  vero  sub- 
jungitur  major  imperio, 
non  mirum  si  honoretur  eadem 
gens,  quae  prima  credidit  praero- 
gativa  patrum,  quando  beatus 
Paulus  apostolus  multum  per 
omnem  modum  amplius 
esse  Judaeo  dicat. 

Addidit  interea:  Effusus  es 
sicut  aqua,  effrenationem 
illius  populi  mente  considerans,  qui 
nequaquam  vase  legis  ac  praecep- 
torum  divinorum  coercitus  est  men- 
sura;  sed  abjectis  omnium  prae- 
ceptorum  Dei  vinculis,  in  Salvatoris 
necem  toto  conatu  locutionis  suae 
rivos  effudit.  Nam  quod  per  aquam 
locutio  bona  vel  mala  significetur, 
Scriptura  testis  est  divina,  quae  in 


274    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Sed  quare  talia  meruit,  ita  sub- 
jecit:  quia        ascendisti 

cubile  patris  tui,  et 
maculasti  stratum  ejus; 
quando  corpus  Dominicum,  in  quo 
plenitudo  Divinitatis  requiescebat, 
raptum  in  cruce  suspendit,  et  ferro 
commaculavit,  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  C, 
col.  562. 


bono  dicit:  Aqua  profunda 
verba  exoreviri;  itemque 
in  malo:  Qui  dimittit  a- 
quam,  caput  est  jurgiorum. 
Quod  vero  subjungit:  non  cres- 
c  a  s  ,  ostendit  eumdem  populum, 
sicut  et  oculis  cernimus,  inter  cunc- 
tas  gentes  paucissimo  numero  di- 
minutum. 

Quare  autem  ista  perpessus  sit, 
subjuncta  verba  testantur:  Quia 
ascendisti  cubile  patris 
tui,  et  maculasti  stra- 
tum ejus.  Per  cubile  patris 
carnem  Salvatoris  insinuamus.  Nee 
mirum.  Cubile  patris  ejus  gentes, 
et  corpus  dominicum  intelligit,  quia 
ab  eodem  idem  populus  creatus  est: 
nam  scriptum  est  de  eo:  Omnia 
per  ipsum  facta  sunt. 
Per  stratum  vero  idem  corpus 
intelligitur,  quod  quasi  a  Judaeis 
maculatum  est,  quando  eorum  ac- 
clamatione  Dominus  et  in  cruce  sus- 
pensus,  et  lancea  transverberatus 
est,  atque  cruore  proprio  perfusus 
est,  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XX,  col.  717  f. 


The  allegorical  interpretation  of  Judah  is  the  longest 
in  Alcuin,  hence  we  should  expect  here  a  full  account  of 
the  lion's  whelp  awaking  after  three  days,  but  it  is 
precisely  here  that  Paulinus  has  the  extension.  Alcuin 
follows  St.  Augustine  closely,  while  Paulinus  introduced 
the  story  from  the  Physiologus. 


Alcuin. 

Juda  te  laudabunt  fra- 
t  r  es   tui. 


Paulinus. 

Juda,  te  laudabunt 
fratres  tui:  manus  tuae 
in  cervicibus  inimicorum 
tuorum.  Adorabunt  te 
filii  patris  tui.  His  verbis 
modestia  hujus  viri  secundum  lit- 
teram  pariter,  et  virium  copia 
demonstratur:  quia  videlicet  ea 
civiliter  tractando  cum  fratribus,  et 
modestia  visus  est,  ut  a  cunctis 
laude  dignus  haberetur:  quod  diffi- 
cile est;  inter  tot  scilicet  fratres 
omnium  animos  habere  conciliatos. 
Sed  et  fortitudine  adeo  abundavit. 


THE  LION 


275 


Per  hunc  Judam  verus  confessor 
exprimitur  Christus,  qui  ex  ejus 
tribu  secundum  carnem  est  genitus. 


Ipsum  laudant  fratres  sui,  apos- 
toli  scilicet  et  omnes  cohaeredes  ejus, 
qui  per  adoptionem  Filii  Dei  Patris 
et  Christi  fratres  effecti  sunt  per 
gratiam,  quorum  ipse  est  Dominus 
per  naturam. 


Manus  tuae  in  cervici- 
bus  inimicorum  tuorum. 
lisdem    enim    manibus    et    eodem 


ut  cervices  suorum  flectere  valeret 
inimicorum.  Quod  autem  eloquen- 
tia  plurimum  valuerit,  testatur 
oratio,  qua  suam  suorumque  coram 
Joseph  allegavit  necessitatem.  Nar- 
rat  praeterea  Josephus  historio- 
graphus,  verbis  eum  potuisse  quam 
plurimum.  Porro  autem  quod  robore 
inter  fratres  suos  eximius  haberetur, 
testantur  Verba  dierum, 
quae  hoc  mode  referunt:  Porro 
Judas  qui  erat  fortissi- 
mus  inter  fratres  suos 
de  stirpe  ejus  principes 
germinati  sunt.  Quod 
autem  subjicit:  Adorabunt 
te  filii  patris  tui,  aperte 
regnum  quod  Ruben  abstulerat, 
Judae  concredidit  dicens,  eum 
a  reliquis  fratribus  suis  adorandum: 
quod  regiae  utique  congruit  digni- 
tati. 

Mystice  autem  per  Judam  ille  jam 
tunc  praefigurabatur,  qui  de  ejus 
stirpe  secundum  carnem  natus  est, 
Dominus  et  Salvator  noster;  quem 
laudant  fratres  sui  omnes,  videlicet 
in  eum  credentes  unde  ipse  primus 
in  illis  qui  in  eum  crediderunt,  a 
monumento  per  mulieres  mandatum 
direxit,  dicendo:  Ite,  et  dicite 
fratribus  meis.  Ne  autem 
putemus,  banc  dignitatem  solis 
apostolis  attributam,  ut  fratres  ejus 
vocentur;  ipse  hac  dignitate  donan- 
dos  omnes  qui  in  eum  credunt,  testa- 
tur dicendo:  Quicumque 
fecerit  voluntatem  Pa- 
tris mei  qui  in  coelis 
est,  ipse  meus  frater, 
soror  et  mater  est.  Ipsum 
ergo  laudant  fratres;  videlicet  omnis 
Ecclesia,  quae  adhuc  a  coelesti 
haereditate  exsulat  in  terris,  sive 
quae  jam  praecessit  ad  coelos.  Unde 
psalmus:  Laudent  ilium 
coeli  et  terra.  Et  in  Apo- 
calypsi  Joannes:  Laud  em 
dicite  Deo  nostro,  om- 
nes servi  ejus,  et  qui 
timetis  eum,  pusilli  et 
m  a  g  n  i  .  Cujus  manus  in 
cervicibus  inimicorum 
ejus      sunt;      quia,    secundum 


276    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


crucis  trophaeo  et  suos  textit,  et 
inimicas  adversariasque  potestates 
devicit. 

Juxta  quod  et  Pater  promittit  ei 
dicens:  Sede  ad  dexteram  meam, 
donee  ponam  inimicos  tuos  scabel- 
lum  pedum  tuorum. 

Adorabunt  te  filii  pa- 
t  r  i  s  t  u  i ,  quoniam  multi  ex 
filiis  Jacob  adorantes  [eum]  per  elec- 
tionem  gratiae  salvi  facti  sunt. 


Catulus  leonis  Juda, 
quoniam  nascendo  parvulus  factus 
est,  sicut  scriptum  est:  Par- 
vulus natus  est  nobis. 
Ad  praedam  fili  mi  as- 
cendisti,  id  est,  ascendens  in 
crucem,  captives  populos  redemisti 
[et]  quos  adversarius  ille  invaserat 
[tu  moriens  eripuisti.  Denique 
rediens  ab  inferis  as- 
cendisti]  in  altum,  cap- 
tivam  duxisti  captivi- 
tatem.  Requiescens  ac- 
cubuisti  ut  leo.  Mani- 
festissime  Christus  accubuit  in  passi- 
one,  quando  inclinato  capite  tradidit 
spiritum,  sive  quando  in  sepulcro 
[securus]  velut  quodam  corporis 
somno  quievit.  Sed  quare  u  t 
leo  et[velut]catulus  leo- 
nis? In  somno  suo  leo  fuit, 
quoniam  non  necessitate,  sed  po- 
testate  hoc  ipsum  implevit,  sicut 
ipse  dicit:  Nemo  toilet  a 
me  animam  meam,  sed 
ego  ponam  eam.  Quod  vero 
addidit:  Et  ut  catulus 
leonis;  inde  enim  mortuus 
est,  unde  [et]  natus.  Bene  [ergo] 
Christus  ut  leo  requie"\at,  qui  non 
solum  mortis  acerbitatem  non 
timuit,  sed  etiam  in  ipsa  morte 
mortis  imperium  vicit. 


Evangelii  testimonium:  Omnia 
dedit  ei  Pater  in  manus. 
Ipse  etiam  his  verbis  consentit, 
dicendo:  Data  est  mihi 
omnis  potestas  in  coelo 
et  in  terra.  Et  Pater  ad 
eum  loquitur:  Sede  a  dextris 
meis,  donee  ponam  ini- 
micos tuos  seabellum 
pedum  tuorum.  Quem 
adorant  filii  patris  ejus; 
omnes  videlicet  per  eum  adoptati  in 
filiorum  dignitatem,  juxta  quod 
Apostolus  loquitur:  U  t  in 
nomine  Jesu  omne  genu 
flectatur,  coelestium, 
terrestrium  et  infer- 
n  or  u  m  . 

Sequitur:  Catulus  leonis 
Juda:  ad  praedam,  fili 
mi,  aseendisti:  requi- 
escens aceubuistl  ut 
leo,  et  quasi  leaena: 
quis  suscitabit  eum? 
Quantum  attinet  ad  superficiem 
litterae,  fortitude  regum  a  stirpe 
Juda  descendentivim  per  haec  verba 
praefiguratur:  qualem  beatum  David 
fuisse  legimus,  et  beatum  Ezechiam, 
et  caeteros  quosque  qui  divinitati 
humillime  famulantes,  vires  hostium, 
eo  donante,  instar  leonis  et  leaenae 
subegerunt,  et  adeo  terrori  hostibus 
exstiterunt,  ut  nullus  eos  laeessire 
ad  pugnam  quasi  quiescentes  prae- 
sumeret:  cuius  rei  testes  sunt  libri 
Regum. 

Typice  autem  catulum  leo- 
n  i  s  Dominum  Salvatorem  appel- 
lat,  tamquam  leonina  ortum  pro- 
sapia;  videlicet  regia  stirpe  pro- 
genitum.  Bene  autem  catulus 
leonis  vocatur,  cujus  natura 
esse  dicitur,  ut  nascens  tribus  diebus 
dormiat,  deinde  rugitu  paterno  ex- 
citatus  assurgat.  Quae  figura  pul- 
cherrime  arridet  Dominicae  dormi- 
tioni;  qua  tribus  diebus  dormiens 
ad  Patrem  clamat:  T  u  autem, 
Domine,  miserere  mei, 
et  resuscita  me.  Sed  re- 
suscitatus  ad  praedam  ascendit; 
quia  exspolians  infemum,  justos 
quosque  ad  superna  seeum  tamquam 


THE  LION  277 

praedam  egregiam  triumphando  eve- 
xit.    Qui    u  t    1  e  o  ,    et    quasi    u  t 
leaena    accubuit;    quia  qui 
dormire    per    carnem    in    sepulcro 
voluit,  quasi  leo  victor  de  hostibus 
triumphavit.        Quod   autem   sub- 
Quod  autem  dicit:    Q  u  i  s   s  u  s-      jungit:         Quis     suscitabit 
citabit      eum?        Quid      est      e  u  m  ,  subauditur,  n  i  s  i  P  a  t  e  r  ? 
aliud  nisi  quod  ipse  dicit:     Sol-      Nullus  enim  non  dicam  hominum 
vite   templum   hoc,    et   in      caducorum,  sed  nee  quilibet  Ange- 
triduo    suscitabo    illud,      lorum,  nisi  is  de  quo  Petrus  apostolus 
Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  C,  col,  562  f.  dixit     Judaeis:      Quern     Deus 

suscitavit  a  mortuis, 
cujus  nos  testes  sumus, 
Migne.  P.  L.  vol.  XX.  col.  720  f. 

Rufinus'  De  benedictionihus  begins  with  a  letter  of 
Paulinus  to  Rufinus,  asking  him  to  explain  to  him  the 
Benediction  of  Judah,  especially  the  sentence,  "a  1 1  i  - 
gans  ad  vitem  pullum  suum,  et  ad  eili- 
cium  pullum  asinae  suae."  Rufinus  answers 
in  a  letter  that  "cilicium"  is  a  blundering  translation  of 
8^1^,  and  finishes  with  the  statement  that  he  will 
treat  the  Benediction  of  Judah  from  the  historical  and 
mystical  standpoints :  ' '  Quaedam  ref eruntur  ad  Judam ; 
sicut  in  complurimis  caeteris,  etiam  in  hoc  capitulo 
sentiendum  est,  ut  alterno  intellectu  expositio  dirigatur, 
et  interruptio  Historialis  intelligentiae  Mystici  sensus 
prodat  arcanum."^  Then  follows  the  Benedictio  Judae, 
which  ends,  not  only  with  a  spiritual  interpretation, 
but  also  with  a  moral  interpretation:  "Verum  quoniam 
Scriptura  divina  non  solum  sacramentorum  debet 
scientiam  continere,  verum  etiam  mores,  gestaque 
informare  discentium  (sic  enim  et  Sapientia  per  Salo- 
monem  dicit.  Describe  tibi  haec  duplici- 
ter  et  tripliciter  in  corde  tuo:  et  area 
quae  construebatur  a  Noe,  bicamerata  et  tricamerata 
fieri  jubetur),  conemur  et  nos,  posteaquam  dupliciter 
ista,  pro  ut  potuimus  sentire,  descripsimus,  id  est, 
secundum  Historiam  et  secundum  Mysticum  intellec- 

'  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXI,  col.  299. 


278    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

turn,  nunc  in  quantum  recipere  locus  potest,  jam 
Moralem,  in  eo  discutere  sermonem,  ut  Scripturarum 
studiosi,  non  solum  quid  in  aliis,  vel  ab  aliis  gestum  sit, 
sed  etiam  ipsi  intra  se,  quid  gerere  debeant,  doceantur."^ 
The  other  Benedictions  are  preceded  by  a  letter  of 
Paulinus  to  Ruflnus  and  an  answer  by  Rufinus,  who 
informs  Paulinus  that  he  wrote  the  latter  part  at  the 
monastery  of  Pinetum,  where  he  was  situated. 

The  previous  Benediction  is  ascribed  to  Paulinus  of 
Milan.  Isidore,  in  chapter  XVII  of  De  viris  illustri- 
bus,"^  mixes  him  up  with  Paulinus  of  Nola,  but  he  knows 
nothing  of  this  man's  activity  except  that  he  wrote 
a  Benediction  and  a  life  of  Ambrose.  It  is  inconceivable 
that  Isidore  should  have  known  so  little  of  so  great 
a  man.  Besides,  the  blunder  "triplici  intelligentiae 
genere"  instead  of  "duplici  intelligentiae  genere," 
stamps  the  whole  as  the  product  of  a  later,  ignorant 
writer.  In  chapter  VI^  the  ignorance  is  even  greater, 
because  the  author  knows  nothing  whatsoever  about 
Rufinus,  except  that  he  wrote  a  Benediction.  From 
this  it  is  clear  that  we  have  in  these  two  chapters  not 
the  words  of  Isidore,  but  of  a  later  forger.  This  can 
be  shown  from  another  consideration. 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  story  of  the  lion  cub 
in  the  Physiologus  is  absent  from  Alcuin's  version, 
although  it  is  found  in  the  related  versions,  ascribed 
to  Eucherius,  Bede,  Isidore  of  Seville,  and  Rabanus 
Maurus.  In  Isidore's  Etymologiae  it  is  present  as  an 
insertion,  for  in  the  margin  of  a  Codex  Toletanus 
mentioned  by  Migne'^  the  story  of  the  lion  is  repeated 
in  full  as  follows:  "Leo  enim  Graece,  Latine  vero  rex 
dicitur.  Tres  naturas  habet,  id  est,  cum  ambulat,  et 
iter  facit  per  arenam  odor  venantium,  et  cauda  sua 

1  Ibid.,  col.  307. 

2  Dziaiowski,  op.  cil.,  p.  27. 
^lUd.,  p.  11. 

^  P.  L.,  vol.  LXXXII,  col.  757. 


THE  LION  279 

operit  vestigia,  ut  non  possint  eum  venatores  sequi. 
Ita  et  Salvator  noster  de  tribu  Juda,  missus  a  Patre 
operit  vestigia  sua,  id  est,  deitatem,  ut  appareret 
omnibus  dum  .  .  cum  Patre  descendens  in  uterum 
Virginis,  ut  salvaret,  quod  perierat,  et  Verbum  caro 
factum  est,  et  habitavit  in  nobis.  Et  hoc  ignorantes 
homines,  dum  descenderet  de  coelo,  et  ascenderet, 
dicebant:  Quis  est  iste  rex  gloriae? 
Secunda  natura;  dum  dormierit,  oculi  ejus  vigilant, 
aperti  enim  sunt.  In  Cantica  Canticorum  de  eo  dicitur: 
Ego  dormio,  et  cor  meum  vigilat. 
Non  enim  dormit,  neque  obdormitat,  qui  custodit 
Israel.  Tertia;  cum  genuerit  catulum  suum,  mortuum 
eum  generat,  et  leaena  filium  custodit,  donee  veniat 
pater  ejus  tertia  die,  et  insufflat  in  faciem  ejus  cum 
ingenti  rugitu,  et  suscitat  eum.  Sic  omnipotens  Pater 
suscitavit  tertia  die  Unigenitum  suum;  unde  per  Jacob 
dicitur  Catulus  Leonis  Juda."  There  is  still  another 
marginal  addition  in  this  Codex,  namely  about  the 
charadrius,  which  is  taken  from  the  Physiologus,  as 
we  shall  later  see.  It  is  plain,  therefore,  that  the  only- 
two  additions  about  animals  from  the  Physiologus  in 
the  margin  are  due  to  a  later  hand;  but,  while  the 
charadrius  did  not  find  its  way  into  the  text,  the  ex- 
tremely popular  lion  story  of  the  eighth  century  had 
already  found  its  way  into  the  text,  and  the  later 
editor,  who  knew  a  still  different  version  of  the  same 
story,  apparently  in  another  copy  of  the  Etymologiae, 
hastened  to  add  it  in  the  margin,  as  belonging  to 
Isidore.  But  the  story  of  the  lion  cub  is  taken  out  of 
the  Benediction  ascribed  to   Rufinus. 

First,  as  to  the  manuscripts  in  which  the  Benedictions 
ascribed  to  Rufinus  are  found.  Only  two  of  these  have 
come   to   light.      Vind.    847,   formerly    TheoL    682,   is 


280    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

described^  as  a  quarto  volume  written  in  majuscule 
in  the  sixth  or  seventh  century  and  containing  on  the 
first  page  a  mystic  representation  of  the  cross,  then 
four  pages  of  the  Eusebian  canons  of  the  Concordia 
of  the  four  Gospels,  on  the  sixth  a  Greek  title  page  of 
the  Gospels,  on  the  seventh  again  a  mystic  represen- 
tation of  the  cross,  and  on  the  eighth  begins  the  letter 
of  Paulinus.  Lambecius  gives  a  reproduction  of  pages 
one,  six,  seven  and  eight,  so  that  an  idea  may  be 
formed  of  the  palaeography.  The  second  MS.  is  an 
eighteenth  century  apograph  from  a  ninth  century 
copy  of  the  first.^ 

A  comparison  of  the  palaeography  of  the  letter  to 
Rufinus  with  Planche  X.  2  of  L.  Delisle's  Le  Cabinet 
des  manuscrits,  but  more  especially  with  the  writing 
of  the  Ada  MS.,^  shows  that  palaeographically  the  text 
may  be  of  the  eighth  or  ninth  century,  while  the  two 
marginal  decorations  are  identical  in  substance  with 
those  employed  in  the  imitative  Carolingian  Gospels. 
What  makes  it  certain  that  we  have  before  us  a  late 
eighth  or  early  ninth  century  document,  is  the  presence 
of  the  Eusebian  canon  and  a  title  page  of  the  Gospels, 
which  are  absurdly  out  of  place  here,  but  which  are 
frequently  found  in  the  Carolingian  Gospels.  The  still 
more  absurd  Greek  contents  page  gives  further  proof 
that  we  are  dealing  here  with  a  forgery.  The  forger 
copied  from  a  Greek  original  the  Eusebian  canon  and 
the  title  page  of  a  Gospel,  and  stupidly  attached  these 
to  the  Benedictions.  That  the  whole  forms  one  volume 
is  proved  by  the  illustrated  pages  one  and  seven,  which 
are  of  the  same  type,  although  each  is  intended  to  head 
the  separate  parts.    It  is  to  be  assumed,  therefore,  that 

1  Petri  Lambecii  Hamburgensis  Commentariorum  de  augustissima  biblio- 
theca  Caesarea  Vindobonensi  liber  secundus,  Vindobonae  1769,  col.  624  S. 
'  CSEL.,  vol.  XXIX,  p.  XX. 
3  K.  Menzel,  P.  Corssen,  etc..  Die  Trierer  Ada-handschrift,  Leipzig  1889. 


THE  LION  281 

the  forger  took  the  Greek,  which  represents  an  older 
stage,  as  a  sample  for  his  Latin  forgery. 

The  very  arrangement  of  the  matter  in  the  Bene- 
dictions shows  that  it  is  due  to  Carolingian  scholarship. 
There  is  a  Liber  generationis  Jesu  ChristV-  which  is 
attributed  to  Alcuin,  and  which  is  arranged  according 
to  literal,  allegorical  and  moral  interpretations.  Here 
we  find  the  sentence:  ''Sed  sciendum  est  quia  horum 
omnium  nomina  allegorici  et  moralis  sensus  pleniter 
in  se  contineant  intellectus."  Of  course,  we  have  any 
amount  of  allegorical  explanations  from  the  earliest 
time  on,  but  this  seems  to  be  the  only  occasion  where 
a  work  is  divided  into  "interpretatio  litteralis,  alle- 
gorica,  moralis."  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
forger  was  acquainted  with  Alcuin's  work,  when  he 
made  a  similar  division  in  his  Benedictions.  But  we 
have  also  these  very  Benedictions  in  Alcuin's  version, 
which  are  arranged  according  to  the  historical  and 
allegorical  divisions,  for  which  purpose  he  added  to 
Isidore's  medley  Jerome's  Quaestiones.  This  division 
of  the  Benedictions  into  two  parts  is  based  on  Ambrose's 
and  Augustine's  specific  references  to  the  double  value 
of  the  Benedictions.  Ambrose  says:  "Meritoque 
repetitam  magis  adnuntiationem  eorum  quae  posteriori- 
bus  essent  euentura  temporibus  quam  benedictionem 
conferre  se  dicit.  Denique  sic  coepit:  Ruben  pri- 
mitiuus  mens,  tu  uirtus  mea  et  ini- 
tium  filiorum  meorum,  durus  portari 
et  durus  temerarius,  adfecisti  con- 
tumelia;  sicut  aqua  non  efferueas; 
ascendisti  enim  in  cubile  patris  tui: 
tunc  polluisti  torum,  quo  ascendisti. 
Nonne  redargui  magis  quam  benedici  uidetur?  Et 
ideo  prophetia  magis  quam  benedictio  est.  Prophetia 
etenim  adnuntiatio  futurorum  est,   benedictio  autem 

•  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  C,  col.  725  ff. 


282     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

sanctificationis  et  gratiarum  uotiua  conlatio,"^  Also, 
"gesta  igitur  patriarcharum  futurorum  mysteria  sunt."^ 
Augustine  writes:  "Nobis  autem  quisquis  dixerit  non 
ideo  alia  uel  gesta  uel  scripta,  ut  Christus  in  eis  intelle- 
gatur,  excepta  ipsa  tanta  consonantia  rerum  prae- 
figuratarum  et  nunc  inpletarum  aliis  praesagiis  pro- 
pheticis  apertis  manifestisque  ferietur."^  One  need 
only  read  the  passage  in  Rufinus'  introduction  to  the 
Benediction  of  Ruben,  in  order  to  see  that  we  have  here 
an  adaptation  of  Alcuin's  tripartite  division  and  an 
elaboration  of  Ambrose's  and  Augustine's  historical 
and  allegorical  explanations. 

The  passages  which  betray  the  forger  more  particu- 
larly are  those  which  deal  with  the  lion  cub:  "C  a  t  u  - 
lus  leonis  Juda,  de  germine  filius 
meus  ascendisti:  recubans  dormisti 
sicut  leo,  et  sicut  catulus  leonis: 
quis  suscitabit  eum?  In  his  versiculis,  non 
jam  concludimur,  sed  pene  excludimur;  nam  catulum 
leonis  si  exponamus,  Judam  dici  posse  pro  virtute 
bellandi,  quomodo  exponetur,  quod  de  germine  filius 
dicitur  ascendisse?  Germen  autem  hie  in  Graeco 
P?iaot6v  dicitur,  quod  magis  virgultum,  vel  ramus 
recte  interpretatur,  qui  de  radice  repuUulare,  vel  de 
ipso  robore  arboris  solet.  Ex  quo  ergo  virgulto,  ve) 
ex  quo  ramo  Judas  ascendisse  dicetur,  vel  quomodo 
recumbens  dormisse  ut  leo,  et  ut  catulus  leonis,  ita  ut 
quaeratur,  quis  cum  suscitet?  Nisi  forte  aliquis  vim 
faciens,  velit  ita  adseverare:  Ex  germine  processisse 
Judam,  id  est,  ut  superius  diximus,  ex  virgulto  vel  ex 
ramo,  quod  de  ipsa  patris  fortitudine  et  virtute  signi- 
ficet:  quique  virtutis  confidentia  recubet  et  quiescat, 
ut  leo  et  ut  catulus  leonis;    nee  eum  ausus  sit  aliquis 

1  De  Patriarchis,  CSEL.,  vol.  XXXII^,  p.  127  f. 

2  J~)p  To^p^ii   ibid     o    1 22 

'Contra  Faustum,  XII.  41,  CSEL.,  vol.  XXV,  p.  367. 


THE  LION  283 

suscitare,  dum  pro  magnitudine  virium,  et  potentia 
beatorum  suscitare  eum  nullus  audeat  ad  praelia.  Sed 
multo  convenientius  aptabitur  huic  loco  mystica  ex- 
positio,  in  qua  catulus  leonis,  Christus,  non  solum 
cpvoiKibc,,  verumetiam  XQCJiixcbg  designatur.  Nam 
Physiologus  de  catulo  leonis  haec  scribit,  Quod  cum 
natus  fuerit,  tribus  diebus  ac  tribus  noctibus  dormiat: 
tum  deinde  patris  fremitu  vel  mugitu,  tanquam  tre- 
mefactus  cubilis  locus,  suscitet  catulum  dormientem. 
Iste  ergo  catulus  ascendit  ex  germine :  ex  Virgine  enim 
natus  est,  non  ex  semine,  sed  ex  virgine  absque  con- 
cubitu  virili,  et  absque  semine  naturali  Christus.  Velut 
virgultum,  sive  ramus,  in  quo  manifestissime  et  Veritas 
carnis  adsumtae  ex  Virgine  declaratur  in  sacrosancto 
germine,  et  a  contagio  carnalis  et  humani  seminis 
excusatur.  Recumbens  dormisti  ut  leo, 
et  sicut  catulus  leonis.  Manifeste  re- 
cubuisse  et  dormisse,  dictum  de  passione  mortis  ostendi- 
tur.  Sed  videamus  quare  ut  leo,  et  ut  catulus  leonis, 
dormit.  De  catuli  quidem  somno  jam  superius  dictum 
est,  quod  valde  convenienter  adaptatur  Christo,  qui 
tribus  diebus  et  tribus  noctibus  in  corde  terrae  sepultus, 
somnum  mortis  implevit.  Ut  leo  autem,  hoc  modo 
debere  intelligi  arbitror:  Mors  Christi  oppressio  et 
triumphus  daemonum  fuit,  omnem  namque  praedam, 
quam  leo  ille  contrarius  invaserat,  prostrato  homine  et 
dejecto,  hie  leo  noster  eripuit:  denique  rediens  ab 
inferis,  et  ascendens  in  altum,  captivam  duxit  capti- 
vitatem.  Hoc  ergo  modo,  et  in  somno  suo  leo  fuit 
vincens  omnia  et  debellans,  et  destruxit  eum,  qui  habe- 
bat  mortis  imperium.  Et  velut  catulus  leonis,  die 
tertia  suscitatur.  Quis  suscitabit  eum? 
Recte  quasi  inquirentis  prophetae  personam,  quae 
suscitet  Christum,  sermo  significat,  quia  Apostolus 
quidem  dicit:  Quia  Deus  ilium  suscitavit 
a  m  o  r  t  u  i  s  .      Et,    Qui    suscitavit    Chris- 


284    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

turn  a  mortuis,  suscitabit  et  mortalia 
corpora  vestra  propter  inhabitant  em 
spiritum  ejus  in  vobis.  Et  iterum  ipse 
Christus  dicit  in  Evangeliis,  Solvite  templum 
hoc,  et  ego  in  tribus  diebus  susci- 
tabo  illud:  hoc  a  u  t  e  m  dicebat  de 
templo  corporis  sui.  Quia  vero  ipse  dicit, 
suscitasse  templum  suum,  et  Deus  ilium  dicitur  susci- 
tasse:  recte  Propheta  stupore  tantae  Patris  et  Filii 
unitatis,  atque  indiscretionis  attonitus  dicit,  Q  u  i  s 
suscitabit  e  u  m  ?"^  "Catulus  leonis 
Juda,  ex  germine,  fili  mi,  ascendisti. 
Merito  catulus  leonis  appellatur,  qui  Christo  concruci- 
fixus  est  et  conresurrexit,  sicut  et  Paulus  dicebat,  qui 
et  ipse  merito  in  Judam  accipitur,  confitebatur  enim 
peccatum  suum  dicens,  Non  sum  dignus  vocari 
Apostolus,  quia  persecutus  sum  Ec- 
clesiam  Dei.  Et  iterum  quod  Christus  est, 
esse  dicit  seipsum,  cum  ait:  Christo  concruci- 
fixus  sum:  vivo  vero  jam  non  ego, 
vivit  vero  Christus  in  me.  Est  ergo 
catulus  leonis,  qui  dormit  cum  Christo,  dum  mortuus 
est  peccato,  et  resurrexit  cum  Christo,  dum  vivit  Deo."^ 
The  second  extract,  which  is  merely  the  "moral" 
explanation,  is  purely  the  forger's  development  of  the 
subject  and  is  found  nowhere  else.  The  first  extract 
betrays  itself  in  the  phrase,  ''Physiologus  scribit," 
since  Physiologus,  in  the  singular,  is  found  in  no  writer 
whatsoever  before  the  appearance  of  the  book  Physi- 
ologus in  the  eighth  century.  We  find  "physiologi, 
physici"  quite  frequently,  but  there  is  no  one  "physi- 
ologus" who  is  ever  so  mentioned.  The  oldest  mytho- 
logical account  of  the  type  referred  to  by  the  forger  is 


1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  XXI,  col.  301  ff. 

2  Ibid.,  col.  308. 


THE  LION  285 

found  in  Ad-Damiri:^  "The  authors  of  books  treating 
on  the  subject  of  natures  of  animals  say  as  regards  the 
well  known  beast  of  prey, — the  lion, — that  its  female 
gives  birth  to  only  one  whelp  at  a  time,  which  at  its 
birth  is  only  a  mass  of  flesh  without  any  sense  of  feeling 
or  movement;  she  watches  it  in  that  state  for  three 
days,  at  the  end  of  which  period  the  male  parent  comes 
to  it  and  blows  into  its  mouth  several  times  till  it  begins 
to  breathe  and  move;  its  limbs  then  become  loose  and 
it  takes  the  appearance  of  the  male  parent.  The  dam 
then  comes  and  suckles  it,  but  it  does  not  open  its  eyes 
until  after  seven  days  from  its  birth.  When  it  is  six 
months  old  it  has  to  learn  to  obtain  its  own  prey." 
Pliny  records  the  fact  that  the  lioness  is  able  to  bear 
young  no  more  than  once  and  that  the  young  ones, 
when  first  born,  are  shapeless  and  extremely  small  in 
flesh  and  are  unable  to  walk  for  six  months.^  Hence 
the  Arabic  account  is  a  mixture  of  the  traditional 
classic  statement  and  a  deallegorization  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  Christ,  Who  is  brought  to  life  by  the  Father, 
as  given  in  the  Benediction  of  Judah.  The  juxtaposition 
of  the  resurrection  of  Christ  and  the  lion  and  cub  led 
to  the  assumption  that  the  cub  is  awakened  by  his 
father,  as  Christ  is  by  His  Father.  A  Syriac,  Greek, 
or  Latin  source  may  be  responsible  for  the  Arabic 
story,  but  it  is  clear  that  the  Arabic  version  is  older 
than  any  recorded  in  the  Physiologus  or  in  Pseudo- 
Rufinus,  since  it  does  not  yet  possess  the  confusion  of 
the  story  with  the  clause  in  Augustine,  "inde  mortuus 
unde  et  natus,"  which  led  to  the  further  development 
that  the  cub  is  born  dead,  to  be  revived  three  days  later 
by  the  father.  Since  the  Arabic  has  the  older  version, 
all  the  versions  of  the  Physiologus,  every  one  of  which 


*  Op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  6. 

2  VIII.  45.    For  other  similar  accounts  see  F.  Lauchert,  op.  cit.,  p.  6. 


286    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

is  based  on  the  Benediction  of  Judah,^  cannot  have 
arisen  before  the  arrival  of  the  Arabs  into  Spain. 

What  more  than  anything  else  condemns  the  Bene- 
dictions of  Rufinus,  is  the  fact  that,  although  the  alle- 
gorical interpretation  of  Reuben's  Benediction  and  most 
other  allegorical  interpretations  in  the  versions  ascribed 
to  Alcuin  and  Jerome  are  identical  in  wording  with 
those  ascribed  to  Rufinus,  the  story  of  the  lion  cub  is 
significantly  absent  from  Alcuin  and  Jerome,  but  i& 
complete  in  Rufinus.  If  Rufinus'  Benedictions  existed 
before  those  of  Alcuin,  then  the  story  of  the  lion  cub 
must  have  been  absent  from  it,  for  Alcuin  could  not 
possibly  have  omitted  it.  If,  however,  the  identity  of 
wording  in  Rufinus  and  all  the  other  versions,  except 
that  of  Paulinus,  is  due  to  a  common  source,  then 
Rufinus'  version  is  a  downright  forgery.  In  any 
case,  the  lion  cub  story  found  its  way  into  the 
Benedictions  from  the  Physiologus  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury, and  not  earlier.  In  all  the  Physiologi  the  lion 
occupies  the  first  place.  So  it  does  in  Ad-Damiri,  where 
the  animals  are  arranged  in  alphabetical  order,  and 
j-'l   dsad   "lion"    begins   with    the   first   letter   of    tho 

alphabet.  It  is  this  phonetic  accident  chiefly  which 
has  given  the  lion  the  first  place  among  animals  in  the- 
Middle  Ages. 

1  See  Karnyeev,  op.  cit.,  p.  161  ff. 


XXII.     THE  SAW. 

Syriac  rr^®?  dulfin  means  not  only  "dolphin," 
but  also  "crocodile;"  hence  we  have  in  the  Syriac 
Physiologus  l^jaL^  masdrd  "dolphin,"  where  the  word 
is  due  to  its  confusion  with  Copt,  msah  "crocodile," 
which  has  also  produced  Arab.  ^L^'  timsdh  "croco- 
dile," where  the  initial  t  is  the  Coptic  feminine  article. 
But    Syriac    1>^    masdrd,    from    the    root    jlu    nsar 

"to  cut,"  also  means  "saw,"  and  in  the  Biblical  passages 
in  which  this  word  occurs  the  corresponding  Greek 
equivalent  is  jiqicov  "saw." 

The  Physiologus  tells  of  the  serra,  jiqicov,  that  it  is 
an  animal  of  the  sea  with  large  fins  or  wings.  It  runs 
a  race  with  boats,  but  it  gets  tired  and  draws  in  its 
wings  and  returns  to  its  old  place.  It  has  been 
observed  by  all  who  have  written  on  the  Physiologus 
that  the  description  fits  the  dolphin  and  not  the 
sawfish.  Indeed,  the  Arabic  versions^  refer  the  story 
to  the  ilr^-i,  where  the  Syriac  version  has   jjmiJ  masdrd. 

From  this  it  follows  that  the  Greek,  Latin  and  other 
versions  were  made  either  directly  from  the  Syriac, 
or  from  an  Arabic  version  where  h^'^^  was  under- 
stood as  "saw."  Whichever  way  we  take  it,  the  story 
could  have  arisen  only  after  the  Syrians  became  ac- 
quainted with  the  Coptic  word  for  "crocodile,"  that 
is,  after  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century,  when  the 
Syrians  followed  the  Arabs  through  Egypt.     In  the 


'  Land,  op.  cit.,  vol.  IV,  p.  150  f. 


288    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

middle  of  the  eighth  century  the  story  is  already  re- 
corded in  the  Glossa  glossarum  in  Spain,  thus  making 
it  once  more  clear  that  the  Physiologus  is  of  Syriac 
origin  and  reached  the  West  through  an  Arabic  version. 
This  is  made  absolutely  certain  by  the  juxtaposition 
of  the  autolops  and  the  serra.  The  autolops  was  de- 
clared to  have  serrated  horns,  which,  of  course,  is  wrong, 
since  it  refers  to  the  stag  with  its  spreading  horns. 

This    mistake    is    due  to  the  Arabic  verb  ^  naSara, 

which  means  both  "he  spread  out,  pricked  his  ears" 
and  "he  sawed  wood."  Thus  the  autolops,  ydmur, 
was  declared  to  have  "serrated"  horns,  when  it  should 
have  been  "spreading"  horns.  At  the  same  time  it 
suggested  the  juxtaposition  of  the  marine  animal  with 
the  autolops,  because  it  was  called  "saw."  Only  the 
Arabic  version  could  have  produced  this  result. 


XXIII.     THE     FIREBEARING     STONES. 

The  same  Arabic  source  is  the  cause  of  the  welding 
together  of  the  story  of  the  autolops  with  the  fire- 
bearing  stones,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  last  paragraphs 
of  several  of  the  versions.  In  some  versions  this  forms 
a  separate  chapter.  Here  the  juxtaposition  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  Arab.  o_rr^  sagarat  "tree"  im- 
mediately suggested  "the  flint."  We  have  already  seen 
that  sagarat  is,  according  to  an  Arabic  tradition,  the 
tree  of  Paradise.     The  same  tradition^  unites  with  it 

the  oj^  sahrat    "the   stone    of  Paradise,  the  rock   of 

Jerusalem."     But  j^   sahr   is    "hardstone,"    and  the 

"two  horns"  of  the  autolops  at  once  suggested  the 
"two  stones,"  of  which  Pliny  says:  "Aetitae  lapides  ex 
argumento  nominis  magnam  famam  habent.  Re- 
periuntur  in  nidis  aquilarum,  sicut  in  decumo  volumine 
diximus.  Aiunt  binos  inveniri,  marem  ac  feminam."^ 
This  became  conf  ased  with  the  description  of  the  light- 
ning which  was  likened  to  the  striking  together 
of  two  firebearing  stones,  as  fully  described  by 
Origen    in   his   homily   on    Jeremiah:     «Km  doxQanag 

815  iJETOv  ejioiriaev.  AeyouaLV  ol  tieqI  xaiJia  Seivoi,  on  f) 
yevsaig  xcbv  datocxjicov  djio  xwv  vscpe^wv  yLvexai  dXl.r\kaic, 
ji(}oaxQi6opi8V(ov  6ji8q  ydo  ov\i6aiv2i  jiegi  xoijg  m}Qo66l.ovc, 
XiOoug  8J11  yfjg,  iva  81J0  XiO^cov  jiQoaxQox^odvxcov  jtuq  yevr]- 
&fi,  xo\)xo  yiveaOo.i  xai  sm  xoov  vsqps^iwv  (paoiv  jiqoctxodo- 
^levcav  xwv  vecp8A,{JC)v  xaxd  xovq  x^^P^^'^^^  yiv8xai  r\  daxQajirj* 

816  (05  ejtiJtav  fi  daxQajiY]  d^a  pQovxf]  yiv8xai,  xfjg  ^ev  pQov- 

•  In  Lane,  sub 
2  XXXVI.  149 

24 


290    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

xf]g  epiqpaivoijaTii;  tov  f]XOV  xov  ovyxQovoyiov  xcov  V8q)eA,(ov, 
Trig  ^^  daTQajifjg  yevvcoarig  to  (p(J5g».^  The  Gr.   nvQo66Xoc, 

would  be  written  in  Arabic  J^^, ,  and  if  the  diacritical 

marks    are    misread,    we    get  ^j,j   terhul,    as,  indeed, 

we  get  in  the  oldest  Latin  version:  "sunt  in  quodam 
monte  Orientis  lapides  igniferi  qui  graece  dicuntur 
terrobuli  {tereholim,  thereholeni),''"^  further  corrupted  to 
caerobolim,  chiroholi} 

^  Die  griechischen  christlichen  Schriftsteller  der  ersten  drei  Jahrhunderte, 
Leipzig  1901,  vol.  Ill,  p.  60. 

2  Cahier,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II,  p.  126. 

3  Ibid. 


XXIV.     THE  CHARADRIUS. 

The  Liber  glossarum  has  the  following  account  of  the 
charadrius:  ^'Charadrius,  avis  quae  in  Deuteronomio 
praecipitur  non  manducari.  Physiologus  dicit  de  hoc, 
si  tamen  credendum  est,  quia  totus  albus  est,  nullam 
partem  habens  nigram,  cuius  interior  fimus  curat  cali- 
ginem  oculorum:  istud  in  vasis  regum  invenitur."^ 
This  is  the  original  version.  In  the  Greek  and  the 
Latin  Physiologus  we  have  only  expanded  material. 
The  Berne  MS.  233  reads:  "Est  volatil  quae  dicitur 
caladrius.  Hoc  scrip  turn  est  in  Deuteronomio:  non 
manducandum.  Fisiolocus  dicit  de  hoc  quia  totus 
albus  est,  nulla  partem  habens  nigram;  cujus  interius 
femus  currat  caliginem  oculorum.  Studi  natrius  regnum 
invenitur.  Si  quis  autem  est  in  egretudine  constitutus, 
ex  hoc  caladrio  cognoscitur  si  vivat  ut  moriatur. 
Si  ergo  est  infirmitas  hominis  ad  mortem,  mox  ut 
viderit  infirmum  avertit  faciem  suam  ab  eo  caladrius, 
et  omnes  cognoscunt  quia  moriturus  est.  Si  autem 
infirmitas  ejus  non  pertinet  ad  mortem,  intendit 
faciem  ejus  caladrius  et  adsumet  omnes  egritudines 
infra  se;  et  volat  in  aera  solus,  et  conburet  infirmitates 
ejus,  et  dispergit  eam;  et  erit  salvus  infirmus.  Cala- 
drius igitur  personam  accepit  Salvatoris  nostri:  totus 
est  candidus  Dominus  noster,  nullam  habet  egritudi- 
nem,  sicut  de  se  cestatus  est,  quoniam  venit  prin- 
ceps  bujus  mundi,  et  in  me  non  in- 
venit  quicquam;  quippe  qui  pecca- 
tum  non  fecit,  nee  inventus  est  dolus 
in    ore    ejus.       Veniens  autem  de  excelsis  coelis 

'  Mai,  op.  cit.,  p.  591  f. 


292    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

suis  ad  infimum  populum  Israel,  avertit  faciem  suam 
ab  eis  propter  incredulitatem  eorum;  convertit  se  ad 
nos  Gentes,  tollens  infirmitates  nostras;  et  peccata 
nostra  portans,  exaltatus  est  in  tigno  crucis.  A  s  c  e  n  - 
dens  e  n  i  m  in  alto,  c  a  p  t  i  v  a  m  duxit 
captivitatem,  dedit  dona  in  homini- 
bus.  E  t  e  n  i  m  qui  non  crediderunt, 
non  receperunt;  quotquod  autem  re- 
ceperunt,  dedit  eis  potestatem  Filius 
Dei  fieri,  his  qui  credunt  in  eum.  Sed 
forsitan  dicis  quia  caladrius  secundum  Legem  im- 
mundus  est.  Certumest;  nam  et  serpens  inmundus  est, 
et  Johannis  testatur  de  eo  dicens  quoniam  s  i  c  u  t 
Moyses  exaltavit  serpentem  in  de- 
serto,  sic  exaltare  oportet  filium 
hominis.  Et  alibi  prudentior  datus  est 
omnium  bestiarum.  Similiter  etiam  et  leo 
et  aquila  inmunda  sunt,  sed  illi  ferarum  rex  est,  et 
ilia  volatilium.  Secundum  regnum  ergo  Christo  ad- 
similata  sunt,  secundum  rapacitatem  vero  diabolo. 
Et  alia  multa  sunt  in  creata  habeat  duplicem  intellec- 
tum;  alia  quidam  laudabilia,  alia  vero  vituperabilia; 
et  deferentia  inter  se  atque  discreta,  sive  moribus  sive 
natures."^  The  matter  in  the  Liber  glossarum  shows 
that  we  are  dealing  with  the  falcon  and  not  the 
charadrius,  hence  charadrius,  caladrius,  etc.,  are  only 

misrenderings    of   Arab,   oj^  ^aqrat    "the   hawk,"    pi. 

SjW»     §iqdrat,     ijy^     suqUrat,     of     which     the     white 

species  is  called  0:^^  §dhen  "the  royal  falcon."     This 

is  all  white,  is  kept  in  palaces,  and,  according  to  the 
Syriac  popular  medicine,  its  gall  is  used  to  cure  blear 
eyes:  "The  Hawk.  Smear  with  its  gall  the  eyes  of  the 
man  who  hath  blearedness.     Its  blood  will  make  the 

1  Cahier,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II,  p.  130  S. 


THE  CHARADRIUS  293 

hair  grow.  He  who  eateth  its  heart  shall  shine  greatly. 
He  who  eateth  its  spleen  shall  have  a  healthy  spleen."^ 
The  change  of  saqrat  to  sacharad,  and  hence  to  chara- 
drius,  suggested  the  matter  about  the  charadrius  in 
Pliny  and  the  hermeneutic  explanation. 

1  E.  A.  W.  Budge,  Syrian  Anatomy,  Pathology  and  Therapeutics,  or  "The 
Book  of  Medicines,"  London,  etc.,  1913,  vol.  II,  p.  702. 


XXV.     THE  PELICAN. 

The  Liber  glossarum  says:  "Pelicanus.  Physiologus 
dicit,  quoniam  amator  filiorum  nimis  est:  si  autem 
genuerit  natos,  et  modicum  creverint,  percutiunt  se  in 
faeiem  parentum;  parentes  autem  colaphizant  eos  et 
oecidunt:  deinde  misericordia  ducti  parentes  duobus 
diebus  lugent  filios  suos,  quos  occiderunt,  et  tertia  die 
venit  eorum  pater,  corripit  latus  suum:  sic  sanguis 
eius  adspargitur  super  mortuorum  corpora  pullorum, 
et  ex  ipso  sanguine  calefacti  mortui  suscitantur."^ 
The  story  is  told  by  Ephraem  as  follows:  "Ferunt 
repertam  avem,  quae  pullis  suis  statim  a  partu  extinctis 
spiritum  iterum  refundat.  Facta  nimirum  mater,  dum 
natos  complexatur  et  premit,  suffocat.  Postquam  vero 
illos  nee  spirare  videt,  nee  moveri,  agnoscitque  prorsus 
extinctos,  tantum  ajunt,  inde  dolorem  suscipere,  ut 
per  triduum  omni  cibo  potuque  abstineat.  Interim 
nee  a  nido  abesse  sustinet,  sed  eodem  perstans  loco, 
natorum  cadavera  custodit:  postremum  inflicto  vulnere 
fundit  sanguinem,  qui  simul  ac  pullos  tetigit,  animat, 
divino  sic  jubente  praecepto.  Jam  si  avis  suos  novit 
suscitare  natos,  disce  peccator,  vitam  animae  tuae 
reddere  tuis  ereptam  peccatis.  Caeterum,  si  pellicani 
calamitate  eo  tangitur  Deus,  ut  praeter  naturae  ordi- 
nem  ejus  pullos  vivificet,  quam  opido  ipsi  graviorem 
fore  putas  tuam  in  procuranda  animae  tuae  resurrec- 
tione  socordiam.  Nam,  si  avis  natos  moeret  extinctos, 
adeo  ut  aegritudinis  suae  impatiens  sponte  sibi  mortem 
consciscat,  sique  ipsius  Conditor  dolorem  ejus  dolet, 
et  relevat,  perverso  naturae  ordine;    intelligis,  credo, 

*  Mai,  op.  cit.,  p.  594, 


THE  PELICAN  295 

ilium  animae  tuae  sentire  interitum,  et  ejusdem  separa- 
tionem:  sen  tit  utique  et  moeret,  imaginem  suam  ab 
ipso  se  sponte  dividere,  quin  ergo  tu  pariter  doles  et 
ploras,  quando  ille  tui  causa  moeret,  quasi  mater  super 
unigenitum  suum."^ 

The  genuineness  of  Ephraem's  exegetic  article,  in 
which  this  story  is  told,  depends  upon  the  fact  whether 
]11  qdqd,  translated  in  Latin  by  "pelicanus,"  was 
really  the  pelican  or  some  other  bird.  If  it  means  "the 
pelican,"  the  writing  cannot  belong  to  Ephraem. 
Unfortunately  it  is  not  possible  to  ascertain  the  precise 
meaning,  though  Ephraem  says:  "Graculus  et  Pica 
homines  agrestes  et  garrulos  notant.  Hocce  siquidem 
avium  genus  reptilia  in  locis  palustribus  nascentia 
persequitur,  eisque  vescitur;  et  in  desertis  locis  mora- 
tur;  crocitat  et  perpetuo  strepitat,"^  where  the  word 
translated  by  "graculus"  is  also  U^  qdqd.  From  the 
fact  that  the  bird  lives  on  reptiles  in  swampy  places, 
one  would  think  of  some  variety  of  the  pelican,  and  if 
so,  the  exegetic  writing  is  not  Ephraem's,  because  the 
description  of  the  Liher  glossarum  and  in  the  Syriac 
is  not  that  of  the  pelican,  but  of  the  vulture. 

Aristotle  treats  the  vulture,  eagle  and  raven  together. 
"The  so-called  phene,  or  lammergeier,  is  fond  of  its 
young,  provides  its  food  with  ease,  fetches  food  to 
its  nest,  and  is  of  a  kindly  disposition.  It  rears  its 
own  young  and  those  of  the  eagle  as  well;  for  when  the 
eagle  ejects  its  young  from  the  nest,  this  bird  catches 
them  up  as  they  fall  and  feeds  them.  For  the  eagle, 
by  the  way,  ejects  the  young  birds  prematurely,  before 
they  are  able  to  feed  themselves,  or  to  fly.  It  appears 
to  do  so  from  jealousy;  for  it  is  by  nature  jealous,  and 

^  Sancti  patris  nostri  Ephraem  Syri  opera  omnia  quae  exstant,  Romae  1740, 
vol,  II,  Syriace  et  latine,  p.  346  f. 
2  Ibid.,  vol.  I,  p.  276. 


296    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

is  so  ravenous  as  to  grab  furiously  at  its  food ;  and  when 
it  does  grab  at  its  food,  it  grabs  it  in  large  morsels. 
It  is  accordingly  jealous  of  the  young  birds  as  they 
approach  maturity,  since  they  are  getting  good  appe- 
tites, and  so  it  scratches  them  with  its  talons.  The 
young  birds  fight  also  with  one  another,  to  secure  a 
morsel  of  food  or  a  comfortable  position,  whereupon 
the  mother-bird  beats  them  and  ejects  them  from  the 
nest;  the  young  ones  scream  at  this  treatment,  and  the 
phene  hearing  them  catches  them  as  they  fall."^ 
"Birds  of  the  eagle  species  are  not  alike  in  the  treat- 
ment of  their  young.  The  white-tailed  eagle  is  cross, 
the  black  eagle  is  affectionate  in  the  feeding  of  the 
young;  though,  by  the  way,  all  birds  of  prey,  when 
their  brood  is  rather  forward  in  being  able  to  fly,  beat 
and  extrude  them  from  the  nest.  The  majority  of 
birds  other  than  birds  of  prey,  as  has  been  said,  also 
act  in  this  manner,  and  after  feeding  their  young  take 
no  further  care  of  them;  but  the  crow  is  an  exception. 
This  bird  for  a  considerable  time  takes  charge  of  her 
young;  for,  even  when  her  young  can  fly,  she  flies 
alongside  of  them  and  supplies  them  with  food."^ 
According  to  Horapollo,  the  vulture  when  feeding  its 
young,  lacerates  its  thigh  and  feeds  them  on  its  blood.^ 
This  cpr\vr\  or  yv\^,  the  lammergeier  of  the  English 
translation,  is  the  mut  of  the  Egyptian  religion,  the 
mother  par  excellence:'^  "He  cometh  to  his  two  mothers, 
these  two  vultures,  with  the  long  hair  and  the  hanging 

1  Historia  animalium,  IX.  34,  in  The  Works  of  Aristotle,  ed.  by  J.  A. 
Smith  and  W.  D.  Ross,  Oxford  1910,  vol.  IV,  p.  619  b. 

2  VI.  6,  ibid.,  p.  563  b.        ^  ^ 

^  «'Ev  ale,  xd  eauTTi5  ixxQECpzi  riywa,  ^Jtl  itX-eiov  ou  nixExai,  jieqI  be  Touq 
VEOOGovz  y.aX  Tiiv  totjtoov  xpocpTiv  doxoX,eiTai.,  Iv  ale,  dnoQr]Oaaa  xoocpfig,  r\v 
naQaaxr\xai  xolq  vTiJtioii;,  xov  eautf)?  tiT|o6v  dvaxenouoa,  Kagixei  xoi? 
XExvoic  xov  aiM-axoc  M.exa?.au6dv£iv,  Coc.  iir\  djtOQTioavxa  XQOcpfjg  dvaigedfivai,* 
C.  Leemans,  op.  cit.,  p.  17. 

*  R.  v.  Lanzone,  Dizionario  di  mitologia  egizia,  Torino  1883,  vol.  Ill, 
p.  330  ff.,  where  the  vulture  is  represented  with  two  human  beings  in  its 
claws. 


THE  PELICAN  297 

breasts,  which  are  on  the  mountain  of  Sehseh,  and  they 
put  their  nipples  into  the  mouth  of  Pepi  straightway, 
and  they  are  with  him  for  ever;"^  "she  is  like  a  vulture 
in  effecting  thy  protection"  (Pyramid  Texts). ^ 

Out  of  this  Egyptian  myth  arose  the  story  of  the 
vultur  maximus,  which  is  found  in  the  Parsee  Bundehesh 
as  karkas  and  in  Syriac  as  jjsldj-d  qrdqsd,  for  which  the 
manuscript  Syrio-Arabic  Dictionary  gives  the  Arabic 
translation  jll  ^\J-  gurdb  'ablaqu,  literally  "the  raven 

with  white  and  black  spots."  That  the  original  Arabic 
story  in  the  Physiologus  dealt  with  the  vulture  and  not 
the  pelican,  is  proved  conclusively  by  the  Ethiopic 
version,^  which  begins  as  follows:  "Of  the  bird  whose 
name  is  palkdn,  which  is  the  gerdb,''  to  which  the 
German  editor  says  that  the  latter  is  the  translator's 
gloss,  and  that  gerdb  means  "inflated  skin,  hose." 
This,  of  course,  is  wrong,  gerdb  being  the  first  part  of 
the  Arab,  gurdb  'ablaqu. 

The  Arab.  ji.j  'ablaqu,iem..  *^  balqd'u^-pl.  jL  bulqun, 

means  "black  and  white,  white  in  the  hind  legs  as 
high  as  the  thigh,  which  the  Arabs  apply  to  a  beast 
of    the    equine    kind."      We    have   also    jL    balaqun 

"blackness  and  whiteness  (together,  generally  in  horses) ; 
the  extension  of  whiteness  in  the  hind  legs,  any  color 
with  which  white  is  mixed."  The  original  meaning 
of  the  root  is  "to  break  forth,"  but  the  special  meaning, 
as  referring  to  horses  marked  white  and  black,  seems 
to  originate  in  the   Berber  country,   where  we  have 

^  E.  A.  Wallis  Budge,  Osiris  and  the  Egyptian  Resurrection,  London  1911, 
vol.  II,  p.  319. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  55. 
'  Hommel,  Die  aethiopische  Uebersetzung  des  Physiologus,  p.  49. 


298    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

universally  the  root  brk  "black. "^  In  Kabyl  we  have 
aberkan  "black,  somber,"  berrik  "to  be  black;"  and 
we  have  also  the  root  berqec  "to  be  speckled,"  which 
may  be  related  to  this  root,  especially  since  aberkan 
means  "a  kind  of  plum,"  and  aberquq  "plum."  From 
the  latter  comes  our  "apricot."  Now,  this  Berber 
brk  produced  the  Arab,  'ablaqu,  etc.,  which  spread 
throughout  Europe  soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  Arabs. 
We  have  early  recorded  AS.  blaec,  blac  "ink,  black, 
swarthy,"  but  also  blaec  "pale,  livid,"  because  the 
Arabic  term  led  both  to  "black"  and  "white."  In 
AS.  bldecpa  "leprosy"  we  have  the  term  referred  to  the 
form  of  leprosy  which  showed  itself  in  white  and  black 
patches.  We  have  the  same  confusion  in  ONorse, 
where  we  have  blakkr  "dead,  dusky  black,  pale," 
bleikr  "pale,  color  of  ashes,  color  of  death,"  and  in 
OHGerman,  where  we  have  plach  "ink"  and  bleih 
"pale."  But  the  Gothic  lacks  the  term  entirely.  The 
nasalized  OHGerman  form  blanc  is  several  times 
recorded  with  ros  "horse"  as  "white,"  blanc  ros  "candi- 
dus  equus,"  which  confirms  the  supposition  that  it 
was  the  introduction  of  the  Arabic  horses  that  led  to  the 
dissemination  of  the  word  among  the  Germanic  and 
Romance  peoples,  hence  Ital.  bianco,  Span,  bianco,  etc. 
The  Arabic  term  gurdb  'ablaqu  led  to  the  confusion 
of  the  lammergeier  with  the  pelican,  'ablaqu  being 
mistaken  for  a  form  of  "pelicanus,"  hence  the  totally 
unwarranted  transference  of  the  vulture  characteris- 
tics, as  conceived  by  all  ancient  writers,  to  those  of  the 
pelican,  as  conceived  only  after  the  arrival  of  the  Arabs, 
that  is,  in  the  eighth  century.  Wherever  we  have  the 
pelican  story  in  any  author  reputed  to  be  of  an  earlier 

1  R.  Basset,  Les  noms  des  metaux  et  des  couleurs  en  berbere,  Paris  1895, 
p.  27  f.  See  also  his  Etude  sur  la  Zenatia  du  Mzab,  de  Ouargla  et  de  I'Oued- 
Rir',  Paris  1892,  p.  190,  and  his  £ltude  sur  la  Zenatia  de  I'  Ouarsenis  et  du 
Maghreb  Central,  Paris  1895,  p.  117  f. 


THE  PELICAN  299 

date,^  we  have  an  interpolation,  if  not  a  downright 
forgery.     In  Ephraem,  if   the  writing  is  genuine,  V" 
qdqd  is  distinctly  a  later  correction  for  the  older  j^^ 
qrdqsd  "vultur  maximus." 
'  As,  for  example,  in  Isidore,  XIL  7.  26. 


XXVI.     THE  LIZARD. 

In  the  Gothic  Bible  we  have  malo  in  Matthew  VI.  19 
and  20:  "^arei  TnaZo  jah  nidwa  frawardei^  .  .  parei 
nih  7nalo  nih  nidwa  frawardeij)."  The  Greek  has 
here  «onov  oi]q  xai  pQwaig  dq)avL^8i.»  All  the  modern 
commentators,  taking  orjg  to  mean  "moth,"  translate 
malo  by  "moth,"  a  gratuitous  assumption,  because  the 
Latin  has  "aerugo  aut  tinea,"  in  which  PQCoaig  is 
apparently  "tinea,"  while  csr\c,  is  intended  for  "aerugo." 
But,  even  assuming  a  transposition  of  the  words,  the 
case  is  not  yet  clear  for  Goth,  malo,  because  Rabanus 
Maurus  speaks  of  "tinea"  as  "worms  or  rot,"  and  dis- 
tinctly identifies  it  with  "caries,  dry  rot."^  The  glosses^ 
give  "robigo,  tinea  pQwaig  r\  dm  (7X(JL)?.fixaw  tjtoi  (jr]T(bv," 
which  bears  out  Rabanus'  statement  that  it  is  not  so 
much  "moth"  that  we  have  in  mind  with  "tinea"  as 
"dry  rot,  dust."  We  have  also  «arig  f|  ofii|)ig,»  that  is, 
orig  means  "putrefaction,  rot."  This  identification 
with  ofi\['ig  introduces  a  confusion  which  leads  to 
strange  results  in  OH  German.  Sfjii^ig  is  confused  with 
arjij),  which  Aristotle  calls  a  serpent  whose  bite  causes 
putrefaction,  but  others  identify  it  with  the  lizard 
or  with  some  kind  of  insect.^ 

The  Gothic  translator  distinctly  opposes  malo  "dry 
rot"  to  nidwa  "wet  rot."  His  malo  is  another  word 
for  malma,  and  as  malo  indicates  the  root  malw-, 
Goth,  gamalwjan  is  to  be  explained  as  another  formation 

^  "Quia  aliae  res  sunt  quas  non  vermes,  sed  rubigo,  vel  obfuscat,  vel 
consumit,  ut  est  aurum,  argentum  et  caetera  metalla;  aliae  vero  quae  a 
vermibus  vel  putredine  solvuntur,  ut  sunt  vestes  et  vasa  lignea,  quae  carie 
dispereunt,"  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  CVII,  col.  834. 

2  Goetz,  op.  cit.,  in  the  Index. 

'  See  Stephanus,  sub  <r#. 


THE  LIZARD  301 

from  pid^ay^ia,  which  has  also  produced  malma.  We 
have  AS.  melu,  gen.  melwes,  OHG.  melo,  gen.  melawes 
"meal,  dust,"  which  are  obviously  formed  from^aA-ay-. 
This  appears  from  the  fact  that  OHG.  molt,  molm, 
malm,  mol  and  even  olm  are  translated  by  "stellio, 
poisonous  lizard,"  while  olmoht  means  "cariosus," 
precisely  the  same  meaning  being  attached  to  wurmmelo 
"caries."^  Thus  we  see  that  the  words  which  originally 
meant  "dust"  were  explained  as  in  the  Greek  and  Latin 
writers  as  "some  kind  of  animal  causing  dust,  presum- 
ably the  poisonous  lizard."  This,  then,  shows  that 
OHG.  melo  "flour"  with  malan,  muljan  "to  grind"  are, 
like  the  other  forms,  various  kinds  of  contaminations, 
into  which  also  enters  OHG.  muli  "mill."  But  this, 
like  AS.  miln,  ONorse  mylna,  is  a  borrowing  from  the 
Lat.  mola,  molina.  The  relation  of  OHG.  malan  to 
^id^ay^ia  is  still  better  brought  out  in  ougmale  "collyri- 
um,"  but  the  confusion  with  Lat.  molere  is  proved  by 
the  fact  that  the  latter  has  also  the  meaning  "to  paint," 
like  OHG.  malon. 

We  have  in  Sanskrit  musala  "the  house-lizard," 
which  is  related  to  Kan.  mosale,  musali,  Malayalam 
mudale  "crocodile,"  all  of  which  go  back  to  Assyr. 
mus-gallu,  lit.  "big  snake,"  from  Sum.  mu§  "snake" 
and  gal  "large."  Mussu  in  Assyrian  means  "the  sun, 
the  disc  of  the  moon,  flashing  of  Samas."  This  is 
quite  unnecessarily  referred  to  the  root  nasu  "the  wand 
of  Samas,"  because,  wherever  we  have  a  meaning 
"snake,"  we  also  have  that  of  "fire,  flashing."  Thus 
Assyr.  maUu  "shining,  bright,"  ma^u  "be  light,  shining," 
masi  "stars,"  and  the  derivatives  masahu  "rise,  flash 
up"  (said  of  stars),  meShu  "intense  brilliancy,"  cannot 

'  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cii.,  vol.  II,  p.  323.  This  is  not  by  any 
means  a  mere  miswriting,  for  we  find  the  word  later  in  German.  We  have 
MGH.  ulmic  "carious,"  LG.  ulmig,  olmig,  etc.  See  E.  Verwijs  and  J. 
Verdam,  Middelnederlandsch  Woordenboek,  's-Gravenhage  1885-1912,  sub 
olm. 


302    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

be  separated  from  this  group.  In  Egyp.  msah  "croco- 
dile" we  have,  no  doubt,  a  corrupted  form  of  the 
same  musgallu,  or,  rather,  a  combination  of  which  the 
first  part  is  Sum.  mus  "snake,"  even  as  we  have  in 
Sumerian  mushu§,  mu^mah  "some  kind  of  snake." 
From  the  Egyp.  msah  or  Copt,  emsah  is  derived  Arab. 
^L*r  timsdh  "crocodile." 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  how  the  crocodile  got  into 
the  Germanic  languages.  The  Latin  glosses  have 
"corcodillus  animal  in  Nilo  est,  bestia  in  Nilo  flumine," 
while  Walafrid  Strabo,  excerpting  Rabanus  Maurus' 
commentary  to  Leviticus,  quotes  Pliny's  account  of  the 
crocodile,  "crocodilum  habet  Nilus,"  etc.,^  which  in  the 
Codex  Carolsruh.  Aug.  CCXXXP  reads  "crocodrillos 
ut  dicit  plinius.  habet  nilus.''  All  the  later  German 
glossators  to  the  same  passage  in  Leviticus  copy  an 
original  blunder  of  a  glossator  who  mistook  "habet" 
for  "Plinius  habet,"  i.  e.,  "Pliny  calls  it."  Reading 
nilus  as  nihus,  he  took  this  to  be  the  equivalent  given 
by  Pliny  for  the  crocodile.  Thus  the  outlandish  nihus, 
nichus^  became  the  name  for  the  crocodile  in  OH  Ger- 
man. In  the  AS.  glosses  the  crocodile  is  not  mentioned. 
The  few  times  that  nicor,  nicer  occurs  outside  of  the 
Beowulf,  it  is  the  translation  of  "hippopotamus,"* 
while  in  the  Beowulf  it  is  some  kind  of  sea-monster. 
Similarly,  ONorse  nykr  is  a  hippopotamus,  and  then 
a  sea-monster.  The  further  development  of  Ger.  nixe, 
Eng.  nick  need  not  detain  us.  the  whole  mythological 
superstructure  arose  from  the  misread  passage  in 
Pliny.^ 

'  VIII.  89. 

^  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  341. 

^  Nihus,  nihhus,  nichus,  ibid.,  p.  348;  nihus,  p.  354;  nichus,  nich  hus, 
p.  355;  nihhus,  p.  802,  vol.  Ill,  p.  81;  nichis,  niches,  p.  84;  nikes,  p.  202; 
niches,  p.  366;  nichus,  p.  456;  nihhus,  nichis,  p.  675. 

*  See  Zeitschrift  fiir  deutsche  Philologie,  vol.  IV,  p.  197. 

^  The  misreading  of  I  is  apparently  due  to  a  Visigothic  text  with  its 
characteristic  capital  I,  which  does  not  differ  much  from  a  small  h. 


THE  LIZARD  303 

Most  of  the  "lizard"  words  in  the  European  languages 
are  derived  from  an  Assyrian  word,  represented  by 
hulmittu  "some  kind  of  serpent."  This  is  apparently 
already  a  reduction  by  popular  etymology,  so  as  to 
derive  it  from  Assyr.  hullu  "bad,  evil."  It  is  more 
likely  that  it  is  derived  from  halu  "to  shine,"  halu 
"to  quake,  tremble,"  that  is,  that  the  lizard  and  the 
snake,  as  usual,  are  related  both  to  rapid  motion  and 
to  fire.  In  that  case,  Assyr.  halalu  "to  creep,"  halluldia 
"an  insect  living  in  caves,"  would  belong  to  this  group. 
However  this  may  be,  the  derivatives  of  hulmittu  are 
very  numerous. 

The  Heb.  isan  homet,  Chald.  XJa'^^n  humtah  "lizard,'' 

which  stand  quite  alone,  are  obviously  derived  from 
the  Assyr.  hulmittu,  as  though  from  Assyr.  hamatu 
"to  hasten,  burn,  shine,  flicker,"  hamtu  "swift,"  so 
that  it  is  not  impossible  that  a  similar  form  may  have 
existed  in  Assyrian  for  the  lizard.    In  Syrian  we  have 

op  ft. 

>-^iaii>.cui.  hulmdtd  "chameleon,"  with  a  closer  adherence 

to    the    Assyrian.     The    Chald.    >^^Pi?>?    aqmeta,    Syr. 

ylji^]  dmqatd,  possibly  Heb.  ^f?^^  andqd,   seem   to   be 

deteriorations  of  the  same  word.  But  quite  certainly  Gr. 
yM'ka\i(jdxr\q,  'xaAa6(0TTig,  xaXa66ivr](;,  daxaA,a6(bTTig,  doxd- 
Xa6og,  ya^ieobxTig,  xcoA-cbxrig  are  various  corruptions  of 
the  same  Semitic  word.    The  latter,  YaA,8a)Tr]g,  xcoA-corng, 

show    how    Heb.    J^«^'?    letaa,    Chald.    riK^ifn    haltaa, 

^C^^'t    hdltatd  are   mere   deteriorations    of    the    same 

Assyrian    word;    and    here    the    corresponding    Arab. 

'^   luhakat,    <5Cu    hulka^  show  how   the  Syr.   dmqatd, 

Chald.  aqmeta,  Heb.  andqd  must  have  arisen.  But 
they  tell  even  more,  for  they  show  that  Lat.  lacerta 
cannot    be    separated    from    Ionic     Gr.     "/QoxoSedog, 


304    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

and  Sansk.  krikuldsa,  krikaldsa  "lizard."  Similarly, 
the  Turko-Tatar  keler,  kelaskd,  kelas  show  unmistakably 
that  all  these  lizard  words  are  related  to  hul-  in  Assyr. 
hulmittu. 

In    Syrian    we    have    also    a    transformed    l^'V^vi"^ 

samdmltd  "poisonous  lizard."  It  is  not  possible  to 
ascertain  whether  this  already  existed  in  Assyrian, 
though  that  is  most  likely,  since  the  Assyrian  root 
Sam  corresponds  closely  to  ham,  from  which  hamtu 
"swift,"  etc.,  is  derived.  This  root  sam  produces  Assyr. 
samu  "to  burn,  boil,"  sumu  "roasted  meat,"  most  likely 
Samu  "heaven,  sky,"  but,  above  all,  samu  "plant,  herb."^ 
Ktichler  has  shown^  that  sammu  is  a  generic  name  for 
"medicinal  plant,  medicine,"  hence  also  "poison."^ 
From  the  fact  that  it  is  frequently  referred  to  as  "the 
plant  of  the  god  of  joy,"^  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  an 
intoxicating  drink  was  included  among  the  medicines. 
This  shows  at  once  that  the  Vedic  soma,  in  spite  of  the 
assumed  etymology  from  su  "to  press, "^  is  derived 
from  the  Assyr.  samu;  and  the  Vedic  divinity  Soma, 
who  "caused  the  sun  to  shine,  caused  the  lights  of  the 
sky  to  shine,  and  produced  the  sun  in  the  waters, 
caused  the  sun  to  rise,  impelled  it,  obtained  and  be- 
stowed it,  and  caused  the  dawns  to  shine, "^  is  no  other 
than  Assyr.  samsu  "the  sun,  sunrise,"  sama§  "the 
sungod,"  derivatives  of  samu  "heaven,  sky"  and  re- 
lated to  samu  "plant,  medicine." 

1 1  cannot  enter  here  into  the  semantic  development  of  the  root.  I  shall 
only  point,  as  an  example,  to  Sum.  mu  "go  forth,  sprout,  shine,  hear,  name." 
The  latter  meanings  show  that  Assyr.  Semu  "to  hear,"  sumu  "name"  also 
belong  here.    Of  these  I  shall  speak  in  another  place. 

2  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  der  Assyrisch-Babylonischen  Medizin,  Leipzig 
1904,  in  Assyriologische  Bibliothek,  vol.  XVIII,  p.  66. 

'Ibid.,  p.  137. 

^  L.  W.  King,  Babylonian  Magic  and  Sorcery,  London  1896,  p.  62,  etc. 

^  A.  A.  Macdonell,  Vedic  Mythology,  in  Grundriss  der  Indo-Arischen 
Philologie  und  Altertumskunde,  vol.  III.  1.  A,  p.  114. 

6  Ibid.,  p.  109  f. 


THE  LIZARD  305 

We  do  not  seem  to  have  recorded  in  Assyrian  a  word 
for  "lizard"  directly  derived  from  it,  but  the  other 
Semitic  languages  prove  abundantly  that  the  correlation 
of  "lizard"  with  this  particular  group  of  "to  shine,  sun" 
did  exist.  I  have  already  spoken  of  Syr.  samdmitd. 
Its  relation  to  Syr.  >aa)  sam  "medicine,  pigment" 
is  obvious.  Although  we  have  in  Syrian  UlL^ 
Smayd  "heaven"  and  '  4Vi>.  hnes  "sun,"  it  is  only 
the  reduced  sam  that  means  "medicine,"  which  would 
tend  to  prove  that  the  samu  plant  was  introduced  at 
a  later  time  from  Assyria.  This  is  borne  out  by  Heb. 
D''^9  sammum  "fragrance,"  which  stands  perfectly 
alone  by  the  side  of  O"*.^^  §amaim  "heaven"  and 
^^^  semes  "sun."  It  is  only  in  the  Talmud  that  we 
get  Dp  sam  "aromatic  plant,  spice,  medicinal  powder, 
poison,"  I*!?  sammdn  "spices,"  ^^^^P  sammana  "spices, 
dyestuff,"  and  it  is  here  that  we  also  get  ^"'^^P 
semamlt,  for  the  Biblical  rT'^ttt^  semdmlt  "lizard." 

In  the  Arabic  we  have  ^  samma  "he  smelt,"  ^ 
samlm  "high,  elevated,"  ^  samaha  "it  was  high," 
(j-^  sams  "the  sun,"  and  i^-  samm  "poison,"  ^U^ 
samdm   "light,   swift,"    ^U    sdmm   "poisoning,  lizard," 

in  which  case  both  sam-  and  sam-  refer  to  the  aromatic 
plant,  while  only  sam-,  as  in  the  other  Semitic  lan- 
guages, gives  the  "sun"  and  "sky"  words.  But  we 
have  also  c^^  sd7n  "veins  of  gold,  an  ingot  of  gold  and 

silver,"  obviously  with  the  underlying  meaning  "shin- 
ing," which  is  identical  with  Egyp.  asem  "electrum." 
But  this  word  may  in  reality  be  of  a  different  origin. 

25 


306    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

The  Egyptian,  too,  has  sam  "herb,"  and  ^em  "heat," 
^emu  "the  crop,  summer,"  semem  "hot  wind,  samoom," 
and  Semt,  /em^  "an  intoxicating  drink,"  §emem  "poison." 
Thus,  whether  the  Egyptian  is  older  or  younger  than 
the  Assyrian,  we  have  the  identity  of  ham-,  sam-, 
sam-  in  Semitic  and  in  Egyptian,  with  the  underlying 
meaning  "to  be  hot."  But  the  Egyp.  X''^'^^  X^^ 
shows  that  here,  as  in  Assyrian,  the  original  word  for 
heat  was  a  derivative  from  x^  ^^d  sr,  by  a  suffix  m. 
This  would  lead  us  at  once  to  the  "warm"  words  in 
the  Indo-European  languages,  which  need  not  be  dis- 
cussed here.  It  is,  however,  interesting  to  observe  here 
that  the  transposed  X'^'''  produces  Ethiop.  'amire  "day, 
sun,"  with  similar  derivatives  for  "clear,  brilliant, 
illustrious."  This  at  once  explains  Gr.  fjixeQa,  derived, 
no  doubt,  from  an  Egyptian  source.  Indeed,  it  is 
quite  impossible  to  derive  Copt,  ameri,  meri,  meere 
"midday,  day"  from  the  Greek,  for  the  Greek  word 
stands  perfectly  alone,  while  the  Coptic  and  Ethiopic 
cannot  be  separated  from  the  x^'^^  /mm  words. 

Thus,  throughout  Asia  and  in  Africa,  we  have  distinct 
derivatives  from  Assyr.  §amu  "the  medicinal  plant;" 
and  in  Syr.  samdmltd  we  have  a  reference  to  the  poison- 
ous quality  of  the  reptile,  though  originally,  no  doubt, 
the  reference  was  to  "fire,"  with  which  the  lizard, 
especially  the  salamander,  is  related.  It  is  well  known 
that  the  snake  and  the  lizard  have  been  associated 
with  the  sun-worship,  but  it  is  not  easy  to  tell  the 
precise  manner  in  which  the  two  were  brought  together. 
Not  only  have  we  the  constant  story  about  the  sala- 
mander coming  unscathed  through  the  fire,^  but  we 
have  also  the  name  in  the  Physiologus  oavqa  fiXiaxrj, 
"sun  lizard"  for  the  lizard,  because  in  its  old  age  it  is 
supposed  to  become  blind  and  bask  in  the  sun.  It 
may  be  that  the  well-known  tendency  of  the  saurians 

^  The  Chinese  name  for  the  salamander  is  huo  shie  "fire  snake." 


THE  LIZARD  307 

to  stay  in  the  sun  had  something  to  do  with  the  relation 
between  snake  and  sun-worship. 

In  Persian  we  have  the  Arab,  sam  "gold  and  silver," 
samm  "distressingly  hot  and  pestilentially  windy, 
death,"  sdmmi  abras  "a  large  and  venomous  kind  of 
lizard,"  and  the  apparently  native  sam  "fire"  and 
samandar,  samandir,  samandur,  samandal,  samandun, 
samanduk,  samandul  "salamander,"  which  are  obviously 
derived  from  some  such  form  as  Syr.  samdmitd.  The 
Gr.  oaA,apidv8Qa  is,  therefore,  derived  from  the  East, 
either  directly  from  the  Assyrian,  or  through  Syriac  or 
Persian.  The  Greek  and  Roman  conception  of  the 
salamander  as  a  highly  poisonous  lizard  that  by  its 
moisture  puts  out  the  fire,  is  quite  in  keeping  with  the 
semantic  and  morphological  group  from  sam  "poison, 
fire."  The  Gr.  x^yLaikeoiV  is,  in  all  probability,  only 
a  popular  transformation  of  a  word  represented  by 
Assyr.  hulmittu. 

The  salamandra  has  had  a  rich  development  in  the 
Romance  countries.  For  France  alone  there  are 
recorded^  such  forms  as  salamandro,  alahranda,  lebrando, 
labreno,  brune,  blanda,  while  in  Italian^  we  have  sala- 
mita,  sarmandola,  marasandola.  Ablinda,  abelindea, 
as  the  name  of  a  creeping  animal,  occurs  in  the  Later- 
culus,^  but  it  is  not  possible  to  ascertain  whether  the 
salamander  is  meant  by  it.  The  origin  of  Lat.  stellio 
"lizard"  is  by  Pliny  ascribed  to  its  spotted  skin;  but 
it  is  more  likely  that  it  is  some  corruption  of  Gr. 
daxdAa6og,  for  we  have  from  the  same  Greek  source 
such  Coptic  corruptions  as  hakelf,  Jtankelf,  hamkelf,  and 
telfi,  which  shows  that  a  form  daTd^a6og  also  existed. 

On  the  other  hand,  Lat.  stellio  is  related  to  Gr. 
daxEQia,  d(TT8Qicov.  The  words  are  rare  in  Greek 
literature,  but  Saumaise  is  right  in  assuming  their  gen- 

1  E.  Rolland,  op.  cit.,  vol.  XI,  p.  21  flf. 

=  Ibid.,  p.  24. 

3  MGH.,  Aud.  antiq.,  vol.  IX,  p.  544. 


308    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

uineness  from  the  juxtaposition  of  daxEQia  with  Y«?^£og 
in  a  comic  poet.^  Besides,  the  Slavic  languages  and 
Modern  Greek  have  many  derivatives  from  this  aGXEQia. 
OBulg.  jasteru,  from  which  come  Cech.  je§ter,  Pol. 
jaszczur,  Russ.  jascerica,  Pruss.  estureyto,  etc.,  OBulg. 
guSteru,  with  similar  forms  in  the  Servian  and  other 
Slavic  languages,  and  MGr.  YoiiaTeQcx,  ycuaieQix^a, 
poateQcg,  PoateQiT^a,  are  all  derived  from  it,  even  as 
OBulg.  jaUuru  "a  precious  stone"  is  Or.  daisQiow. 

In  the  Slavic  languages  we  have  the  late  Greek  word 
for  "lizard;"  the  Romance  languages  naturally  show 
developments  from  the  Latin.  What  gave  to  the  Ger- 
manic languages  the  word  for  "lizard"  which  leads  to 
Ger.  Eidechsef  In  OHGerman  the  form  varies  between 
edehsa,^  euuithessa,^  and  egidehse,^  but  it  is  not  recorded 
in  the  Keronian  glosses.  In  Anglo-Saxon  we  get  from 
early  times  adexe,  adexa,^  but  also  the  exclusive  efete, 
which  is  not  recorded  outside  of  England.  The  Ger- 
manic words  for  "lizard"  stand  completely  alone  among 
the  Indo-European  languages,  but  they  certainly  must 
be  related  to  similar  appellations  somewhere.  Since 
the  word  occurs  in  Leviticus  and  elsewhere  in  the  Bible, 
it  may  have  come  in  as  a  Gothic  gloss,  and  in  that 
case  we  should  suspect  an  Arabic  origin.  Now  we  have 
a  large  number  of  Arabic  words  for  the  "lizard,"  which 
apparently  are  corruptions  of  a  Berber  word.  We  have 
Arab,  l^yj-^  'adrafut,  JUyic  'udzfut,  :>j^  Hswddd,  Ly^ 
'udfut,    i^yic    'udzfut,    pi.   VW    'adafU,    i^rJlic    'adzdfU 

1  Claudii  Salmasii  Plinianae  exercitationes,  Trajecti  ad  Rhenum  1689, 
p.  532  f. 

^Edehsa,  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  802;  eithesa,  p.  343; 
aedehse,  achsel,  p.  349;  eidochso,  p.  332;  adexta,  vol.  II,  p.  598;  eidechsun, 
p.  671;   heidehsse,  vol.  Ill,  p.  692;   endechse,  eudechs,  edechs,  p.  48. 

'  Euuithessa,  ibid.,  vol.  I,  p.  354;  euuidehsa,  p.  355;  ouuedehssa,  vol.  IV, 
p.  257. 

*  Egidehsa,  egidehse,  egidesse,  etc.,  vol.  I,  pp.  349,  802;  vol.  II,  pp.  348, 
598,  606;   vol.  Ill,  pp.  55,  82,  202,  etc. 

5  See  Hessels,  A  Late  Eighth-Century  Latin-Anglo-Saxon  Glossary,  p.  136. 


THE  LIZARD  309 

**the  male  of  the  lizard  called  '^-^  'dtsd\''    The  Berber 

words  for  "lizard"  are  Tuareg  agezzeram,  Tamazirt 
azermum,  Djebel  Nefusa  asermesan,  Mzab  taHmseramt, 
Tomahek  agezzerana,  Redames  ujizzam,  Warsenis  thazer- 
mumith.  In  all  of  these  words  one  may  perceive  a 
lengthening  of  a  word  adsa  or  adsera,  which  actually 
is  found  in  Copt.  aHra  "chameleon."  But  this 
Coptic  word  is  obviously  itself  a  lengthening  of 
Egyp.  d§  "lizard,"  or,  rather,  this  Egyp.  d§  may 
itself  be  a  shortening  of  a  longer  asarm,  which  is 
found  in  most  of  the  Berber  languages.  If  this  is  so, 
we  are  at  once  brought  back  in  Egyptian  to  the  same 
word  which  produced  Syr.  samdmitd,  and  the  identity 
of  the  "lizard"  words  in  all  the  languages  is  established. 
But    Copt.  aHra,  Egyp.  Arab.    '<i^^^  sahliyyah,  would 

indicate  an  Egyptian  word  of  a  similar  form,  from  which 
Gr.  oavQa  would  have  been  derived. 

It  is  obvious  that  OHG.  edehsa,  egedehsa,  AS.  adexa, 
must  be  related  to  the  Berber  words,  through  an 
Arabic  source,  for  which  the  Arabic  literary  form  is 
'dtsd'.  But  the  lengthened  Arab,  'addflt,  or  a  similar 
form,  is  responsible,  by  its  latter  part,  for  AS.  efete 
"newt."  The  transference  of  the  words  from  Arabic 
into  Anglo-Saxon  and  OH  German  must  have  taken 
place  at  a  time  when  the  Berber  influence  in  Arabic  was 
most  active,  that  is,  in  the  earliest  part  of  the  eighth 
century.  If  we  now  turn  once  more  to  Gr.  daieQia, 
Lat.  stellio,  we  see  that  the  two  represent  mere  cor- 
ruptions of  the  original  "lizard"  word,  and  in  the  light 
of  the  African  development  of  the  group,  it  becomes 
increasingly  difficult  to  arrange  the  older  deteriorations 
in  any  chronological  order.  But  the  absence  of  doxzQia 
in  Greek  literature  points  to  a  later  period,  and  Copt. 
aHra  may  have  no  immediate  representative  in  Egyp- 
tian beyond  the  recorded  d§,  and  may  be  an  evolution 


310    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

of  the  same  Gr.  doxzQia.  But  the  Berber  words  go 
unquestionably  back  to  a  much  older  source,  possibly 
to  an  old  Egyptian  word  which-^is  directly  related  to  the 
Asiatic  "lizard"  words. 


XXVII.     THE  WEASEL. 

The  Physiologus  tells  of  the  weasel  that  she  conceives 
through  the  mouth  and,  remaining  a  virgin,  bears  her 
young  ones  through  her  ears.^  The  great  majority  of 
the  versions  about  the  weasel  finish  with  a  reference  to 
the  asp  that  closes  her  ears  to  the  enchantment  of  the 
snake-charmer,^  which  in  later  Bestiaries  is  developed 
into  a  separate  chapter.^  As  the  mythical  Marsi 
were  in  Latin  antiquity  considered  to  be  snake-char- 
mers,^ it  was  only  natural  to  connect  the  charming  of 
the  asp  with  the  Marsi  f  while  the  juxtaposition  of  the 
weasel  and  asp  is  due  to  traditional  enmity  of  the 
two,^  although  in  the  Physiologus  the  relation  is  not 
clearly  brought  out. 

The  weasel  by  tradition  was  a  virgin,  hence  we  have 
Ger.  frdulein,  jungferchen,  Dan.  brud,  Ital.  donnola, 
Port,  doninha,  Sardinian  dona  de  muru,  Ruman. 
nevastuica  (bride), ^  MGr.  vufXCpiTta,  Turk,  gelindzik 
(little  fiancee),  Magy.  holgy-menyet  (bride-weasel), 
Bulg.  nevestulka  (little  bride),  popadijka  (priest's  wife), 

'  A.  Karnyeev,  op.  cit.,  p.  288  S. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  290. 

^  M.  Goldstaub  and  R.  Wendriner,  Ein  Tosco-Venezianischer  Bestiarius, 
Halle  a.  S.  1892,  p.  298. 

4  S.  Bochart,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II,  col.  384  ff. 

*  "Mustella  quippe,  sicut  physici  perhibent,  per  os  quidem  concipit,  sed 
per  aurem  parit.  .  .  .  Nam  cum  eam  Ct^e  asp)  ad  os  speluncae  marsus, 
ut  egrediatur,  incantat,  ilia  protinus  unam  aurem  terrae  strictius  imprimit, 
alteri  caudam  velut  impenetrabile  sufflamen  opponit,"  Petrus  Damianus, 
De  bono  religiosi  status,  cap.  XVII,  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  CXLV,  col.  777  f. 
«''0(pic;  be.  YOi^wii  xai  vi  jto?:eM'W)v,»  Aristotle,  p.  G09b;  ^jidxetai  8e  v.al  toic; 
o(p€ca  naKioxa  Toi?  lAUoOVioaig  8iu  x6  xul  aurnv  to\5to  to  ^(pov  driyeueiv,* 
ihid.,  p.  G12  b. 

^  "Sicut  in  terra  mustela  serpentes  (persequitur),"  Pliny,  XXXII.  25. 

'  Archivio  glottologico  italiano,  vol.  II,  p.  50  f. 


312    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Gipsy  bori  (bride), ^  Albanian  nus  e  Ijaljese  (brother's 
bride), ^  Arab,  jj"^  j*)  'ibnu  'irsin  (son  of  a  woman, 
cf.  u^Jj"  'arus  "bride").     It  is  this  identification  of  the 

weasel  with  a  young  woman  which  has  led  to  the  many 
words  of  endearment  in  which  it  is  represented  as  a 
pretty  maid,  such  as  Ger.  schonthierlein,  schondinglein, 
Armoric  coantic  (pretty  one),  caerell  (little  pretty  one), 
propic  (neat  one),  and  the  vast  number  of  Romance 
words  derived  from  OFr.  hele  "pretty,"  such  as  OFr. 
belette.^ 

Marsus  very  early  came  to  mean  "snake-catcher." 
The  Graeco-Latin  glosses  have  Marsus  07]Qio8riXTTi(; 
"biter  of  animals,"  Mars  domho^Qaq,  6cpio8icbxTri(;, 
Marsio  6q)io8ia)XTT]g.^  That  this  marsio  6cpLo8ia)XT7]g 
was  taken  to  be  the  weasel  is  well  brought  out  by 
"ophiomachus"  of  Leviticus  XI.  22,  which  the  Germanic 
glosses  generally  translate  by  "stork,"  once  by  "sea 
otter,"  and  once  by  "migale,"  that  is,  "shrew-mouse."^ 
Mars  naturally  led  to  the  diminutive  martola  "weasel," 
recorded  in  the  Hermeneumata  Einsidlensia^  as  maptola, 
apparently  from  a  Greek  original.  What  aided  in  the 
transference  of  marsa  to  marta,  was  the  fact  that  in  the 
Graeco-Latin  glosses  marita  is  translated  by  vujiqpT]; 
hence  the  universal  appellation  of  the  weasel  as  "the 
bride,"  which  led  in  Greek  to  vi^^icpix^a,  in  Arabic  to 
Hbnu  'irsin,  at  once  produced  the  form  marta, 
the  Spanish  name  for  the  "weasel."  The 
diminutive    martola   produced   in    Arabic    the   hybrid 

1  G.  Meyer,  Etymologisches  Worterbuch  der  albanesischen  Sprache,  Strass- 
burg  1891,  p.  52. 

2  J.  G.  V.  Hahn,  Albanesische  Studien,  Jena  1854,  part  III,  p.  86. 

^E.  Rolland,  op.  ciL,  vol.  I,  p.  51  ff.,  vol.  VII,  p.  114  ff.,  and  Archivio 
glottologico  italiano,  vol.  II,  pp.  46-52. 

*  Goetz,  in  the  Index.    Also  marsa  in  Ducange. 

^  "Opimachus  .i.  ciconia  stork,"  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I, 
p.  343,  similarly  p.  348,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  23,  248,  463,  "merinadra,  nadaruuinda," 
vol.  IV,  p.  206,  "simil.  migal.  hauuigrimmila,"  vol.  I,  p.  802. 

6  Goetz,  vol.  Ill,  p.  259. 


THE  WEASEL  313 

'*i\^jjc    'arusdllah    "mustela,"^    where    the    derivation 

from  (j^jjc-   'arus    "bride"    is    obvious.      This    Arab. 

'*iL>jjC    'arusdllah    seems     to     mean     "God's     bride," 

but  Dozy^  is  probably  right  in  assuming  that  we  have 
here  a  Spanish  ending.    It  is  not  impossible  that  Arab. 

<^jp    'arsah,    <^jje-    'arusah    "ferret"     arose    in    Spain 

from  Lat.   marsa  6cpio8ia)xxT]g  by  popular  etymology, 

marsa    being    considered    an    m    derivative    of    tr*^. 

This  is  most  probable,  since  we  have  also  the  very 

queer  fj>y^  miqrad,  by  the  side  of  iJ>J  qard   "ferret," 

which  seems  to  have  been  formed  inversely,  in  order  to 
get  a  parallel  to  the  older  word.  The  very  denomination 
"bride"  for  the  weasel  must  have  arisen  through  the 
Arabic  etymology  of  marsa,  for  we  have  no  older  refer- 
ence to  "bride"  than  in  Arabic.  The  Gr.  vupiqpix^a  is 
responsible  for  the  "bride"  words  in  Gipsy  and  the 
Balkan  languages;  but  wpiq)iT^a  is  not  recorded 
before  the  tenth  century,  and  the  name  for  the  "ermine" 
xaxcufi  is  certainly  Arabic,  which  leads  to  the  assump- 
tion that  it  itself  owes  its  origin  to  the  Arabic  etymol- 
ogy. All  the  other  "bride"  words  have  similarly  spread 
over  Europe  from  the  Arabs  in  Spain.  In  any  case 
Spain  is  the  country  where  the  word  marta  entered 
LLatin  in  the  sense  of  "weasel,"  or,  more  correctly,  of 
"ferret."  Here,  again,  we  have  not  only  Span,  marta, 
martarana  "weasel,"  but  also  garduna,  from  the  Arab. 
fJ>J  qardun,  which  once  more  shows  that  the  Spanish 
etymology  produced  Span,  marta,  from  LLat.  marita 

1  Ch.  F.  Seybold,  op.  cit.,  p.  327. 
Supplement  aux  dictionnaires  arabes,  Leyde  1881,  sub  (j^y-- 


314    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Ducange  records  martha,  martarus,  martalus,  mar- 
tores,  martures,  martira,  martrae,  martrinae,  mardolum, 
mardores,  mardrinus,  mardubinaior  "weasel"  or  "weasel 
fur."  The  earliest  mention,  in  the  eighth  century,  is, 
however,  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  form  mearth,  meard, 
meard  as  the  translation  of  "furuncus,  furunculus."^ 
"Furo,"  apparently  as  the  name  of  the  ferret,  occurs 
for  the  first  time  in  Polemius  Silvius,  supposedly  of  the 
fifth  century,^  and  later  in  Isidore.  Most  likely  it  is  a 
transference  of  the  meaning  "thief,"  for  which  furo 
was  the  Low  Latin  word,  to  the  weasel,  for  the  usual 
conception  in  patristic  literature  was  that  the  weasel 
was  a  thief. ^  The  diminutive  furetus  produced  Fr. 
furet,  while  furuncus  has  remained  without  any 
derivatives.  The  Anglo-Saxon  word,  which  seems  to 
rest  on  a  Gothic  prototype,  to  judge  from  its  final 
consonant,  did  not  become  popular  in  OHGerman. 
Mard,  marth  is  recorded  only  in  the  XIII.  century, 
while  the  longer  form  mardero,  glossed  by  Lat.  martus, 
martarus,  itself  a  rare  word,^  at  once  betrays  its  borrow- 
ing from  the  Low  Latin  form. 

The  Lat.  mustela  "weasel"  is  of  unknown  origin,  but 
it  is  not  impossible  that  we  have  here  a  combination  of 
mus  +  tela,  as  in  Gr.  fiuyd^iTi  "shrew-mouse"  we  prob- 
ably have  |xi3g  +  ya^f].  It  is  also  quite  probable 
that  tela  and  Y«^^  are  derived  from  the  same  Mongol 
origin  as  Pers.  dala  "weasel,  fitchet,  stoat,"  dalla 
"ermine,"  Arab.  6^^  dalaq  "weasel."  G.  Jacob^  has 
already  observed  that  the  Arabic  and  Persian  words 

1  J.  H.  Hessels,  A  Late  Eighth-Century  Latin-Anglo-Saxon  Glossary,  p.  118. 

2  MGH.,  And.  Antiq.,  vol.  IX,  p.  543. 

3  "Mustela  est  furti  figura,  ut  in  Levitico  demonstratur,"  Rabanus 
Maurus,  De  universe,  VIII.  2,  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  CXI  ,col.  226. 

*  H.  Palander,  Die  alihochdeutschen  Tiernamen,  Darmstadt  1899,  p.  58  f. 

*  Welche  Handelsartikel  bezogen  die  Araber  des  Mittelalters  aus  den  nordisch- 
baltischen  Ldndern?,  Berlin  1891,  p.  37  f. 


THE  WEASEL  315 

are  identical  with  Tunguz  dsoloki,^  Manchu  soloki 
"ermine,"  Mongol,  solongga,  solonggo  "Siberian  pole- 
cat," Manchu  jelken  "marten."  To  these  may  be 
added  Tunguz  (near  Baikal)  jelek,  Lamut  deliki 
"ermine"^  and  Vogul  ^oUi  "ermine."^ 

Here  we  have  distinctly  a  Tunguz  word,  and  the 
Greek,  Latin,  and  Arabic  words  refer  to  a  time  when  the 
chief  source  of  the  ermine  was  the  region  of  the  Yenisey, 
even  as  we  know  that  the  Chinese  received  their  furs 
from  that  locality.^  It  is,  therefore,  highly  probable 
that  both  Gr.  yalix]  and  Lat.  mustela  are  derived  from  a 
Tunguz  dzelaki. 

The  common  weasel,  according  to  Pallas,^  is  called 
at  the  Yenisey  tschoel-ass,  which  he  translates  as  "ermi- 
neum  viaticum."  As  is,  indeed,  the  usual  Tatar  word 
for  "weasel,"  and  tschoel-ass  may  be  the  original  of 
Tunguz  dzelaki,  etc.,  or  is  a  popular  transformation  of 
the  word.  As  we  proceed  westward  the  word  becomes 
more  and  more  corrupt.  We  have  Jukagir  alatschawd, 
Kazan  Tatar  lahtschae,^  Esthonian  lahits,  laits,  lazits, 
laznits  "ermine,  marten,"''  Permian  lassiza,  Syryenian 
laschiza,^  OBulg.  lasica,^  Russ.  lastka,  etc.  From  a 
thirteenth  century  document  we  learn  that  Bulgaria, 
that  is,  the  region  of  the  Volga,  was  the  country  from 
which  ermine,  sable,  and  letisse  were  obtained ;^*^  but 

1  "Dzelaki,  dzeeleki,  jeloky,  jeluky,  A,  V.  Star5evski,  Sibirski  perevodcik, 
S.-Peterburg  1893,  p.  243. 

2  P.  Pallas,  Zoographia  Rosso-Asiatica,  Petropoli  1831,  vol.  I,  p.  91. 

^  A.  Ahlquist,  Wogulisches  Worierverzeichnis,  Helsingissa  1891,  p.  53. 

^  G.  Jacob,  op.  cit.,  Supplement,  p.  7  f. 

^  Op.  cil.,  p.  95. 

« lUd. 

'  F.  Wiedemann,  Ehstnisch-deutsches  Worterbuch,  St.  Petersburg  1893. 

8  Pallas,  op.  cit.,  p.  95;  but  the  last  two  may  be  mere  Russian  words. 
So  in  J.  Kalima,  Die  russischen  Lehnworter  in  Syrjdnischen,  Helsingfors 
1911,  p.  75. 

8  The  confusion  of  7aX^  with  yaXeuTrts  leads  to  a  similar  confusion 
in  OBulgarian,  where  lasica  is  also  recorded  as  "lizard." 

10  "Dou  royaume  de  Bougerie  vient  vairs  et  gris,  hermine,  sable  et  letisse," 
K.  Hohlbaum,  Hansisches  Urkundenbuch,  Halle  1882-188G,  vol.  Ill,  p.  420. 


316    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

OFr.  letice,  lectice,  laitisse,  lestote^  are  the  names  of  the 
* 'weasel."  We  have  also  MLG.  lasten,  lassicz,  lassiczin,^ 
lasteken^  "the  Siberian  weasel,"  while  OFr.  lestote  has 
produced  Eng.  stoat,  stote  "weasel,  polecat." 

Although  the  usual  Tatar  appellation  for  the  ermine 
is  ak-as,  lit.  "white  weasel,"  we  just  as  frequently  have 
kara-kuijerok,  kara-kuzuruk  "black  tail,"  because  the 
main  characteristic  of  the  ermine  is  its  black-tipped 
tail,  which  is  always  preserved  in  the  fur.  The  Tatar 
kuzuruk,  kuzruk,  especially  the  western  forms  kujruk^ 
kuruk,  kojorok,^  are  unquestionably  responsible  for  Gr. 
X8Qxog  "tail."  I.  Bekker^  quotes  from  a  Greek  glossary 
a  scholium  to  the  Soqpiaxai  of  Plato,  the  comic  poet, 
a  contemporary  of  Aristophanes,  to  the  effect  that 
X8Qxog  is  a  barbarous,  Asiatic  word,^  and  this  assump- 
tion is  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  it  stands  quite  un- 
related in  Greek. 

We  have  no  evidence  that  the  Greeks  knew  anything 
of  Siberian  furs,  but  we  are  acquainted  with  the  Tatar 
name  of  the  weasel  long  before  the  Arabic  trade  made 
it  common  in  Europe.  We  have  in  the  Talmud 
KriC^^3-l3  karkum,  Syr.  ]  la.a/  kdkuM  "weasel."     In 

the  Syriac  Physiologus  the  latter  is  the  translation  of 
yaA-f].  The  Semitic  word  is  apparently  a  corruption  of 
Tatar  kara  kuzruk  "black  tail,"  which  passed  from  the 
east  to  the  west  in  a  large  number  of  variations.  We 
have  Yakut  kyrynas,  which  seems  to  be  a  popular  trans- 
formation, as  though  from  kyry  "grey"  and  Tatar  as 
"weasel."     The  Yakut  country  is  still  the  chief  source 

1  E.  Rolland,  op.  cit.,  vol.  VII,  p.  145,  vol.  I,  p.  63. 

2  K.  Hohlbaum,  oj).  cit.,  vol.  Ill,  in  Vocabulary. 

3  Schiller  and  Liibben,  Mittelniederdeutsches  Worterbuch,  Bremen  1875-81, 
L.  Stieda,  Ueber  die  Namen  der  Pelzthiere,  in  Alt-preussische  Monatsschrift, 
vol.  XXIV,  p.  629. 

*  N.  F.  Katanov,  op.  cit.,  p.  69. 
^  Anecdota  graeca,  Berolini  1814,  vol.  I,  p.  103. 

^  «KEQy.ov5  xuc,  ovQag  ova  otovTai  bzlv  Xiyei\.  'Emxtogid^ei  8e  xaxd  xiiv 
'Aoiav,    pdo^aQov  ixevtoi  voiiiX>exai.ii> 


THE  WEASEL  317 

of  the  supply  of  ermine.  Kyrynas  itself  aided  in  the 
formation  of  Russ.  gornostaj,  gornostal,  Cech  hranostaj, 
chramostyl,  etc.,  "ermine."  We  have  Vogul  kunasi, 
kilifius,  quinus  "marten,"^  which  would  indicate  that 
Pol.  kuna,  Russ.  kunica  are  really  the  same  word  as 
gornostaj,  with  which  the  animal  is  confounded. 
Esthonian  nifk,  nifgi,  nurk  "weasel,"  as  the  quality 
of  the  r  indicates,  may  have  originally  been  nisky  and 
so  may  itself  be  a  corruption  of  the  Yakut  word.  This 
Esthonian  nifk  produced  Russ.  norok,  norka,  Pol. 
nurka  "mustela  nivalis,"  Ger.  norz,  nerz,  norz,  niirz, 
nurz  "fishotter."  Of  course,  the  Russian  may  be  the 
original,  while  the  Esthonian  is  borrowed  from  it. 
But  we  have  a  large  number  of  Uro-Altaic  words  in 
which  the  first  part  of  the  Yakut  kyrynas  has  been 
preserved.  Such  are  Esthonian  kdf-p,  kdfk,  kdfhi, 
kdrt,  kardi  "weasel,"  Koibal  kyrrol,  Ostyak  kur,  kor, 
kurru,  Kamassinian  khuro,  Finnish  kdrppd,  Yenisey 
Ostyak  kulap,  Kottian  hulup  "weasel,  small  ermine," 
Votyak  jiirmdk  "weasel,"  Russ.  chorek,  chorjuk,  Pol. 
tchorz,  Cech  tchof  "polecat." 

We  have  no  means  of  ascertaining  the  Bulgar  word 
for  the  "weasel"  at  the  time  the  Arabs  traded  with  the 
peoples  along  the  Volga,  but  the  great  variety  of 
corresponding  words  in  Arabic  would  indicate  that 
it  was  as  variable  as  the  Esthonian  word.  We 
have  ij^J  qard,  ^J  qarts,^  jj-^J>  qarqadun,  uj-wj> 
qarqadzaun,^  tjJ^  kalkusa,^  qdqun,^  and  the  interest- 
ing  ^\i    qdqum,    which    became    the    standard    word 

'  Ahlquist,  op.  cit.,  pp.  18,  22. 

=  R.  P.  A.  Dozy,  Didionnaire  ditaille  des  noms  des  vetemenis  chez  les 
Arabes,  Amsterdam  1845,  p.  287. 
^  Dozy,  Supplement. 
^  K.  Ahrens,  op.  cit.,  p.  62. 
"  G.  Jacob,  op.  cit.,  p.  39. 


318    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

for  * 'ermine"^  wherever  the  Arabic  language  was  known. 
This  latter  word  is  in  Georgian  qarqumi,  which,  no 
doubt,  is  the  older  form.  The  forms  beginning  with 
qar  show  the  Tatar  kara,  as  is  plainly  brought  out  in 

the   plural   of   Arab.   oj-^J   qarqadun,   which  is    Oi"^'-^ 

qardqadln. 

Kluge  says  that  Ger.  hermelin  "ermine"  is  identical 
with  OHG.  harmo,  AS.  hearma  "weasel,"  that  the  word 
is  lacking  in  the  other  Old  Germanic  languages,  but  that 
on  account  of  Lith.  szermu  "weasel,  ermine"  (Lith. 
sz  for  Sansk.  s,  Indo-Ger.  k,  hence  Ger.  /i),  its  pure 
Germanic  origin  cannot  be  doubted.  The  Fr.  hermine^ 
Ital.  ermellino  are,  according  to  him,  derived  from 
LLat.  mus  armenius,  for  the  older  mus  ponticus,  while 
Raeto-Romanic  carmun  proves  the  existence  of  an 
older  European  carmon. 

Nearly  everything  is  wrong  in  that  statement. 
OHG.  harmo,  AS.  hearma  are  not  once  rendered  by 
"weasel,"  but  always  by  "shrew-mouse."  There  is 
no  use  adducing  a  phonetic  correspondence  in  Sanskrit 
or  Indo-Germanic  for  a  word  that,  like  the  animal  for 
which  it  stands,  was  not  found  in  any  southern  latitude. 
The  Romance  languages  cannot  have  chosen  an  identi- 
cal name  for  the  Siberian  weasel  from  another  source 
than  did  the  Germans.  Armenia  has  nothing  to  do 
with  the  weasel,  since  it  is  not  found  there  and  since  the 
mus  ponticus  is  not  a  weasel,  and  the  weasel  is  referred 
to  as  the  mortal  enemy  of  the  mus  ponticus. 

The  first  datable  mention  of  harmo  is  found  in  the 
ninth  century  commentary  of  Walafrid  Strabo  to  Levit- 
icus, where  the  Biblical  "migale"  is  glossed  "quidam 
dicunt  haramo.''^  Walafrid's  gloss  is  based  on  a  mis- 
understanding   of     Rabanus     Maurus'    definition     of 

1  Ibid.,  p.  38  f. 


Ibid.,  p.  38  f. 

Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  341. 


THE  WEASEL  319 

''migale."  Rabanus  says:  Mustela  enim  animal  est 
dolosum  et  valde  furti  vacans.     Mus  propter  ventris 

ingluviem  multa  quotidie  pericula  sustinet Migale 

animal  est  compositum,  non  natura  sed  vitae  eonditione 
ad  deridendum  aptum,  id  est,  ut  dolos  faciat,  ea  rapiat, 
ventremque  repleat:  propter  quod  compositum  nomen 
accepit  ex  utroque  animali,  ex  quo  haec  habet  vitia."^ 
Rabanus  did  not  tell  what  the  "migale"  was,  because 
he  probably  did  not  know  himself.  He  only  expatiated 
on  the  composite  nature  of  the  word  from  \ivq  and 
ycxAfj,  and  so  ascribed  to  it  the  double  nature  of  a  mouse 
and  weasel.  Walafrid  epitomized  the  statement  in 
two  sentences:  "Mygale  quidam  dicunt  haramo.  .  .  . 
Mygale  dicitur  quasi  mus  gulosus."^  It  is  obvious  that 
he  identified  the  "mygale"  with  the  ya^ifi,  and  so  quoted 
haramo,  which  he  knew  from  hearsay  or  from  some 
literary  reference.  But  all  the  glossators,  with  one 
single  exception,  both  in  German  and  Anglo-Saxon, 
understood  Walafrid  to  identify  the  haramo  with  the 
yivydX-r]  "the  shrew-mouse,"  and  so  invariably  glossed 
it  by  "mygale"^  or  "nitedula."' 

The  one  exception  is  Codex  St.  Gall.  295  and  its 
copies,^  where  we  get  the  full  history  of  the  blunder 
perpetuated  by  Walafrid  and  all  the  later  glossators. 
Here  we  have:  "Migale  quadrupes  sed  tamen  ignotum 
nobis,  aut  aliter  migale  mus  longa.  haramo.  ut  quidam 
uolunt."^  In  Codex  St.  Gall.  9  it  simply  says:  "Migale. 
mus  longa.  haramo.  ut  quidam  uolunt."^    These  codices 

1  Migne,  P.  L.,  vol.  CVIII,  col.  361  f. 

^Ibid.,  vol.  CXIV,  col.  816. 

'  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  pp.  348,  352,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  35, 
53,  55,  201,  247,  "quasi  gulosus"  320,  444,  445,  446,  453,  626,  627,  674, 
685,  vol.  IV,  p.  205. 

^Ihid.,  vol.  II,  p.  377,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  36,  674,  692.  For  the  AS.  hearma 
words  see  J.  H.  Hessels,  A  Late  Eighth-Century  Glossary,  p.  154. 

^  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  341  flf.,  H.  Hattemer,  Denk- 
mahle  des  Mittelalters,  St.  Gallen  1844-1849,  vol.  I,  p.  224  ff. 

*  Hattemer,  op.  cit.,  p.  227. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  233. 


320    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

are  ascribed  to  the  IX.  century,  and  obviously  are  the 
sources  of  Walafrid's  statement.  The  writers  of  these 
codices  could  not  identify  the  "migale,"  but  thought 
that  it  might  be  the  "mus  longa,"  which,  according  to 
Isidore,  is  the  meaning  of  "mustela,"  and  so  they  quoted 
haramo,  "which  others  identified  with  the  migale." 
These  glossators  themselves  did  not  advance  beyond 
the  Anglo-Saxon  glosses  of  Codex  St.  Gall.  254,  where 
under  "migale"  we  have  "modicus  quasi  cattae," 
"a  small  animal  of  the  size  of  a  cat,"  and  "igno  nisi 
similis  est  camelioni.  camelion  similis  est  lacertae 
tamen  sub  aspectu  motat  colores."^ 

It  is  only  in  the  IX.  century  that  haramo  makes  its 
appearance  at  St.  Gall.  Now  it  is  significant  that  it 
is  in  the  neighborhood  of  St.  Gall,  at  least  in  the 
Raeto-Romanic  part  of  Switzerland,  that  karmun 
"ermine,  weasel"  is  preserved.  This  karmun  is  ob- 
viously a  transformation  of  Arab.  ^^  qdqumun 
(Georgian  qarqumi),  the  mercantile  term  for  the 
"ermine,"  even  as  the  variation  ^y^  qardun  or 
o^-iij    qarqadun   has    produced    Span,    garduna.     But 

the  Raeto-Romanic  karmun,  which  in  Arabic  would 
be,  without  the  article,  qarm,  produced  OHG.  charmo 
or  harmo.  It  remained  for  a  long  time  a  puzzle  to  the 
Germans,  until  the  Latinized  forms  ''hereminae,  armi- 
niae,  armerinae  pelles"  of  the  XII.  century  caused  them 
to  consider  "migale"  as  the  equivalent  of  "weasel"^ 
and  to  adopt  harm  definitely  as  the  term  for  the  im- 
ported "ermine." 

Although  the  wide  distribution  of  the  words  derived 
from  harm  is  unquestionably  due  to  the  Arabic  trade, 
they  could  have  been  derived  directly  from  the  Slavic, 

'  Ibid.,  p.  10. 

*  See  Ducange,  sub  megalina. 


THE  WEASEL  321 

such  as  Cech  chramostyl,  by  apocopation,  but  there  is 
no  evidence  that  they  were  gotten  in  that  manner. 
The  introduction  of  Lith.  szarmu,  to  prove  the  antiq- 
uity of  the  word  in  Europe,  is  quite  useless,  for  we 
have  also  the  longer  form  szarmonys,  which  is  obviously 
a  corruption  of  Lett,  sermulis,  sarmulinsch,  itself  a 
corruption  of  ermelihns,  borrowed  from  the  German. 
The  sz  is  not  an  ancient  correspondent  to  Ger.  h, 
etc.,  but  Lett,  sarmulinsch,  Lith.  szarmonys  are  mere 
popular  etymologies,  as  though  the  words  were  derived 
from  Lett,  sarma,  Lith.  szarma  "white  frost,"  on  account 
of  the  color  of  the  ermine. 


2e 


XXVIII.     GLAESUM. 

We  have  in  Solinus:  "Nam  Glaesaria  dat  crystallum, 
dat  et  sucinum,  quod  sucinum  Germani  gentiliter 
vocant  glaesum.  Qualitas  materiae  istius  summatim 
antea,  Germanico  autem  Caesare  omnes  Germaniae 
oras  scrutante  conperta:  arbor  est  pinei  generis,  cuius 
mediale  autumni  tempore  sucino  lacrimat.  Sucum  esse 
arboris  de  nominis  capessas  qualitate:  pinum  vero, 
unde  sit  gignitum,  si  usseris,  odor  indicabit.  Pretium 
operae  est  scire  longius,  ne  Padam^ae  silvae  credantur 
lapidem  flevisse.  Hanc  speciem  in  Illyricum  barbari 
intulerunt:  quae  cum  per  Pannonica  commercia  usu  ad 
Transpadanos  homines  foret  devoluta,  quod  ibi  primum 
nostri  viderant,  ibi  etiam  natam  putaverunt.  Munere 
Neronis  principis  adparatus  omnis  sucino  inornatus 
est:  nee  difficulter,  cum  per  idem  tempus  tredecim 
milia  librarum  rex  Germaniae  donum  ei  miserit.  Rude 
primum  nascitur  et  corticosum,  deinde  incoctum  adipe 
lactentis  suis  expolitur  ad  quem  videmus  nitorem. 
Pro  facie  habet  nomina:  melleum  dicitur  et  Faler- 
num,  utrumque  de  similitudine  aut  vini  aut  utique 
mellis.  In  aperto  est  quod  rapiat  folia,  quod  trahat 
paleas:  quod  vero  medeatur  multis  vitalium  incom- 
modis,  medentium  docuit  disciplina.  Et  India  habet 
sucinum,  sed  Germania  plurimum  optimumque.  Quoni- 
am  ad  insulam  Glaesariam  veneramus,  a  sucino  coep- 
tum."^  This  passage  is  based  on  the  following  passages 
in  Pliny:  "Contraria  huic  causa  crystallum  facit,  gelu 
vehementiore  concreto.  Non  aliubi  certe  reperitur 
quam  ubi  maxime  hibernae  nives    rigent,  glaciemque 

'  XX.  9-13. 


GLAESUM  323 

esse  certum  est,  unde  nomen  Graeci  dedere.  Oriens  et 
banc  mittit,  quoniam  Indicae  nulla  praefertur."^ 
"Certum  est  gigni  in  insulis  septentrionalis  oceani  et 
ab  Germanis  appellari  glaesum,  itaque  et  ab  nostris 
ob  id  unam  insularum  Glaesariam  appellatam,  Ger- 
manico  Caesare  res  ibi  gerente  classibus,  Austeraviam 
a  barbaris  dictam.  Nascitur  autem  defluente  medulla 
pinei  generis  arboribus,  ut  cummis  in  cerasis,  resina 
in  pinis  erumpit  umoris  abundantia.  Densatur  rigore 
vel  tempore  ac  mari,  cum  ipsum  intumescens  aestus 
rapuit  ex  insulis,  certa  in  litora  expellitur,  ita  volubile, 
ut  pendere  videatur  atque  non  sidere  in  vado.  Arboris 
sucum  esse  etiam  prisci  nostri  credidere,  ob  id  sucinum 
appellantes.  Pinei  autem  generis  arboris  esse  indicio  est 
pineus  in  adtritu  odor  et  quod  accensum  taedae  modo 
ac  nidore  flagrat.  Adfertur  a  Germanis  in  Pannoniam 
maxime  provinciam,  et  inde  Veneti  primum,  quos 
Enetos  Graeci  vocaverunt,  famam  rei  fecere  proximique 
Pannoniae  et  agentes  circa  mare  Hadriaticum.  Pado 
vero  adnexa  fabula  est  evidente  causa,  hodieque 
Transpadanorum  agrestibus  feminis  monilium  vice 
sucina  gestantibus,  maxime  decoris  gratia,  sed  et 
medicinae;  creditur  quippe  tonsillis  resistere  et  fau- 
cium  vitiis,  varie  genere  aquarum  iuxta  Alpis  infestante 
guttura  hominum.  DC  M  p.  fere  a  Carnunto  Pannoniae 
abesse  litus  id  Germaniae,  ex  quo  invehitur,  percogni- 
tum  nuper,  vivitque  eques  R.  ad  id  comparandum 
missus  ab  luliano  curante  gladiatorium  munus  Neronis 
principis.  Qui  et  commercia  ea  et  litora  peragravit, 
tanta  copia  invecta,  ut  retia  coercendis  feris  podium 
protegentia  sucinis  nodarentur,  harena  vero  et  libitina 
totusque  unius  diei  apparatus  in  variatione  pompae 
singulorum  dierum  esset  e  sucino.  Maximum  pondus 
is  glaebae  attulit  XIII  librarum.     Nasci  et  in  India 

'  XXXVII.  23. 


324    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

certum  est."^  ''Glaesaria  a  sucino  militiae  appellata, 
barbaris  Austeravia,  praeterque  Actania."^ 

The  first  passage  in  Pliny  is  apparently  all  genuine 
and  was  known  to  the  Arabs,  with  whom  it  gave  rise  to 
a  curious  error.  "Unde  nomen  Graeci  dedere,"  of 
course,  refers  to  "crystallum,"  since  Gr.  KQVOxaX'koi^ 
means  "ice,"  hence  "crystal;"  but  the  preceding 
"glaciemque  esse  certum  est"  led  the  incautious  reader 
to  assume  that  glades  was  the  Greek  word  for  "crystal." 
In  the  German  glosses  we  read^  "vitrum,  electrum  glas,'' 
and  it  can  be  shown  that  this  is  derived  through  an 
Arabic  source.  The  original  meaning  of  glas  was 
"amber,"  as  stated  in  Pliny,  and  only  the  juxtaposition, 
"Glaesaria  dat  crystallum  dat  et  succinum,''  of  Solinus 
led  to  the  expanded  meaning  of  glas. 

In  Arabic  we  do  not  have  the  word  recorded  as 
"amber,"    but    as    "amber-colored."      We    have    (j^ 

galas  "the  darkness  of  the  last  part  of  the  night,  when 
it  becomes  mixed  with  the  light  of  dawn,  blackness 
mixed  with  whiteness  and  redness,  like  the  dawn." 
That  this  is  not  originally  an  Arabic  word  follows  from 
the  fact  that  it  was  misread  fj^  gabas  "the  darkness 

of  the  end  or  last  part  of  the  night,  whiteness  in  which 
is  duskiness  or  dinginess,  a  color  between  black  and 
yellow,"  and  ,j^  gabas  "the  remains  of  darkness  mixed 

with  the  whiteness  of  daybreak."  Indeed,  Qazwini  says 
of  the  amber,  "it  is  a  yellow  stone  which  shades  into 
white  and  sometimes  into  red."^  The  main  idea  of 
Arab,  galas  is  "black  passing  into  white,  dawn  color," 
etc.     We    have    this    represented    in    OHG.   "glaucus 

'XXXVII.  42-46. 
^  IV.  97. 

'  In  Graff,  sub  glas. 

*  K.  G.  Jacob,  Neue  Beitrdge  zum  Studium  des  kaspisch-baltischen  Handels 
im  Mittelalter,  in  Zeitschrift  der  deutschen  morgenldndischen  Gesellschaft, 
vol.  XLIII,  p.  373. 


GLAESUM  325 

glasa,"^  in  Ir.  glas  "green,  blue,  grey,"  Bret,  glas  "green, 
blue,  white,  pale,"  glisi  "sickliness."  That  glas  was  not 
a  Germanic  word,  any  more  than  it  was  Celtic,  appears 
from  the  misreading  gler,  found  in  all  the  Germanic 
languages.  We  have  in  OH  German:  "bdellium,  ipsius 
naturae  quae  gummi  gler,'"'^  where  it  obviously  means 
"amber."  We  have  also  ON.  glas  and  gler  "glass,"  AS. 
glaes  "glass,"  glaer  "amber,"  It  is  clear  from  the  vari- 
ations, both  in  sound  and  meaning,  that  we  have  here 
originally  a  book  word.  That  this  gler  was  originally 
glas,  appears  from  its  survival  in  OProv.  glassa,  classa 
"gum  arabic." 

But  we  have  far  more  urgent  proofs  of  the  greater 
antiquity  of  the  Arabic  word.  Arab,  galas  means  also 
"daybreak,  cockcrow,"  and  the  verb  from  it  means 
"to  perform  the  prayer  at  daybreak."     There  is  also 

the    derivative    (j-^    tagallus    "calamity,    misfortune, 

evil."  The  origin  of  this  derivative  is,  according  to  the 
Arabic  lexicographers,  explained  from  the  fact  that  a 
predatory  incursion  took  place  early  in  the  morning. 
This  derivation  is  justified,  for  the  poet  El-Kumait 
says,  "and  we  gave  as  a  morning-drink  to  the  people 
of  Nejran  a  troop  of  horsemen  making  a  raid  against 
them."^  As  this  poet  lived  in  Arabia  in  the  early  part 
of  the  VIII.  century,  we  certainly  have  here  described 
an   Arabic,   and   not   a  foreign,   custom.      Hence   the 

application    of    the   verb    ^j-A^    galasa   to    the    terrible 

raids  in  the  West  can  be  only  of  Arabic  origin. 

Now,  we  have  OFr.  a  glais,  a  glas  to  represent  terror.* 
We  have  similarly  Prov.  aglaij,  as  in  "gieton  cristias 
a  glay,  they  threw  the  Christians  into  terror."     That 

'  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  II,  p.  716. 
^Ibid..  vol.  I,  p.  319. 

'  Lane,  sub  ^jAi  • 
See  Godefroy  for  quotations. 


326    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

aglay,  aglas  were  originally  one  word  is  proved  by 
Valencian  aglay,  Span,  aglay o  "sudden  terror."  From 
this  developed  the  shorter  forms  OFr.  glas,  glais,  glage 
"noise,"  glai,  glay,  gloi,  clai  "noise,  confused  sounds  of 
joy,  joy,"  OProv.  das  "cry,  noise,"  glay  "terror,  pain, 
fright,"  Cat.  glay  "sudden  terror."  Aglay  was  under- 
stood to  be  a  compound,  giving  rise  to  OFr.  ad  un 
glais,  ad  un  glat,  OProv.  ad  un  glay,  ad  un  das  "all  at 
once,  unanimously."  Aglay  also  gave  rise  to  Cat. 
esglay,  eslay,  OProv.  esglai  "terror,  fright,  pain," 
esdat,  esglat  "terrible  fall,  noise,"  esglayer,  esglaziar, 
englaziar  "to  frighten,  torment,"  hence  OFr.  esdace, 
esdache,  esdat,  esdice  "eclat,  terrible  noise,"  hence 
glatir  "to  make  a  noise,  bark."  It  is  not  necessary  to 
go  into  the  enormous  mass  of  derivatives  from  this 
family.  The  almost  total  absence  of  such  words  from 
Italian  shows  that  they  are  not  of  Romance  origin. 
About  the  eleventh  century  there  arose  a  confusion 
with  Lat.  dassicum  "the  sound  of  the  tuba,"  which  led 
to  a  series  of  LLatin  words,  glassum,  dassum  etc., 
which  mean  "ringing  of  the  bells  at  a  funeral  or  in 
alarm,"  for  which  one  may  find  ample  quotations  in 
Ducange. 

In  the  Germanic  languages  the  Arab,  galas  became 
confused  with  another  Arabic  word,  and  led  in  each 
language  to  a  totally  different  development.  In  Gothic 
we  have  aglus  "heavy,  oppressive,"  agio,  aglipa  "op- 
pression, sorrow,"  aglaitei  "impropriety,"  which  is  also 
found  in  AS.  egle  "oppressive,"  eglan  "cause  pain." 
Here,  as  in  the  Romance  languages,  the  final  s  dropped 
off  or  gave  way  to  t.  But  in  ASaxon  and  OH  German 
there  arose  a  confusion  with  the  Arabic  word  which  led 
to  the  "physician"  words. 

The  Egyptian  has  rek,  lek  "to  cease,  stop,  stop  pain, 
cure,"  hence  we  get  the  Coptic  words  loz,  lozi  "cessare, 
convalescere,"  lo  "desistere,  cessare,  sanari,  convales- 


GLAESUM  327 

cere."  Greek  medicine  considered  the  glutinous  plas- 
ter^ as  one  of  the  chief  methods  for  stopping  pain  of  an 
inflammatory  character,  and  this,  no  doubt,  goes  back 
to  an  Egyptian  practice.  Hence,  in  Coptic  lozt  means 
"adhaerens,  agglutinatus,"  lazte  "lutum,  coenum." 
For  the  Arabic  forms  we  must  also  consider  the  Coptic 
forms  lozf  in  aflozf  "desistit  se,  cessavit,  convaluit," 
alok  "cessa,  abstina  te,"  etc.  From  these  are  derived 
in  Arabic,  and  in  Arabic  only  of  all  the  Semitic  langu- 
ages, ^  'Hag  "a  thing  with  which  one  treats  a  patient 

medically  or  curatively,"  hence,  as  an  infinitive,  "to 
labor,  strive,  struggle,  contend,  prepare  for  use,  treat," 
^1  'ilg,  plur.  ^'U  'alag  "strong,  robust,  barbarian, 
one  who  abandons  himself  to  criminal  passions,  an 
infidel." 

As  the  ASaxon  has  the  most  interesting  forms  from 
this  Arabic  word,  I  shall  treat  them  first.  From 
Arab,  'aldg  we  have  agldeca,  agleca,  etc.,  "a  miserable 
being,  wretch,  miscreant,  monster,  fierce  combatant," 
aglac  "misery,  grief,  trouble,  sorrow,  torment,"  while 
Arab,  'ildg  produces  early  Idece  "medicus."  The 
OHG.  "aigilaihi,  eikileihhi,  eingilihi  falanx,"  already 
found  in  the  Keronian  glosses,  shows  how  Arab. 
a'ldg  "a  lot  of  brutal  combatants"  was  misunderstood 
by  the  glossator.  It  was  treated  as  a  compound,  leih 
arising  from  it  in  the  sense  of  "combat;"  for  later  we 
find  the  compounds  rangleih  "palaestra"  and  sancleih 
"carmen,"  originally  "a  song  contest,"  hence  leih 
"modus  cantandi."  Corresponding  to  AS.  Idece  "medi- 
cus," we  have  Goth,  lekeis,  OHG.  Idhhi,  ONorse  laeknari 
"physician,"  OBulg.  lekil  "medicine,"  Olrish  liaig 
"physician."  The  Arab,  a'ldg  is  also  represented  in 
ASaxon  as  orlag  "war,  fate,"  AS.  orlaeg,  orleg  "fate," 

1  Claudii  Galeni  opera  omnia,  in  Medicorum  graecorum  opera  quae  exstant, 
Lipsiae  1826,  vol.  XI,  p.  634  ff. 


328    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

orlege  "war,  strife,  a  place  of  hostility,"  OHG.  urlac 
"fate,"  urliugi  "bellum,  tempestas,"  ONorse  orlog 
"fate."  Hence  we  have  also  the  shorter  ASaxon  form 
lac  "battle,  struggle"  by  the  side  of  lac  "medicine,"  and 
Idcan  "to  swing,  wave  about,  play,"  Goth,  laikan 
"to  jump,"  laiks  "dance,"  hilaikan  "to  scorn,"  OBulg. 
liku  "dance,"  leku  "kind  of  game." 

The  secondary  meanings,  lac  "offering,  sacrifice, 
oblation,  gift,  favor,  service,"  illustrate  the  fact,  so 
often  met  with  in  the  vocabularies,  that  the  connota- 
tions, as  well  as  the  forms,  are  frequently  due  to  blun- 
ders pure  and  simple.  An  old  ASaxon  vocabulary  has 
"elogia  laac.''  The  preceding  word  is  "elogiis  verbis," 
which  makes  it  certain  that  laac  here  meant  "song," 
as  in  OHGerman.  Indeed,  the  Latin  vocabularies  give 
''elogia  pars  carminis,  genus  versuum,  laudes  electae." 
It  may  even  be  that  Lat.  elogia,  elegia  has  something 
to  do  with  the  turning  of  leih  from  "combat"  to  "song." 
But  we  shall  soon  see  that  even  without  such  an  in- 
fluence the  Arabic  word  led  to  such  a  change.  The 
ASaxon  glossator,  however,  misunderstood  elogia  as 
eulogia,  which  I  have  shown  to  have  had  the  meaning 
of  "housel,  gift,"  etc.^  Hence,  in  another  part  of  the 
same  vocabulary  he  wrote  "exenium  laac.''  Thus  arose 
the  meanings  which  are  totally  strange  to  the  word. 

It  can  now  be  shown  by  documentary  evidence  how 
the  Arabic  word  which  meant  "barbarous  warriors" 
came  to  be  so  widely  accepted  in  the  Germanic  langu- 
ages. 

The  Morris  dance,  as  practised  in  England  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  is  identical  with  the  moresque  or 
morexe  of  France  of  the  fifteenth  century,  when  men 
dressed  in  furs  and  masks  performed  warlike  dances. 
The  name  shows  conclusively  that  the  game  was  sup- 
posed to  be  of  Arabic  origin.    Now,  we  have  an  account 

1  Contributions,  vol.  I,  p.  205  f. 


GLAESUM  329 

of  the  Arabic  practice  of  going  to  combat  in  masks 
in  the  Pseudo-Turpin.  We  are  told  there  (cap.  XVIII) 
how  Charlemagne's  cavalry  was  met  by  the  enemy's 
infantry,  which  advanced  "having  very  much  bearded, 
horned  masks,  just  like  demons,  and  holding  in  their 
hands  tympanums  which  they  beat  mightily."  The 
horses  became  so  frightened  that  they  could  not  be 
restrained,  and  only  after  they  were  blindfolded  could 
they  be  induced  to  go  forward. 

When  we  next  hear  of  the  Arab  battle  mummery,  we 
hear  of  it  as  a  Gothic  game.  Constantinus  Porphyro- 
genitus^  tells  how  the  Gothic  game  is  played  at  the  court 
during  the  Christmas  holidays.  The  Master  of  the 
Venetian  faction  stands  to  the  left  of  the  hall,  surround- 
ed by  musicians.  Behind  him  are  two  Goths  in  fur 
mummery  and  masks,  with  shields  in  their  left  hands 
and  sticks  in  their  right  hands.  The  same  is  done  by 
the  Green  faction,  on  the  right.  They  rush  in  with  a 
great  noise,  striking  their  shields,  and  shout  Tul  tul. 
They  form  into  battle  array  and  recite  the  so-called 
Gothic  songs,  accompanied  by  music.  The  song  is 
antiphonal  and  abecedarian,  consisting  of  stanzas  of 
four  lines,  through  the  letters  of  the  alphabet.  At  the 
end  of  the  song,  they  say,  "God  make  your  reign  long." 
Then  they  again  strike  their  shields  with  their  sticks, 
and  calling  Tul  tul,  make  their  exits  on  the  run,  the 
Venetians  from  the  left,  the  Greens  from  the  right.  It 
is  not  easy  to  determine  the  words  which  the  Goths  are 
using.  Most  of  them,  like  gauzas,  the  first  mentioned, 
seem  to  be  Latin  or  corrupt  Latin  words.  It  is  possible, 
therefore,  that  the  language  used  by  them  is  that  of  the 
Spanish  Mozarabs,  that  is,  Catalan,  with  an  admixture 
of  Arabic  words.  This  is  made  the  more  plausible, 
since  the  tul  tul  of  the  Goths,  which  they  say  in  the 

*  De  cerimoniis  aulae  byzantinae,  I.  S3,  in  Corpus  scriptorum  hisioriae 
hyzantinae,  vol.  VIII,  p.  381  flf. 


330    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

beginning,  and  twice  after  Constantinus  mentions  the 
jtoA,DXQOViov,  that  is,  the  wish  of  a  long  life,  (even  as 
Codinus  distinctly  explains  that  jioA,dxqovi^81'v  means  to 
wish  «8l(;  noXka  £Tri»),^  is  apparently  the  Arab.  AJy  Jt" 

tdla  tuluka  "may  thy  life  become  long."  Similarly, 
when  the  Master  addresses  the  Goths  with  dfXJtaaxcb, 
to  which  the  Goths  answer  tul  tul,  he  says  to  them, 
oU-l  'ahqdhu   "may    (God)    make   him   to   continue  in 

life,"  a  usual  Arabic  greeting.  Certainly,  whatever  the 
meaning  of  the  words  may  be,  the  Goths  who  were 
present  at  the  Byzantine  court  in  the  tenth  century 
can  have  been  only  Spanish  Goths. 

However  it  may  be,  we  see  that  the  war  game,  as 
mentioned  in  Pseudo-Turpin,  by  the  tenth  century  was 
changed  into  a  mummery,  in  which  antiphonal  songs 
and  dancing  played  an  important  part.  That  such  a 
change  already  existed  at  the  end  of  the  eighth  century 
is  proved  by  the  meanings  which  Arab,  'aldg  led  to, 
through  "a  band  of  sturdy  fighters"  to  "dance,  song," 
etc. 

Just  as  we  find  OFr.  glat  developing  from  glas, 
and  semantically  briller  from  beryllus,^  so  we  get  in 
ASaxon  glaed  "shining,  bright"  from  glas  "vitrum." 
This  leads  to  "glad,  cheerful."  But  we  get  also, 
side  by  side,  glisian  and  glitinian  "to  glisten,  shine," 
while  Gothic  has  glitmunjan  "to  shine."  It  is  gener- 
ally assumed  that  the  latter  is  derived  from  a  noun 
glitmuni,  even  as  we  have  lauhmuni  "lightning."  But 
muni  does  not  occur  elsewhere,  and  it  is  most  likely 
that  lauhmuni,  though  derived  from  a  Germanic  root, 
is  formed  in  analogy  with  Arab,  v*^  lahabun  "flash, 
flame."     Similarly  the  phonetically  very  irregular  de- 

1  De  officiis,  cap.  VII,  in  Corpus  scriptorum  historiae  byzantinae,  vol. 
XXXVI,  p.  57. 

2  See  p.  114  flf. 


GLAESUM  331 

rivatives  from  the  Arab,  galas  are,  most  likely,  due  to 
the  fact  that  here  we  have  only  the  word  as  recorded 
in  the  dictionaries,  whereas  the  original  gloss,  repre- 
senting Lat.  glaciem,  should  have  been  (.^  or  ^,  as 
may  be  seen  from  ^.^  gal^amun  "the  epiglottis,"  un- 
questionably from  an  accusative  glottim  for  "glot- 
tida,"    which    should    have  been    ,Jaic   galtamun}     It 

may  even  be  that  this  "glottis"  word  crowded  out  the 
longer  word  for  "daybreak,  dawn"  from  the  Arabic 
vocabulary.  Such  an  Arabic  word  would  have  given 
Goth,  glitmun,  hence  glitmunjan  "to  shine." 

In  OHGerman  we  have  gllzemo,  gliz,  gllzzo  "luster," 
gleimo  "gleam,  lightning  bug,"  glimo  "lamp,"  glanz, 
glat  "shining,"  the  latter  leading  to  Ger.  glatt  "smooth." 
But  by  the  side  of  AS.  glaem  "brightness,  splendor" 
and  gleam  "a  joyous  noise,"  we  have  glom  "twilight, 
darkness,"  which  brings  us  back  to  the  Arabic  word 
with  which  we  began. 

At  first  sight  it  might  appear  as  though  AS.  gliw,  glig 
"glee,  joy,  minstrelsy,  mirth,  jesting,  drollery,"  gleoman, 
gllman  "a  gleeman,  histrio,  scurra,  mimus,  pantomi- 
mus,"  were  related  to  OFr.  glay  "joy."  In  reality  there 
is  no  connection  whatsoever  between  the  two.  AS.  gliw 
is  a  ghost  word.  The  Erfurt  Glossary^  has  the  lemma: 
"In  mimo  ingluuiae  quod  tm  ad  mimarios  uel  mimi- 
graphos  pertinet,"  where  the  Epinal  Glossary^  reads 
ingliuuae.  Of  course,  the  reference  is  to  the  voracity 
of  the  juggler,  but  the  ASaxon  glossator  took  in  gliuuae 
to  be  an  ASaxon  gloss,  and  in  the  very  Erfurt  Glossary 
wrote  "facitiae  gliu,''^  thus  creating  a  nominative  to 
what  he  took  to  be  a  dative.     It  is  not  necessary  to 

1  See  also  p.  333. 

*  Amplonianum  primum,  Goetz,  vol.  V,  p.  367. 

»  0.  B.  Schlutter,  Das  Epinaler  und  Erfurter  Glossar,  Hamburg  1912,  p.  12. 

*  Goetz,  vol.  V,  p.  359. 


332    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

follow  up  the  later  uses  of  gliw,  as  they  all  proceed  from 
"in  mimo  ingluuiae.''  Now,  a  fifteenth  century  vocabu- 
lary^ has  the  gloss  ''glimo  to  be  gyle."  As  "to  beguile" 
means  "to  amuse,"  we  have  here  a  latinized  verb 
glimo,  formed  from  gllman  "a  jester."  This  got  into 
ONorse  as  glima  "wrestling,"  gllminn  "able,  alert  as  a 
wrestler."  We  have  also  in  ONorse  gleyma  "to  make 
a  merry  noise,"  gleymr  "pranks,  jollity,"  glaumr  "a 
merry  noise,  joy,  merriment,"  in  which,  as  in  the  case 
of  AS.  gleam  "a  joyous  noise,"  the  ghost  word  gliw 
and  derivatives  from  glas  overlap.  None  of  the  other 
Germanic  languages  have  either  the  ASaxon  or  the 
ONorse  words,  but  the  Edda  has  also  gly  "glee,  glad- 
ness." We  also  have  glyjari  "a  gleeman,  jester," 
glyja  "to  be  gleeful."  That  the  reference  in  ONorse 
was  to  the  juggler  is  proved  by  the  Slavic  derivatives 
from  the  ONorse  glaumr.  We  have  OBulg.  glumu 
"scena,"  Serb,  glumac  "actor,"  Russ.  glumiV  "to  jest," 
Ruman.  glume  "jest." 

In  the  Philargyrius  gloss  to  Bucolics  IV.  44  we  have 
"croceo  idest  glas.  (murice)  rubida  tinctura  vel  purpura 
vel  fios,"^  followed  by  "sandyx  idest  genus  herbae 
rubeum,  cuius  radices  infantes  cum  coxerint,  ceram 
tingunt,"  in  one  MS.  "sandyx  genus  herbae  rossei 
coloris  idest  glaus.''^  Here  we  see  that  in  the  VIII. 
century  (for  it  is  clear  from  the  Arabic  origin  of  glas 
that  we  are  dealing  with  glosses  whose  composition,  in 
the  form  in  which  they  appear,  cannot  go  back  any 
farther),  glas  still  referred  to  a  yellow  or  reddish,  and 
not  to  a  blue,  color.  Both  the  Epinal  and  Corpus 
glosses  give  "sandix  weard,'"  which  is  found  in  a  large 
number  of  OH  German  glosses  as  "sandix  uueith, 
vvehte,  vveuth,  wend,  waido.'"^     All  these  are  due  to  a 

1  Wright  and  Wiilcker,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  col.  586. 

2  Thilo,  op.  ciL,  vol.  III^,  p.  85. 

3  Ihid.,  p.  86. 

<  Zeitschrift  fur  deutsche  Wortforschung,  vol.  II,  p.  230. 


GLAESUM  333 

confusion  of  madder  with  the  newly  introduced  woad 
in  Western  Europe. 

The  Latin  translation  of  Oribasius  several  times  refers 
to  woad:  "Isatis  herva,  quam  tinctores  herba  vitrum 
vocant  et  Goti  (Gubti)  uuisdile  (ovisdelem),'^^  "isates 
vero  herba  quae  a  tinctoribus  herba  bitrus,  a  Gotis 
uuisdil  (guisdil)  dicitur."^  This  has  been  used  as  a 
proof  that  the  Latin  translation  was  made  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  VI.  century,  when  there  were  still  Goths 

in  Italy. ^     But  we  have  Arab.  ^  Hzlim,  dial.    ^X^ 

'azlam  "the  expressed  juice  of  a  species  of  tree  or  plant 
the  color  of  which  is  like  indigo,  green  inclined  to  duski- 
ness, a  certain  red  dye."  There  can  be  little  doubt 
that  ^  is  a  miswritten  ^^  'izim,  that  is  isatim, 
and  is  derived  from  the  Greek  or  Latin.  But  Arab. 
(Jfetf,  whatever  its  origin,  would  be  written  in  Latin 

wisdelem  or  guisdelem,  as  found  in  Oribasius.  There- 
fore, if  the  reading  Goti  is  correct,  we  have  a  reference  to 
Spanish  Goths,  and  the  Latin  translation  of  Oribasius, 
as  preserved  in  the  manuscript,  is  of  the  VIII.  or  IX. 
century.  But  it  may  be  that  the  reading  Gubti  is 
correct.  In  that  case  we  have  here  a  reference  to  a 
Copt,  izatim,  otherwise  not  recorded. 

The  AS.  weard  is  unquestionably  a  misreading  of 
wasd,  for  we  have  recorded  guastum  for  glastum,  and 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  original  meaning  was, 
as  "sandix"  indicates,  that  of  "madder."  This  leads 
us  at  once  to  the  Romance  words  for  "madder."  An 
OHGerman  gloss  reads  ''vuarencibla  et  uarix  et  coccinum 
vuarca,'"^  to  which  the  editor  says  that  this  is  the  only 

'  Bussemaker  and  Daremberg,  Oeuvres  d'Oribase,  Paris  1876,  vol.  VI, 
pp.  131,  132. 

^Ibid.,  p.  142,  and  again  pp.  153,  481. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  XXV,  and  V.  Rose,  Anecdota  graeca  et  graecolatina,  Berlin  1870, 
vol.  II,  p.  117. 

*  Steinmeyer  and  Sievers,  op.  cit.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  429. 


334    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

place  where  "coccinum"  and  "vuarencibla"  refer  to 
"pustules."  But  the  editor  is  mistaken.  We  have 
here  three  words  for  "coccinum,"  vuarencibla,  uarix, 
vuarca,  the  latter  two  misreadings  of  ward,  the  first 
a  nasalisation  on  account  of  the  writing  ward',  and  bla 
et  is,  in  all  probability,  a  corruption  of  glas.  That  such 
must  be  the  case  is  shown  by  the  Oribasius  juxtaposition 
of  vitrum  and  wisdilem,  the  first  being  a  retranslation 
into  Latin  of  glas  in  the  sense  of  "crystallum."  That 
we  have  only  one  word  explained  is  shown  by  the 
Capitulare  de  villis,  of  the  beginning  of  the  IX.  century, 
where  we  read  "waisdo,  vermiculo,  warentia."^  Here 
we  have  three  words,  not  for  separate  substances,  but 
for  the  same  substance.  "Vermiculus"  is  a  translation 
of  xoxxog  in  Exodus  XXXV.  25,  hence  here  it  is  a  trans- 
lation of  "coccinum"  of  our  previous  gloss  and  means 
"purple,  red."  We  have  also  a  X.  century  gloss 
"isatis  i.  uuas  dus  unde  tingunt  persum."^  "Persum" 
means  originally  "dark  purple,"  and  the  oldest  dated 
document,  of  the  year  1070,^  writes  perset.  This 
identifies  it  with  Arab.  i\^J  fir  sad  "a  red  dye,  red- 
ness," and  we  see  that  "isatis,"  like  "sandix,"  "glas," 
"weid,"  was  used  for  "dye,"  generally  "red  dye," 
by  the  side  of  its  legitimate  reference  to  blue.  But 
was  dus,  guastum,  weard  arose  from  a  confusion  of 
glas  with  wisdilem.  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that 
Arab.  ^  was    a    misreading    of  ^^  or  ,3«c,  either  of 

which  would  lead  to  a  reading  wasdum,  guastum. 
As  in  the  case  of  Arab,  glas,  which  survived  in  books 
for  an  original  glsm,  so  Arab.  Hzlm  survived  for  a  form 
izm  or  iztm.  The  original  two  words  which  disappeared 
would  explain  both  glastum  and  wasdum,  hence  wasd, 

1  MGH.,  Leges,  Capitularia,  vol.  I,  p.  87. 

2  Goetz,  vol.  Ill,  p.  583. 
'  Ducange,  sub  Persus. 


GLAESUM  335 

waisd,  waid,  weard,  etc.  But  it  is  not  at  all  necessary 
to  have  recourse  to  the  original  Arabic  forms,  to  explain 
the  vagaries  of  the  vocabularies.  This  much  is  certain, 
beyond  a  shadow  of  a  doubt.  The  vocabulary  words 
for  "madder,"  more  especially  for  "woad,"  are  due  to 
the  intensive  dyeing  processes  introduced  or  fostered 
by  the  Arabs  in  the  VIII.  century.  At  first  the  terms 
were  loosely  used  for  "amber  color,"  but  later,  with  the 
more  extensive  use  of  woad  for  the  older  madder,  and 
the  introduction  by  the  Arabs  of  indigo  from  the  East, 
they  were  more  and  more  applied  to  colors  of  which  the 
fundamental  color  was  blue. 

"Indigo"  is  in  Arabic  ^}^  nil,  from  the  Sanskrit 
nila  Jt*  "blue."  It  is  well  known  that  Span,  anil  is 
due  to  Arab.  JJl  alnll,  pronounced  an-nll.  We  have 
also  Arab.  jJ  III,  which  ultimately  leads   to  "lilac," 

etc.  In  the  Latin  translation  of  Serapion^  nil  is  given 
as  dill.  With  the  article  it  would  be  aldili  or  andili, 
to  judge  from  the  form  nil.  This  andili  led  to  indicum 
as  the  name  for  indigo. 

Indicum  is  mentioned  in  Pliny:  "non  pridem  ad- 
portari  et  Indicum  coeptum  est,  cuius  pretium  *  VII. 
Ratio  in  pictura  ad  incisuras,  hoc  est  umbras  dividendas 
ab  lumine."^  "Ab  hoc  maxima  auctoritas  Indico. 
Ex  India  venit  harundinum  spumae  adhaerescente 
limo.  Cum  cernatur,  nigrum,  at  in  diluendo  mixturam 
purpurae  caeruleique  mirabilem  reddit.  Alterum  genus 
eius  est  in  purpurariis  officinis  innatans  cortinis,  et 
est  purpurae  spuma.  Qui  adulterant,  vero  Indico 
tingunt  stercora  columbina  aut  cretam  Selinusiam  vel 
anulariam  vitro  inficiunt.  Probatur  carbone;  reddit 
enim  quod  sincerum  est  flammam  excellentis  purpurae 

'  P.  Guigues,  Les  noms  arabes  dans  Serapion  "Liber  de  simplici  medicina," 
Paris  1905,  p.  44. 
2  XXXIII.  163. 


336    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

et,  dum  fumat,  odorem  maris.  Ob  id  quidam  e  scopulis 
id  colligi  putant.  Pretium  Indico  *  XX  in  libras. 
In  medicina  Indicum  rigores  et  impetus  sedat  siccatque 
ulcera."^  This  is  repeated  in  Isidore,  ''Indicum  in 
Indicis  invenitur  calamis,  spuma  adhaerente  limo: 
est  autem  coloris  cyanei,  mixturam  purpurae  caerulique 
mirabilem  reddens;  est  alterum  genus  in  purpurariis 
officinis,  spuma  in  aereis  cortinis  innatans,  quam  in- 
fectores  detrahentes  siccant,"^  while  Vitruvius  has 
"item  propter  inopiam  coloris  indici  cretam  selinusiam 
aut  anulariam  vitro,  quod  Graeci  laativ  appellant, 
infieientes  imitationem  faciunt  indici  coloris."^  "loaxiv 
is  a  modern  correction,  for  the  manuscripts  read  in- 
sallim,'^  insallum,  salsim,  visallin,  visalsin}  No  further 
discussion  is  necessary  here,  for  it  is  obvious  that  in  the 
Vitruvius  MSS.  we  have  the  Arab.  ^  'izlim,  and  that 

the  reference  to  laatig  is  interpolated  and  of  no  value. 
But  the  rest  of  the  passage  is  clearly  from  Pliny,  and  so 
only  the  latter  need  be  considered.  Similarly  the 
words  "herba,  quam  nos  vitrum,  Graeci  isatida  vocant, 
quo  infectores  utuntur"  in  Marcellus'  De  medicamentis 
liber^  are  of  no  use,  since  they  are  almost  identical 
with  the  interpolated  gloss  in  Oribasius,  hence  a  late  in- 
terpolation. Isatida  is  here  given  correctly,  but  we  have 
not  one  MS.  of  Marcellus,  and  nothing  can  be  said  of 
the  original  form  of  the  word.  This  leaves  us  with  Pliny ; 
but  this  is  identical  with  Dioscorides:  «Toi3  bk  Aeyo- 
[livov  'Iv8ixoij  TO  \i£V  aiiTo^KXTcog  yivzxai,  olovei  8x6Qaa|ia 
ov  Tcov  'IvSixcbv  xa?idu(ov  to  bk  pacpixov  eotiv  ejtavO^icr^og 
jiopqpijQag,  8jrai(OQOij^i8Vog  Toig  x«^J^£^oig,  ov  djrooTjQavreg 
^T]()aivo\)aiv  01  T^yylxav  aQiaxov  bs  fiyriTeov  to  xuavoeiSeg 

■  XXXV.  46. 

2  XIX.  17.  16. 

'  VII.  14.  2. 

'  Ed.  F.  Krohn,  Lipsiae  1912,  p.  169. 

'  Ed.  J.  G.  Schneider,  Lipsiae  1808,  vol.  Ill,  p.  87. 

« XXIII.  10. 


GLAESUM  337 

T8  xai  ey/yXov,  A£iov  eati  be  xwv  ^v%6vxoyv  zXacpQcbq  xai 
QVGovYtiov  qpAsynovdg  xal  oiSTJ^iaxa-  ctvaxad^aiQei  Se  xal 
xaxaattUiSi  pXxt]*.^  That  this  is  a  highly  interpolated 
passage  follows  from  the  quotation  in  Paulus  Aegineta, 
who  wrote  in  the  VII.  century  and  who  said:  «^8A,av 
'Iv5ix6v,  wg  cpT](ii  AioaxovQi8rig,  xcbv  tjJDXovxcov  eXacpQibg 
soxi,»  and  referred  the  last  statement,  not  to  indigo, 
but  to  Indian  ink,  which  is  not  described  in  the  passage 
in  Dioscorides.  It  is  described  separately  in  Pliny 
as  "atramentum  indicum,"^  which  is  correctly  explained 
by  Isidore  in  a  separate  paragraph  under  "atramen- 
tum,"^  and  this  coincides  with  Dioscorides'  description 
of  pi£A,av.^  But  we  have  a  better  proof  yet  that  the 
whole  is  an  interpolation.  Oribasius  repeats  a  sentence 
from  Dioscorides  in  the  Synopsis,  «lv8ixov  olqioxov 
Eoxi  TO  xijavoeiSeg  X8  xal  syx^'^^^'  ?^fiov»,^  but  neither  in 
the  larger  work  of  Oribasius,  nor  in  the  Euporistes, 
where  the  lists  are  much  more  complete,  is  there  any 
reference  to  iv8ix6v.  As  the  quotation  from  Dios- 
corides is  in  that  part  of  Oribasius  which  is  literatim  et 
verbatim  a  copy  from  Dioscorides,  it  follows  that 
Oribasius  knew  nothing  of  i7idicu7n,  and  that  the  com- 
piler added  the  interpolated  Dioscorides  to  Oribasius. 
Now,  the  first  four  books  of  Dioscorides  exist  in  Greek 
originals  of  the  VI,  and  VII.  centuries,^  while  book  V, 
in  which  the  passage  under  discussion  is  found,  goes 
back  only  to  a  MS.  of  the  IX.  century.^  It  is  clear, 
therefore,  that  the  latter  is,  to  say  the  least,  inter- 
polated.    With  Dioscorides  falls  the  passage  in  Pliny. 

1  V.  92 

2  XXXV.  43. 

2  XIX.  17.  17,  IS. 

*  V.  162.  It  was  also  known  to  the  Arabs  as  Indian  ink:  "He  brought 
from  India  a  black  paint,  called  hindl,  which  colored  the  hair  to  the  very 
roots  a  brilliant,  ineffaceable  black"  (Mas'udI,  oj).  cU.,  vol.  II,  p.  203). 

^Ov-  cit.,  vol.  V,  p.  79. 

6  Ed.  M.  Wellmann,  Berolini  1907,  vol.  I,  p.  V. 

'  Ibid.,  vol.  Ill,  p.  V. 

27 


338    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  here  we  have  twice  a 
reference  to  the  late  introduction  of  indigo,  which  fits 
the  VIII.  century  completely. 

Obviously  glaesum,  Glaesaria  of  Pliny  and  Solinus 
are,  to  say  the  least,  interpolations.  But  we  have  also 
in  Pliny  "simili  plantagini — glastum  in  Gallia  vocatur — 
Britannorum  coniuges  nurusque  toto  corpore  oblitae 
quibusdam  in  sacris  nudae  incedunt,  Aethiopum  colo- 
rem  imitantes."^  Here  again  glastum  is  an  interpolation, 
but  not  only  the  word, — the  whole  passage  is  due  to  a 
series  of  blunders.^  "Plantago"  is  "plantain"  and  is 
nowhere  recorded  as  a  dye  plant.  The  interpolator,  or 
forger,  knew  of  the  use  of  glas  as  a  dye,  and  he  mistook 
the  prolific  gloss  in  the  vocabularies  "plantago  arno- 
glossa''  as  an  equation  of  plantago  and  glas.  This 
was,  no  doubt,  done  through  an  Arabic  source,  since 
Gr.  dQvoyXcoaaa  is  frequently  recorded  in  Arabic 
as  ''lisen  alhamel,''^  literally  "tongue  of  the  lamb," 
where  yXcbooa  suggested  glas,  and  glas,  glastum  was 
given  as  the  translation  of  "plantago." 

The  absolute  proof  of  this  is  found  in  Caesar.  Here 
the  same  story  is  told  in  connection  with  vitrum,  where 
the  dye  is  correct,  and  the  word  wrong, — so  here  the 
story  is  again  an  interpolation.  We  read:*  "Omnes 
vero  se  Britanni  vitro  inficiunt,  quod  caeruleum  efficit 
colorem,  atque  hoc  horridiores  sunt  in  pugna  aspectu." 
Pomponius  Mela  has  the  same  interpolation,  "incertum 
ob  decorem,  an  quid  aliud,  vitro  corpora  infecti,"^ 
and  Jordanes  has  it  as  "ob  decorem  nescio  an  aliam 
quam  ob  rem.  ferro  pingunt  corpora."^ 

1  XXII.  2. 

2 1  leave  it  to  Ph.  Barry  to  treat  the  myth  of  the  painted  Britons  in  his 
Celtic  Antiquity. 

'  E.  g.  in  Serapion,  op.  cit.,  p.  80. 
*  De  hello  gallico,  V.  14. 
6  III.  6.  5. 
"11(14). 


GLAESUM  339 

The  last  two  quotations  are  clearly  of  the  same  origin, 
and  Jordanes'  is  the  older,  since  it  is  based  directly  on 
a  misconception  of  a  passage  in  Herodianus,  Here 
we  read:  "Sed  ilia  et  colla  (tag  \ikv  ?»,ajTdQac  xai  xcug 
Tioayr]Xo'ug)(Britanni)ornant  ferro,  decus  id  ac  divitiarum 
indicium  existimantes,  sicut  aurum  caeteri  barbari; 
corpora  autem  compungunt  notis  variorum  animalium 
imaginibus;  quocirca  nee  induuntur,  ne  operiant  cor- 
poris picturas."^  The  forger  known  as  Jordanes  mis- 
understood or  purposely  misquoted  the  passage  and 
made  the  Britons  adorn  their  bodies  by  tattooing  them 
with  iron,  whereas  Herodianus  says  that  they  adorned 
their  bodies  with  iron,  and  also  tattooed  their  bodies. 
Claudianus  similarly  writes: 

"Inde  Caledonio  velata  Britannia  monstro, 
Ferro  picta  genas,  cuius  vestigia  verrit 
Caerulus  Oceanique  aestum  mentitus  amictus."^ 

Oudendorp^  correctly  interprets  the  last  line  as  mean- 
ing that  the  woad  covers  the  tattoomarks,  as  is  still 
the  case  among  the  Arabs.  This  shows  that  Claudianus 
does  not  quote  from  Herodianus,  but  from  the  same 
source  as  Jordanes.  I  have  already  pointed  out  suspici- 
ous matter  in  Claudianus,^  whom  I  take  to  be  an  VIII. 
century  forger;  and  I  am  convinced  that  Herodianus 
is  similarly  an  VIII.  century  forger,  of  a  piece  with 
Ammianus  Marcellinus  and  Jordanes.  However  this 
may  be,  it  is  clear  that  the  quotation  in  Mela  is  even 
later  than  that  in  Jordanes,  and,  with  Pliny's  reference 
to  glastum  and  Caesar's  to  vitrum  in  Britain,  belongs 
to  the  VIII.  century.  Strabo  knows  only  of  Thracians 
and   Scythians  who  tattooed  themselves,   and  Vergil 

iIII.  14.  13. 

^  De  consulatu  Stilichonis.  II.  247  ff. 

*  C.  Julii  Caesaris  .  Commeniarii,  Lugduni  Batavorum,  Rotterodami 
1737,  p.  228. 

*  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  116. 


340    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

refers  similarly  to  Agathyrsi  and  Geloni.  To  Aeneid 
IV.  146  "pictique  Agathyrsi"  Servius  writes  "populi 
sunt  Scythiae,  colentes  ApoUinem  hyperboreum,  cuius 
logia  feruntur;  'pieti'  autem,  non  stigmata  habentes, 
sed  pulcri,  hoc  est  cyanea  coma  placentes;"^  but  the 
interpolated  Servius  reads  "picti  autem,  non  stigmata 
habentes,  sicut  gens  in  Britannia,  sed  pulcri,"  etc. 
The  reference  to  British  tattooing  is  an  afterthought, 
due  to  the  account  in  Herodianus. 

It  is  only  natural  to  find  glesum  in  Tacitus'  Germania, 
since  the  whole  is  a  base  forgery.  Here  we  read:^ 
"Sed  et  mare  scrutantur  ac  soli  omnium  succinum, 
quod  ipsi  glesum  vocant,  inter  vada  atque  in  ipso  littore 
legunt.  Nee,  quae  natura  quaeve  ratio  gignat,  ut 
barbaris,  quaesitum  compertumve.  Diu  quin  etiam 
inter  cetera  ejectamenta  maris  jacebat,  donee  luxuria 
nostra  dedit  nomen:  ipsis  in  nullo  usu:  rude  legitur, 
informe  perfertur,  pretiumque  mirantes  accipiunt. 
Succum  tamen  arborum  esse  intelligas,  quia  terrena 
quaedam  atque  etiam  volucria  animalia  plerumque 
interlucent,  quae  implicata  humore,  mox,  durescente 
materia, cluduntur.  Fecundiora  igitur  nemora  lucosque, 
sicut  Orientis  secretis,  ubi  thura  balsamaque  sudantur, 
ita  Occidentis  insulis  terrisque  inesse,  crediderim;  quae 
vicini  solis  radiis  expressa  atque  liquentia  in  proximum 
mare  labuntur,  ac  vi  tempestatum  in  adversa  littora 
exundant.  Si  naturam  succini  admoto  igne  tentes,  in 
modum  taedae  accenditur,  alitque  flammam  pinguem 
et  olentem:  mox  ut  in  picem  resinamve  lentescit." 
The  chief  interest  in  this  passage  lies  in  the  fact  that 
it  is  paraphrased  in  Cassiodorus'  Variae^  and  definitely 
ascribed  to  Tacitus,  thus  showing  the  Variae  to  be  a 
forgery,  as  I  have  long  suspected  it  to  be.     The  passage 

» Thilo,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  p.  490. 

2XLV. 

^V.  2. 


GLAESUM  341 

runs  as  follows:  "Et  ideo  salutatione  vos  affectuosa 
requirentes  indicamus  sucina,  quae  a  vobis  per  harum 
portitores  directa  sunt,  grato  animo  fuisse  suscepta. 
Quae  ad  vos  Oceani  unda  descendens  hanc  levissimam 
substantiam,  sicut  et  vestrorum  relatio  continebat, 
exportat:  sed  unde  veniat,  incognitum  vos  habere 
dixerunt,  quam  ante  omnes  homines  patria  vestra 
offerente  suscipitis.  Haec  quodana  Cornelio  describente 
legitur  in  interioribus  insulis  Oceani  ex  arboris  suco 
defluens,  unde  et  sucinum  dicitur,  paulatim  solis  ardore 
coalescere.  Fit  enim  sudatile  metallum,  teneritudo 
perspieua,  modo  croceo  colore  rubens,  modo  flammea 
claritate  pinguescens,  ut,  cum  in  maris  fuerit  delapsa 
confinio,  aestu  alternante  purata  vestris  litoribus 
tradatur  exposita."^  Here  the  chief  interest  lies  in 
the  words  "modo  croceo  colore  rubens,  modo  flammea 
claritate  pinguescens,"  which  give  an  exact  definition 

of  Arab,  (j^  galas. 

1  MGH.,  Auct.  Ant,  vol.  XII,  p.  143  f. 


XXIX.     THE  HERCYNIAN  FOREST. 

The  Hercynian  Forest,  like  the  animals  contained 
therein,  is  a  myth.  It  all  grew  out  of  a  misunderstood 
passage  in  Aethicus,  who  himself  was  none  too  honest 
in  his  quotations.  This  forger,  in  his  Third  Book, 
described  the  nations  which  were  not  mentioned  in  the 
Old  Testament.  He  placed  in  the  north  the  nation  of 
the  Griphes,  from  whom  came  the  Saxons.  They  lived 
in  the  Hyperborean  mountains,  where  the  Tanais 
begins.  This  region  produces  no  useful  fruit,  though  it 
has  useful  beasts  more  numerous  than  are  the  monkeys 
and  panthers  elsewhere.  Here  crystal,  amber,  precious 
stones,  and  gold  are  found.  Here  are  also  the  aves 
hircaniae  and  fibrae,  whose  wings  are  of  a  great  size  and 
shine  in  the  night:  "habet  aves  hircanias  et  fibras 
quarum  pinnae  nocte  mirae  magnitudinis  luceant."^ 

The  aves  hircaniae  are  mentioned  in  Pliny:  "in 
Hercynio  Germaniae  saltu  invisitata  genera  alitum 
accepimus,  quarum  plumae  ignium  modo  conluceant 
noctibus."^  Of  the  Hercynian  Forest  Pliny  knows 
nothing  very  real.  It  occurs  in  the  same  passage 
with  the  Istuaeones,  which  has  already  been  shown  to 
be  an  interpolation,^  "introrsus  vero  nullo  inferius 
nobilitate  Hercynium  iugum  praetenditur,"^  is  barely 
mentioned  in  another  passage,^  and  is  explained  at 
length  in  an  impossible  story,  which  is  of  a  piece  with  the 
zoology  of  Caesar's  Hercynian  forest:  "Another  marvel, 

'  H.  Wuttke,  Die  Kosmographie  des  Istrier  Aithikos,  Leipzig  1853,  cap. 

2X.  132. 

3  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  216  ff. 

*  IV.  100. 

'•  IV.  80. 


THE  HERCYNIAN  FOREST  343 

too,  connected  with  the  forests!  They  cover  all  the 
rest  of  Germany,  and  by  their  shade  augment  the  cold. 
But  the  highest  of  them  all  are  those  not  far  distant 
from  the  Chauci  already  mentioned,  and  more  par- 
ticularly in  the  vicinity  of  the  two  lakes  there.  The 
very  shores  are  lined  with  oaks,  which  manifest  an 
extraordinary  eagerness  to  attain  their  growth:  under- 
mined by  the  waves  or  uprooted  by  the  blasts,  with 
their  entwining  roots  they  carry  vast  forests  along 
with  them,  and,  thus  balanced,  stand  upright  as  they 
float  along,  while  they  spread  afar  their  huge  branches 
like  the  rigging  of  so  many  ships.  Many  is  the  time 
that  these  trees  have  struck  our  fleets  with  alarm, 
when  the  waves  have  driven  them,  almost  purposely 
it  would  seem,  against  their  prows  as  they  stood  at 
anchor  in  the  night,  and  the  men,  destitute  of  all  remedy 
and  resource,  have  had  to  engage  in  a  naval  combat 
with  a  forest  of  trees!  In  the  same  northern  regions, 
too,  is  the  Hercynian  Forest,  whose  gigantic  oaks, 
uninjured  by  the  lapse  of  ages,  and  contemporary  with 
the  creation  of  the  world,  by  their  near  approach 
to  immortality  surpass  all  other  marvels  known.  Not 
to  speak  of  other  matters  that  would  surpass  all  belief, 
it  is  a  well-known  fact  that  their  roots,  as  they  meet 
together,  upheave  vast  hills;  or,  if  the  earth  happens 
not  to  accumulate  with  them,  rise  aloft  to  the  very 
branches  even,  and,  as  they  contend  for  the  mastery, 
form  arcades,  like  so  many  portals  thrown  open,  and 
large  enough  to  admit  of  the  passage  of  a  squadron  of 
horse. "^ 

In  Solinus  the  Hercynian  Forest  is  used  only  to  intro- 
duce the  light-birds,  on  whom  the  author  expatiates  at 
greater  length:  "saltus  Hercynius  aves  gignit,  quarum 
pennae  per  obscurum  emicant  et  interlucent,  quamvis 
obtenta  nox  denset  tenebras;    unde  homines  loci  illius 

» XVI.  5-6. 


344    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

plerumque  nocturnes  excursus  sic  destinant,  ut  illis 
utantur  ad  praesidium  itineris  dirigendi,  praeiactisque 
per  opaca  callium  rationem  viae  moderentur  indicio 
plumarum  refulgentium."^ 

Isidore  mentions  the  light-birds  twice, — once,  sum- 
marily as  coming  from  Germany,  where  also  the  wild 
beasts  come  from,  and  here  not  a  word  is  said  about  the 
Hercynian  Forest;  and  again,  where  the  same  etymology 
is  given  as  in  Pliny:  "Terra  dives  virum  ac  populis 
numerosis  et  inmanibus;  unde  et  propter  fecunditatem 
gignendorum  populorum  Germania  dicta  est.  Gignit 
aves  Hyrcanias,  quarum  pinnae  nocte  perlucent;  bi- 
sontes  quoque  feras  et  uros  atque  alces  parturit.  Mittit 
et  gemmas,  crystallum  et  sucinum,  callaicum  quoque 
viridem,  et  ceraunium  candidum;"^  ''Hercyniae  aves 
dictae  ab  Hercynio  saltu  Germaniae,  ubi  nascuntur, 
quarum  pinnae  adeo  per  obscurum  emicant  ut  quamvis 
nox  obtenta  densis  tenebris  sit,  ad  praesidium  itineris 
dirigendi  praeiactae  interluceant,  cursusque  viae  pateat 
indicio  plumarum  fulgentium."^  In  the  first  case  we 
have  an  agreement  with  Aethicus,  in  the  second,  with 
Pliny,  and  the  total  absence  of  any  other  mention  of 
the  Hercynian  Forest  in  Isidore  is  fatal  for  its  existence 
before  the  VII.  century. 

One  will  in  vain  look  elsewhere  for  the  aves  hir- 
caniae,  except  as  quotations  from  the  above  authors. 
No  such  birds  exist  in  previous  literature,  though  we 
have  any  amount  of  references  to  fire-flies.  They 
are  known  in  Latin  as  cicindela,  and  of  them  Pliny 
says:  "lucentes  vespere  per  arva  cicindelae — ita  appel- 
lant rustici  stellantes  volatus,  Graeci  vero  lampyridas."^ 
Aethicus,  by  using  fibra  together  with  aves  hircaniae 
shows  that  he  had  in  mind  the  fire-fly;  for  in  the  Latin- 

1  XX.  3. 

2  XIV.  4.  4. 
'XII.  7.  31. 

« XVIII.  250. 


THE  HERCYNIAN  FOREST  345 

Arabic  vocabulary  ^6ra  is  translated  by  »--^j  ^,  and 

^  means  not  only  "thread,"  but  also  "the  true  dawn, 

light  entering  from  an  aperture  in  the  wall,  atoms 
that  are  seen  in  the  rays  of  the  sun  entering  from  an 
aperture  in  a  wall  into  a  dark  place  when  the  sun  is 
hot."      Aethicus    got    his    aves    hircaniae   from   Arab. 

o^jx^  y}  'abu  gi'rdn,  which,  in  the  Latin-Arabic  gloss- 
ary, is  given  as  the  equivalent  of  "cicindela."  The 
word  is  not  originally  Arabic,  and  is,  most  likely, 
Copt,  ab  'from,  literally,  "beetle  of  fire."  The  Arabic 
word  was  by  Aethicus  transformed  to  aves  hircanae, 
most  likely  under  the  influence  of  "Hyrcanius  saltus" 

and  of  Arab,  o^  haraq  "kindle,  ignite,  burn."     But, 

whether  Aethicus  did,  as  usual,  indulge  in  such  com- 
posite etymology  or  not,  fibra  sufficiently  identifies 
the  aves  hircaniae  as  "fire-motes"  or  "fire-flies."  Once 
these  were  identified  as  birds,  we  find  the  word  incor- 
porated in  Isidore  as  aves  Hyrcaniae,  only  later  to  be 
changed  to  aves  Hercyniae,  when  such  a  Hercynian 
Forest  was  created  in  literature  for  Germany. 

The  Hercynian  Forest  is  partly  due  to  the  existence  of 
a  wild  Hyrcania  in  Asia,  but  chieflj^  to  a  series  of  formal 
blunders.  In  the  chapter  on  the  autolops  it  is  shown  how 
the  Arab.    ^^^  Sagaratan  "the  thickly  growing  trees" 

produced  the  tree  8Q8xiva,  etc.,  of  the  Greek  text. 
This  is  given  in  the  Latin  Physiologus  as  "et  est  ibi 
frutex,  qui  dicitur  graece  herecina,  hericine.'"^  The 
marvelous  story  of  the  autolops,  which  has  played  such 
an  important  role  in  locating  more  impossible  animals 
in  the  same  region,  led  to  the  extension  of  herecina, 
hericina  as  a  region  of  densely  growing  trees  where  all 
kinds  of  animals  are  found. 

'  A.  Karnyeev,  op.  cit.,  p.  353. 


346    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

In  Caesar  the  Hercynia  silva  is  mentioned  only  in 
connection  with  the  animals  found  in  it.  This  in  itself 
shows  that  the  reference  is  not  genuine,  for  in  the  previ- 
ous five  books,  where  the  Germans  are  mentioned 
again  and  again,  not  a  word  is  said  about  such  a  forest. 
He  claims  to  get  the  information  from  Eratosthenes 
and  other  Greeks  who  called  it  Orcynia:  "Ac  fuit 
antea  tempus,  cum  Germanos  Galli  uirtute  superarent, 
ultro  bella  inferrent,  propter  hominum  multitudinem 
agrique  inopiam  trans  Rhenum  colonias  mitterent. 
Itaque  ea,  quae  fertilissima  Germaniae  sunt,  loca  circum 
Hercyniam  siluam,  quam  Eratostheni  et  quibusdam 
Graecis  fama  notam  esse  uideo,  quam  illi  Orcyniam 
appellant,  Volcae  Tectosages  occupauerunt  atque  ibi 
consederunt;  quae  gens  ad  hoc  tempus  his  sedibus  sese 
continet  summamque  habet  iustitiae  et  bellicae  laudis 
opinionem.  Nunc  quidem  in  eadem  inopia,  egestate 
patientiaque  Germani  permanent,  eodem  uictu  et  cultu 
corporis  utuntur;  Gallis  autem  prouinciarum  pro- 
pinquitas  et  transmarinarum  rerum  notitia  multa  ad 
copiam  atque  usus  largitur,  paulatim  adsuefacti  supe- 
rari  multisque  uicti  proeliis  ne  se  quidem  ipsi  cum  illis 
uirtute  comparant.  Huius  Hercyniae  siluae,  quae 
supra  demonstrata  est,  latitudo  nouem  dierum  iter 
expedito  patet:  non  enim  aliter  finiri  potest,  neque 
mensuras  itinerum  nouerunt.  Oritur  ab  Heluetiorum 
et  Nemetum  et  Rauracorum  finibus  rectaque  fluminis 
Danubii  regione  pertinet  ad  fines  Dacorum  et  Anar- 
tium;  hinc  se  flectit  sinistrorsus  diuersis  ab  flumine 
regionibus  multarumque  gentium  fines  propter  magni- 
tudinem  adtingit;  neque  quisquam  est  huius  Ger- 
maniae, qui  se  [aut  audisse]  aut  adisse  ad  initium  eius 
siluae  dicat,  cum  dierum  iter  LX  processerit,  aut,  quo 
ex  loco  oriatur,  acceperit:  multaque  in  ea  genera 
ferarum  nasci  constat,  quae  reliquis  in  locis  uisa  non 


THE  HERCYNIAN  FOREST  347 

sint;  ex  quibus  quae  maxime  differant  ab  ceteris  et 
memoriae  prodenda  uideantur,  haec  sunt."^ 

According  to  Caesar  the  Hercynian  Forest  was  origi- 
nally occupied  by  tbe  Volcae  and  Tectosages,  two  Gallic 
tribes.  This  is  also  told  by  Livy,  who  gives  an  apo- 
cryphal story  of  Ambigatus,  who  sent  his  nephew  Sego- 
vesus  to  the  Hercynian  Forest,  which  was  given  to 
him  by  lot:  "Ambigatus  is  fuit,  virtute  fortunaque 
cum  sua  tum  publica  praepollens,  quod  in  imperio 
eius  Gallia  adeo  frugum  hominumque  fertilis  fuit,  ut 
abundans  multitudo  vix  regi  videretur  posse.  Hie 
magno  natu  ipse  iam  exonerare  praegravante  turba 
regnum  cupiens  Bellovesum  ac  Segovesum  sororis  filios, 
inpigros  iuvenes,  missurum  se  esse  in  quas  dii  dedissent 
auguriis  sedes  ostendit:  quantum  ipsi  vellent  numerum 
hominum  excirent,  ne  qua  gens  arcere  advenientes 
posset.  Tum  Segoveso  sortibus  dati  Hercynei  saltus; 
Belloveso  haut  paulo  laetiorem  in  Italiam  viam  di 
dabant.  Is,  quod  eius  ex  populis  abundabat, 
Bituriges,  Arvernos,  Senones,  Aeduos,  Ambarros, 
Carnutes,  Aulercos  excivit."^  Livy  has  come  down 
in  a  very  bad  text,  and  Madvig's  Emendationes 
Livianae^  give  in  more  than  700  pages  only  a  part 
of  the  puzzling  errors  contained  in  it.  The  story  of 
Segovesus  is  purposeless  as  it  stands,  since  Livy  is 
only  dealing  with  the  Gauls  of  Italy.  Segovesus  is, 
no  doubt,  the  same  as  Segimerus  of  the  Arminius  epi- 
sode, a  person  that  played  an  important  genealogical 
part  in  it.*  The  transformation  from  a  German  to  a 
Gaul  will  become  clear  later  on. 

The  Hercynian  Forest  is  due  to  a  confusion  with  the 
Hyrcanian  Forest  of  Julian.  The  history  of  Ammianus, 
in  the  form  in  which  it  has  come  down  to  us,  is  not 

1  VI.  24-25. 

2  V.  34.  2-5. 
»Hauniae  1877. 

^  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  173. 


348     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

genuine,  but  must  be  based  on  some  previous  work, 
for  many  of  the  incidents  connected  with  Julian 
are  certainly  historical  and  not  due  to  the  Julian  ro- 
mance. Ammianus,  in  connection  with  Julian,  des- 
cribes Hyrcania  at  great  length,  and  especially  empha- 
sizes the  wildness  of  the  country  and  its  animals: 
"Interius  uero  pergenti  occurrunt  Hjrrcani,  quos  eius- 
dem  nominis  adluit  mare.  Apud  quos,  glebae  macie 
internecante  sementes,  ruris  colendi  cura  est  leuior, 
sed  uescuntur  uenatibus,  quorum  uarietate  inmane 
quantum  exuberant.  Ubi  etiam  tigridum  milia  multa 
cernuntur,  feraeque  bestiae  plures,  quae  cuiusmodi 
solent  capi  commentis,  dudum  nos  meminimus  rettu- 
lisse.  Nee  ideo  tamen  stiuam  ignorant,  sed  seminibus 
teguntur  aliquae  partes,  ubi  solum  est  pinguius,  nee 
arbusta  desunt  in  locis  habilibus  ad  plantandum,  et 
marinis  mercibus  plerique  sustentantur."^  While  he 
does  not  specifically  mention  Julian  in  the  Hyrcanian 
Forest,we  get  this  relation  in  the  Second  Syriac  Romance 
of  Julian's  Death.  I  shall  give  here  such  additional 
material^  as  bears  upon  our  subject.  King  Sapor  sent 
his  Mobed  Arimihr  to  Jovian,  asking  the  latter  to 
spare  the  Persians,  since  he  had  a  prophetic  knowledge 
that  Jovian  would  ultimately  be  conquered  by  the 
Persians.  The  Mobed  (chief  magistrate)  formed  a  fast 
friendship  with  Jovian  and  told  him  of  Sapor's  prepa- 
ration for  war.  Arimihr  became  a  Christian.  Julian 
waged  war  upon  Sapor  and  conquered  all  the  country 
from  the  Tigris  to  Bet  Aramdye.  Sapor  sent  a  dele- 
gation to  Julian,  asking  him  to  give  up  all  the  land 
between  the  Tigris  and  the  sea,  but  Julian  answered 
that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  pagan  holidays,  he  would 
even  then  be  in  Hyrcania. 

1  XXIII.  6.  50-51. 

2  Th.  Noldeke,  Ueber  den  syrischen  Roman  von  Kaiser  Julian,  in  Zeit- 
schrift  der  deutschen  morgenldndischen  Gesellschaft,  vol.  XXVIII,  p.  270  ff.; 
see  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  144  ff. 


THE  HERCYNIAN  FOREST  349 

Hyrcania  was  originally  a  country  in  the  Caucasus 
and  etymologically  identical  with  'I6r|Qia.^  This  was 
known  in  antiquity,  and  so  in  the  Liher  Generationum 
the  Hyreanians  are  derived  from  Heherr  But  in  the 
minds  of  the  ancients  Hyrcania  was  any  wild  country 
in  Asia.  Hence  Pliny  mentioned  Hyrcani  in  Mace- 
donia;'^ Strabo  places  some  Hyreanians  in  Lydia;* 
Servius  identifies  Hyrcania  with  Arabia;"^  a  Mons 
Hyrcanius  is  to  the  right  of  the  Taurus  mountain.^ 
If  Julian  himself  says  that  he  roamed  through  the 
Hercynian  Forest,  we  unquestionably  have  a  textual 
corruption  for  Hyrcanian  Forest:  "But  as  for  me,  I 
had  to  do  with  Celts  and  Germans  and  the  Hercynian 
Forest  {bQV\ibq  'EQXwiog)  from  the  moment  that  I 
was  reckoned  a  grown  man."''  That  he  had  in  mind 
the  Alanians  in  the  Caucasus  follows  from  his  refer- 
ence to  the  Hercynian  Forest  as  far  worse  than  Thes- 
salian  Tempe  or  Thermopylae  or  Taurus:  «nQ65 
Tr]v  'Epxijviav  vhfj  eO^eopiev,  xal  elSov  eyci)  XQ^!^^  8|aiaiov 
ibov  yoxrv  aoi  OaQQCov  eyw  eyyiJco^iai,  ^ir|jcoT8  wcpO-ai  toiov- 
Tov  piiiSev,  oaa  ye  i]\i£lc,  I'a^iev,  £V  tfj  'PoD^aicov  dXV  site 
xd  0eTTa?.ixd  TefiJir]  hvo6axa  vo^iil^ei  xig  eite  xdg  08Q^io- 
jTuXag  £1X8  xov  ^leyav  xal  8i(oA,iJyiov  TavQov,  eXdxiaxa 
Taxco  "/o7v8jr6xiixoc  8V8xa  nQoq  x6  'Eqxijviov  6vxa».^ 

In  Strabo  the  account  of  Germany  begins  with  the 
settlement  of  the  Marsi  in  Germany.  I  have  already 
shown  how  this  interpolation  arose. ^  Then  we  hear 
of  the  Hercynian  Forest  and  the  Suevi  and  Quadi  who 

'  J.  Marquart,  Beitrage  zur  Geschichfe  und  Sage  von  Erdn,  in  Zeitschrift  der 
deutschen  morgenldndischen  Gesellschaft,  vol.  XLIX,  p.  632  f. 

-'  Force'lini,  sub  Hyrca^ii. 

'  V.  120. 

*XIU.  4.  13. 

6  Aen.  IV.  367. 

"  Pliny,  V.  99. 

'  MioojTcoyovv.  p.  359. 

**  F.  C.  Hertlein,  luliani  Imperaloris  quae  supersunt  .  omnia,  Lipsiae 

1875,  vol.  I,  p.  608  f. 

9  See  my  Contributions,  vol.  Ill,  p.  161. 


350     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

live  there.  There  is  also  Buiaemum,  the  realm  of 
Maroboduus,  who  took  his  Marcomanni  there  and  sub- 
jugated the  Lui,  Zumi,  Butones,  Mugilones,  Sibini, 
and  the  Suevian  Semnones.  According  to  him  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Hercynian  Forest  are  Germanic 
Suevi.  They  do  not  cultivate  the  ground,  and  live 
from  day  to  day,  like  nomads.  The  Hercynian  Forest 
is  dense  and  impenetrable,  but  in  the  inside  there  is 
an  inhabitable  place.  Here  the  Danube  begins.  There 
is  also  another  large  forest,  Gabreta,  beyond  which 
is  the  Hercynian  Forest,  held  by  the  Suevi:  «''EaTi 
§8  xa  piev  jiQcata  |X8QT]  xfig  %(X)Qa<;  xamr[g  xd  jtgog  tw  Trjvo) 
IX8'/QI  TOW  ex6oA,o5v  djto  xf\c,  7n\yf\q  dQ§a|xevoig*  a%Ebbv  hi 
XI  xai  toijt'  80X1  x6  ecrjteQiov  xfjg  xoigaq  jt^dxog,  f]  jioxaiiia 
naoa-  xaiJXTig  be  xa  fxev  8ig  xrV  K8?iXL>criv  |i8XT]YaYov  Tco- 
^aioi,  xd  8'  eqpOi]  ^8xaaxdvxa  8ig  xfiv  8V  j3d0^8i  x^Qocv, 
xaddjt8Q  MaQaoi-  A,oiJioi  8'  8iaiv  oA.iyo''  ^oci  xcov  Sovyd^- 
6qcov  ^i8Qog'  ^8xd  bk  xovq  jiaQajtoxa^iovg  xdA,?id  saxiv  sOvri 
xd  ^8xa|i)  xoij  'Prjvov  xai  xov  "AX6iog  jioxajiov,  og  jiaQdA- 
A,r]A,6g  Jicog  exeivco  qsi  jiQog  xov  MKzavov,  oiix  8A,dxx(o  %(X)Qav 
bieS.iihv  r\7iEQ  sx8ivog'  e'lai  8s  n8Ta|i)  xal  d^Xoi  jioxa|Aoi 
jiA,{oxoi  (d)v  8V  xw 'A^aoia  AQoijaog  Bpovxx&Qoijg  xaxevav- 
lid'moE),  Q80vx8g  woaiJxoDg  djio  voxov  JiQog  poQQdv  xai  xov 
d)X8av6v  e^fiQxai  ydp  f)  x^Qoc  jiQog  voxov  xai  avvzxf\  xaig 
''A^ji80i  JI0181  gd^iv  xivd  Jigog  eo)  x8xapi8VT]v,  (og  dv  |.isQog 
oijoav  xcbv  "A^:ji8cov  xai  bi]  xai  djtsqpfjvocvxo  xiV8g  ouxcog  8id 
X8  xrjv  Xey^^Elaav  OeoiV  xai  8 id  xo  yir{v  avxr\v  vXr{'v  exqpeQSiv 
ov  \iY\v  8Jti  xoaoijxo  ye  \i^0(;  dvioyEi  xd  xavxr\  [asqt]'  evxaiJO^a  8' 
80X1  xai  6  'Egxijviog  8QVfx6g  xai  xd  xwv  Sori6(ov  eOvr),  xd  ^lev 
oixoirvxa  evxog  xov  bov[iov,  xaOdjtsQ  xd  xdjv  Koa8oijoov  8v 
olg  eaxi  xai  x6  Boviai|xov,  x6  xoij  MaQo668ou  PaaiA,eiov, 
8ig  ov  8X8ivog  xojcov  dXXovc,  X8  ji8xavsaxT]a8  :n;?i8iovg  xai  bi] 
xai  xoiig  6jio80v8ig  eavxco  MaQxo|i,|idvovg'  ejieoxii  ydo  xoig 
jipdyixaaiv  otxog  8^  i8icoxoi>  fxexd  xrjv  ex  'P«)^T]g  ejidvoSov 
v8og  ydo  fjv  8v9d88  xai  8i)8Qy8X8ixo  vnb  xov  S86aaxoi3, 
EJtav8A,dd)v  8e  88irvdax8i^a8  xai  xaxexxT^aaxo  JiQog  olg  eluov 


THE  HERCYNIAN  FOREST  351 

Aoviovq  xe,  ^sya  eOvog,  xal  Zoxj^iovg  xai  FoiiTcovag  xal 
MovyiXcyivac,  xal  Si6ivoi)g  koX  xcov  2ori6(ov  axjtcov  \iiya 
eOvog,  Sefxvcovag-  ji?if]v  xd  ye  tcov  Soi]6ol)v,  cog  8q)Tiv,  eOnr]  xd 
H8V  evxog  oixsi,  xd  §8  exxog  xoi)  Spv^iov,  ofxoga  xoig  Fexaig- 
l-ieyioxov  ^lev  oijv  x6  xwv  2orj6(ov  edvog*  Sirjxei  y^Q  o^o 
xoii  Trivou  \iixQi  xov  "AA6iog'  jxegog  8s  xi  aitxcov  xal  jiepav 
xoxi  *'AA6iog  vepiExai,  xadojisQ  'Eq|x6v8oqoi  xal  Aayxo- 
60^801*  vwL  8e  xal  xsA-ewg  sig  xr)v  jiSQaiav  oijxoi  y&  exjte- 
jtxobxaoi  q)8iJY0VXEg'  xoivov  8'  eoxlv  djiaai  xoig  xamxi  x6 
:i8qI  xdg  ^i8xavaaxda8ig  su^apeg  8id  xf]v  X,ix6xr)xa  xoii  piov 
xal  8id  x6  jiT]  Y^wQyeiv  \iy\hE  ^Tiaa'UQi^Eiv,  dA,A,'  ev  xa?.u- 
6ioig  oixeiv,  eqpTJueQov  e%ovoi  jiaQaaxevrjv  XQocpr]  8'  duo 
xcov  dQepi|idxo)v  f\  nXeioxn],  xaO^djiep  xoig  No|idaiv,  wax' 
8X£ivovg  pii[xoij[A8voi  xd  oix8ia  xaig  dQ|xand|aig  ejidpavxeg, 
ojqi  dv  865ll,  xQe:iovxai  H8xd  xcov  poaxr||idxcov».^ 
«'0  88  'Epx-uviog  8Qi^n6g  jivxvoxepog  xs  eaxi  xal  ^xeya- 
X688v8Qog  ev  xcogioig  spupivoig,  xijx^ov  ji8Qda[x6dvcov 
\iiyav,  8V  jieacp  bk  i8QaJxai  /copa  xa^cbg  oixeicrO^ai  8\JvapievT], 
jt8Ql  fjg  8iQi^xan8V  eaxi  88  jtAriaiov  awfig  f\  X8  xoiJ  "laxpou 
jiriYT]  xal  f)  xov  Trjvov,  xal  r\  fi8xa|i)  dp,qpoiv  A,ipivr]  xal  xd 
eXj]  xd  ex  xov  'Prjvou  8iax86^8va'  eaxi  8'  f]  Xi\ivr\  xi]v  piev 
(jtegipiexQov  axa8icov  'iJtA-eiovcov  r\  XQiaxoaicov,  8iaQp,a  8e 
EYY'^'^  8iaxoaicov  e'xei  8e  xal  vfiaov,  J  exQ^iaaxo  6Q|ir]XT]Qicp 
Ti6eQiog  vaD|n,a'/cov  JiQog  OiiivSoXixoijg-  voxicoxepa  8' 
eaxi  xcov  xov  "laxpou  Jtr]Y^v  ^otl  avxy\,  (xal  6  'EQxiJViog 
8QV|x6g,)  wcrr'  dvdyw(\  xco  ex  xfjg  KeXxixfjg  em  xov  'Eqxxj- 
viov  8qd^i6v  lovxi  jtqcoxov  [.lev  8iajieQdaai  xf)V  Xi\ivr\v,  e'jieixa 
xov  "laxQov,  eix'  ri8ri  81'  evjtexeaxepcov  x^Qicxiv  em  xov 
8()U[a6v  xdg  jiQo6daeig  iJioieiaOai  81'  OQOTOSicav  fi|iepi]aiov 
8'  djio  xfjg  X,i|xvrig  jigoeX^wv  686v  TiSepiog  el88  xdg  xoO 
"laxQou  7vr\ydi^'  jigoaojixovxai  88  xfjg  ^ijxvrig  ejt'  oXiyov  jiev 
ol  'Paixoi,  x6  8e  jtA,eov  'EA,o\rrixxioi  xal  Ot)Lv8o?iixol  xal 
f|  Boicov  eQT]!iia-  [lixQi  Ilavvovicov  jcdvxeg,  x6  jt?i8ov  8' 
'EA-ovrixxioi  xal  0'i)iv8oA,ixoi,   oixoiiaiv  6Qo:Te8ia.   'Paixol 

ivii.  1.  3. 


352    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

§8  xai  NooQixoi  fiexQt  tcov  'AA-jiicov  {)ji8q6oA,(ov  dvio%ovai 
xal  jTQog  x\\v  'lTaA,iav  jieQivsTJOuaiv,  oi  \ikv  ^Ivaov^goiq 
GwdiiTovxzq,  01  hz  KaQvoig  xal  xolc,  jieqI  ttiv  'AxvXriiav 
XcoQioig*  80X1  88  xai  dXky\  v}ir\  [xeyaA,!]  ra6Qfjta  em  Tdb8 
T(bv  Sor]6(ov,  8Ji8X8iva  8'  6  'Epxirviog  Spv^iog*  sxetai  Se 
xdx8ivoc;  vt^  avx(bv»^ 

The  description  of  the  Hercynian  Forest  is  identical 
with  that  of  Hyrcania  by  Ammianus.  The  story  of 
Maroboduus  is  not  given  in  detail  in  Strabo,  any  more 
than  in  Velleius  Paterculus.^  But  we  get  a  full  account 
in  Tacitus'  Annales  and  Ger mania,  from  which  it  ap- 
pears clearly  that  we  are  dealing  here  with  the  romance 
of  Julian's  death:  "sic  Sugambros  in  deditionem  ac- 
ceptos,  sic  Suebos  regemque  Maroboduum  pace  ob- 
strictum."^  "Nee  multo  post  Drusus  in  Illyricum 
missus  est,  ut  suesceret  militiae  studiaque  exercitus 
pararet ;  simul  iuvenem  urbano  luxu  lascivientem  melius 
in  castris  haberi  Tiberius  seque  tutiorem  rebatur  utro- 
que  filio  legiones  obtinente.  Sed  Suebi  praetende- 
bantur  auxilium  adversus  Cheruscos  orantes.  Nam 
discessu  Romanorum  vacui  externo  metu,  gentis  ad- 
suetudine  et  tum  aemulatione  gloriae  arma  in  se 
verterant.  Vis  nationum,  virtus  ducum  in  aequo: 
set  Maroboduum  regis  nomen  invisum  aput  populares, 
Arminium  pro  libertate  bellantem  favor  habebat. 
Igitur  non  modo  Cherusci  sociique  eorum,  vetus 
Arminii  miles,  sumpsere  bellum;  sed  e  regno  etiam 
Marobodui  Suebae  gentes,  Semnones  ac  Langobardi, 
defecere  ad  eum.  Quibus  additis  praepoUebat,  ni 
Inguiomerus  cum  manu  clientium  ad  Maroboduum 
perfugisset,  non  aliam  ob  causam  quam  quia  fratris 
filio  iuveni  patruus  senex  parere  dedignabatur.  Deri- 
guntur  acies,   pari   utrimque   spe,   nee,   ut  olim  aput 

1  VII.  1.  5. 

*II.  109,  119,  129. 

3  Ann.  II.  26. 


THE  HERCYN[AN  FOREST  353 

Germanos,  vagis  incursibus  aut  disiectas  per  catervas: 
quippe  longa  adversum  nos  militia  insueverant  sequi 
signa,  subsidiis  firmari,  dicta  imperatorum.  accipere. 
Ac  tunc  Arminius  equo  conlustrans  cuncta,  ut  quosque 
advectus  erat,  reciperatam  libertatem,  trucidatas  legi- 
ones,  spolia  adbuc  et  tela  Romanis  derepta  in  manibus 
multorum  ostentabat;  contra  fugacem  Maroboduum 
appellans,  proeliorum  expertem,  Hercyniae  latebris  de- 
fensum,  ac  mox  per  dona  et  legationes  petivisse  foedus, 
proditorem  patriae,  satellitem  Caesaris,  baud  minus 
infensis  animis  exturbandum  quam  Varum  Quintilium 
interfecerint.  Meminissent  modo  tot  proeliorum;  quo- 
rum eventu  et  ad  postremum  eiectis  Romanis  satis 
probatum,  penes  utros  summa  belli  fuerit.  Neque 
Maroboduus  iactantia  sui  aut  probris  in  hostem  ab- 
stinebat,  sed  Inguiomerum  tenens,  illo  in  corpore  decus 
omne  Cheruscorum,  illius  consiliis  gesta  quae  prospere 
ceciderint,  testabatur:  vaecordem  Arminium  et  rerum 
nescium  alienam  gloriam  in  se  trahere.  Quoniam  tres 
vacuas  legiones  et  ducem  fraudis  ignarum  perfidia 
deceperit,  magna  cum  clade  Germaniae  et  ignominia 
sua,  cum  coniunx,  cum  filius  eius  servitium  adhuc 
tolerent.  At  se  duodecim  legionibus  petitum  duce 
Tiberio  inlibatam  Germanorum  gloriam  servavisse, 
mox  condicionibus  acquis  discessum;  neque  paenitere 
quod  ipsorum  in  manu  sit,  integrum  adversum  Ronianos 
bellum  an  pacem  incruentam  malint.  His  vocibus 
instinctos  exercitus  propriae  quoque  causae  stimula- 
bant,  cum  a  Cheruscis  Langobardisque  pro  antiquo 
decore  aut  recenti  libertate  et  contra  augendae  domi- 
nationi  certaretur.  Non  alias  maiore  mole  concursum 
neque  ambiguo  magis  eventu,  fusis  utrimque  dextris 
cornibus.  Sperabaturque  rursum  pugna,  ni  Maro- 
boduus castra  in  coUes  subduxisset.  Id  signum  perculsi 
fuit;  et  transfugiis  paulatim  nudatus  in  Marcomanos 
concessit  misitque  legatos  ad  Tiberium  oraturos  auxilia. 


354     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

Responsum  est  non  iure  eum  adversus  Cheruscos  arma 
Romana  invocare,  qui  pugnantis  in  eundem  hostem 
Romanos  nulla  ope  iuvisset.  Missus  tamen  Drusus, 
ut  rettulimus,  paci  firmator.'"  "Dum  ea  aestas  Ger- 
manico  plures  per  provincias  transigitur,  haud  leve 
decus  Drusus  quaesivit  inliciens  Germanos  ad  dis- 
cordias  utque  fracto  iam  Maroboduo  usque  in  exitium 
insisteretur.  Erat  inter  Gotones  nobilis  iuvenis  nomine 
Catualda,  profugus  olim  vi  Marobodui  et  tunc  dubiis 
rebus  eius  ultionem  ausus.  Is  valida  manu  fines 
Marcomanorum  ingreditur  corruptisque  primoribus  ad 
societatem  inrumpit  regiam  castellumque  iuxta  situm. 
Veteres  illic  Sueborum  praedae  et  nostris  e  provinciis 
lixae  ac  negotiatores  reperti,  quos  ius  commercii,  dein 
cupido  augendi  pecuniam,  postremum  oblivio  patriae 
suis  quemque  ab  sedibus  hostilem  in  agrum  transtulerat. 
Maroboduo  undique  deserto  non  aliut  subsidium  quam 
misericordia  Caesaris  fuit.  Transgressus  Danuvium, 
qua  Noricam  provinciam  praefluit,  scripsit  Tiberio 
non  ut  profugus  aut  supplex,  sed  ex  memoria  prioris 
fortunae:  nam  multis  nationibus  clarissimum  quondam 
regem  ad  se  vocantibus  Romanam  amicitiam  praetulisse. 
Responsum  a  Caesare  tutam  ei  honoratamque  sedem  in 
Italia  fore,  si  maneret:  sin  rebus  eius  aliut  conduceret, 
abiturum  fide  qua  venisset.  Ceterum  aput  senatum  dis- 
seruit  non  Philippum  Atheniensibus,  non  Pyrrhum  aut 
Antiochum  populo  Romano  perinde  metuendos  fuisse. 
Extat  oratio  qua  magnitudinem  viri,  violentiam  subiec- 
tarum  ei  gentium,  et  quam  propinquus  Italiae  hostis, 
suaque  in  destruendo  eo  consilia  extulit,  Et  Maro- 
boduus  quidem  Ravennae  habitus,  si  quando  insoles- 
cerent  Suebi,  quasi  rediturus  in  regnum  ostentabatur."' 
"Igitur  inter  Hercyniam  silvam  Rhenumque  et  Moe- 
num  amnes   Helvetii,   ulteriora  Boii,   Gallica  utraque 

'  II.  44-4G. 
2 II.  62-63. 


THE  HERCYNIAN  FOREST  355 

gens,  tenuere.  Manet  adhue  Boihemi  nomen,  signatque 
loci  veterem  memoriam,  quamvis  mutatis  cultori- 
bus."^  "luxta  Hermunduros  Varisti,  ac  deinde  Mar- 
comani  et  Quadi  agunt.  Praecipua  Marcomanorum 
gloria  viresque,  atque  ipsa  etiam  sedes,  pulsis  olim 
Boiis,  virtute  parta."^ 

Arminius  is  Julian,  and  as  the  Mobed  Arimihr  united 
with  Jovian,  so  Maroboduus  unites  with  Inguiomerus, 
the  uncle  of  Arminius,  against  Arminius.  Mobed  is 
written  in  Syriac  VjLaaio  muptd,  i-jLsna:^  muhbtd,  in 
Arabic  i->«  muhidz.  One  of  these  suggested  Maro- 
boduus, which  was  possibly  a  German  name.  Simi- 
larly, \^r-\  ^^-^  Bet  Garma  produced  Boihemum,  through 
the    Arab.    <*./r^     Ba^arma,    which    was    read    <*^V 

Baharma.  No  doubt  Arimihr,  the  name  of  the  Mobed, 
is  responsible  for  Inguiomerus. 

The  ultimate  aim  of  Julian  is  Hyrcania,  and  Arminius 
besieges  the  last  stronghold  of  Maroboduus  in  the 
Hercynian  Forest.  Boihemum  suggested  that  the  Gallic 
Boi  had  settled  there  before,  and  thus  arose  the  Gauls 
in  the  Hercynian  Forest.  The  Periegesis,  which  is 
wrongly  ascribed  to  Priscian,  has  the  following  passage: 
"Saltibus  Hercyniis  Germania  subiacet  atrox.  |  Haec 
tergo  similis  taurino  dicitur  esse,  |  Et  pascit  volucres, 
mirum  fulgentibus  alls,  |  Quels  ducibus  noctu  cernuntur 
flexa  viarum."^  Here  the  forger  not  only  got  his  account 
of  the  fire-birds  out  of  Aethicus,  Isidore,  and  Pliny, 
but  from  Pliny's  reference  to  Hyrcania  near  the  Taurus, 
which  we  found  also  correlated  in  the  same  way  in 
Julian,  came  to  the  absurd  conclusion  that  Germany 
resembled  a  bull's  hide.  It  may  be  he  thought  of  the 
"atrox  bubalus"  in  the  Hercynian  Forest. 

'  Ger.  XXVIII. 
=  XLII. 

■'  275-278. 


356    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 

In  a  considerable  number  of  cases  it  is  not  possible 
to  ascertain  whether  the  Hercynian  Forest  is  the  one 
in  Germany,  hence  of  late  origin,  or  the  generalized 
Hyrcanian  Forest,  somewhere  in  the  East,  at  the  head 
of  the  Tanais  River.  The  latter  is  certainly  the  case 
in  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  who  says  that  Germany 
extends  *'as  far  as"  the  Hercynian  Forest.^  The  same 
is  true  of  many  of  the  other  passages  given  in  Holder,^ 
and  in  some  of  the  cases  the  Hercynian  Forest  may  very 
early  have  been  located  somewhere  in  Germany,  as 
seems  to  be  the  case  in  Ptolemy,  if  the  references  are 
not  interpolations.  But  the  elaboration  of  the  Hercy- 
nian Forest  with  its  fabulous  beasts  and  the  Arminian 
episode  all  unquestionably  belong  to  the  VIII.  century. 

'  XIV.  1.  2. 
2  Op.  cit. 


WORD  INDEX 


Alb.  =Albanian. —  Alt.  =Altaic. —  Annam.  =Annamese. —  Arab.  =Arabic. —  Aram.  =Ara- 
maic. —  Armen.  =Armenian. —  Armor.  =Armoric. —  AS.  =Anglo  Saxon. —  Assyr.  =Assyrian. — 
Aves.  =Avestan. —  Babil.  =Babilonian. —  Bas.  =Ba8que.—  Behar  =Behar. —  Bel.  =Belujistan, 

—  Ber6er  =  Berber. —  B»7.  =Bilin. —  Bofe.  =  Bohemian. —  Bre*.  =  Breton. — •  Caj.  =  Cagatay. — 
Can^  =  Cantonese. —  Car.  =Carib. —  Ca<a?.  =  Catalan. —  Cecfe  =Cech. —  CftaW.  =Chaldaic. — 
CM'n.  =  Chinese. — •  Cop*.  =Coptic. —  Corn.  =Cornish. —  Dan.  =  Danish. —  Djeb.  =D}ebel  Ne- 
fusa. —  DroD.  =Dravidian. —  Dutch  =  Dutch. —  Egyp. —Egyptian. —  JSnff.  =  English. —  Esth.  = 
Esthonian. —  £<ft.  =Ethiopic.' —  Fin.  =Finnish. —  Fr.  =  French.—  f  uc^.  ^Fuchau. —  Gael.  = 
Gaelic. —  Gol.  =Galibi. —  Geor.  =  Georgian. —  Ger.  =  German. —  Gtps  j/ =  Gipsy. —  Gondi  = 
Gondi.—  Got/i.  =  Gothic—  Gr.  =  Greek. —  Guar.  =Guarani. —  Gu/.  =Gujarati. —  He6.  =Heb- 
rew. —  H?nd.  =  Hindustani. —  /ioc.  =IIocano. —  /ioj.  =ltalian. —  Jap.  =Japanese. —  Juk.  = 
Jukagir. —  Kab.  =Kabyl. — •  Kamass.  =Kamassinian. —  Kann.  =Kannada. —  Karag.  =Karagass. 

—  Xaz.  Tat.  =  Kazan  Tatar. —  Xtr.  =  Kirgiz.—  Koi6.  =  Koibal. —  /Coto=Kota.—  KoU.  = 
Kottian. —  Kurd.  =  Kurdish. —  Lad.  =Ladin. —  Lamut  =Lamut. —  Lang.  =Langobard. —  Lap. 
=Lappish. —  Lat.  =Latin. —  Lett.  =Lettish. —  LGer.  =Low  German. —  Lith.  =Lithuanian. — 

LLa<.  =  Late  Latin  or  Low  Latin. —  Masy.  =  Magyar. —  MoL  =  Malay. —  Af aJavaJ.  =  Malay- 
alam. —  M.PoJ.  =Malayo-PoIynesian. —  Af  onc/j.  =  Manchu. —  Afaor.  =  Maori. —  Mar.= 
Marathi. —  MDut.  =  Middle  Dutch. —  MEng.  =  Middle  English. —  MGr.  =  Middle  Greek.— 
MHG.=  Middle  High  German. —  AfLG.=  Middle  Low  German. —  Afonsr.  =  Mongolian. — 
Mzo6=Mzab. —  ATa^.  =Nahuatl. —  Nam.  =Namur. —  OBulg.  =  Old  Bulgarian. —  OFr.  =01d 
Frenph.—  OHG.  =01d  High  German.—  Olr.  =01d  Irish.—  ONorse  =01d  Norse.—  OPers.  =01d 
Persian. — -  OPor<.  ==  Old  Portuguese.^ —  OProf.  =  Old  Provengal. —  OPruss.  =  Old  Prussian. — 
OS.  =01d  Saxon. —  Osm.  =Osmanli. —  OSpan.  =01d  Spanish. —  Oaset.  =Ossetinian. —  Palm.  = 
Palmyrene. — ■  PeW.  =Pehlevi. —  Perm.  =  Permian. —  Pfrs.  =  Persian. —  Pied.  =  Piedmont. — 
Pol.  =Polish. —  Polyn.  =Polynesian.—  Port.  =  Portuguese. —  Prak.  =Prakrit. —  Pror.  =Proven- 
cal. —  Pruss.  =  Prussian. —  Rae. Rom.  =Raeto  Romanic. —  Kedam.  =  Redames. —  Rum.  = 
Rumanian. —  iJuss.  =  Russian. —  Km^A.  =Ruthenian. —  Sansfc.  =  Sanskrit. —  Sard.  =  Sardinian. 

—  Serb.  =Serbian. —  Sing.  =Singhalese. —  Slav.  =Slavic. —  Soy.  =Soyot.-7-  Span.  =Spanish. — 
Sulu  =Sulu.—  Sumer.  =Sumerian. —  Syr.  =Syriao. —  Syry.  =Syryenian.' —  Tag.  =Tagalog. — 
Tafc.  =Tahitian. —  Taino  =Taino. —  Taim.  =Talmudic. —  Tam.  =  Tamil. —  Tamaz.  = 
Tamazirt.—  Tat.  =Tatar.—  Tel.  =Telugu.—  Tib.  =Tibetan.—  Toda  =Toda.—  Tom.  = 
Tomahek. —  Tuar.  =  Tuareg. —  TuJ.  =Tulu. —  T^Mn?.  =Tunguz.—  Tupt  =Tupi. —  TuTk.= 
Turkish. —  T/ig'.  =  Uigur. —  Voffui  =Vogul. —  Vo<.  =Votyak. —  WoH.  =  Walloon. —  WaTS.= 
Warsenis. —   H'eZsfc  =  Welsh. —   WRuss.  ='White  Russian. —   yaJ:.=  Yakut. —   yen.  =Yenisey. 

—  Y.Ost.  =Yenisey  Ostyak. — 


Heb. 

aalim,  40. 

Gr. 

axa.iv,  axiv,  62. 

Assyr. 

adlu,  45. 

Gr. 

axoidvri,  63. 

Copt. 

ahxrom,  345. 

OFr. 

achapter,  216. 

LLat. 

nbelindea,  307. 

LLat. 

achasium,  215. 

Kab. 

aberkan,  298. 

Fr. 

achat,  216. 

Kab. 

aberquq,  298. 

OPort. 

achatar,  216. 

Gr. 

a^eprr,,  27. 

Copt. 

achates,  131. 

Arab. 

'ablr,  221. 

Fr. 

acheter,  216. 

Arab. 

'abkar,  212. 

LLat. 

achlin,  62. 

Arab. 

'ablagu,  297,  298. 

OHG. 

achsel,  308. 

LLat. 

ablinda,  77,  307. 

WRuss. 

axvicer,  xxxii. 

Arab. 

abnus,  181. 

Arab. 

'addfU,  308. 

Arab. 

'obqdhu,  330. 

Span. 

adaragadante,  32. 

Arab. 

'abu  gi'rdn,  345. 

Span. 

adarga,  21. 

Kab. 

aburiul,  54. 

Span. 

adarga  de  ante,  32 

OSpan. 

acabdar,  216. 

AS. 

adexa,  308. 

LLat. 

accaptare,  216. 

AS. 

adexe,  308. 

ItaL 

accatinre,  216. 

OHG. 

adexta,  308. 

Gr. 

axalvr)s,  63. 

LLat. 

adis,  77. 

WORD   INDEX 


359 


LLat.  adquisilum,  216. 
Arab.  'adrafut,  308. 

Arab.  'adzdflt,  308. 

OHG.  aedehse,  308. 
Gr.  ^Aeia/xfiv.  40. 

Or.  a<p{\iTpoVj  37. 

AS.  aferian,  30. 

Russ.  Afiny,  xxxii. 

Copt.  a/ioz/,  327. 

Kann.  agalte,  112. 

Kann.  agarte,  112. 

Kann.  agate,  112. 

Drav.  a^e,  113. 

Tuar.  agezzeram,  309. 

Tom.  agezzerana,  309. 

Drav.  agii,  113. 

AS.  agZdc,  327. 

AS.  agldeca,  327. 

OFr.  a^iois,  325. 

Goth.  aglaitei,  326. 

Prov.  aglay,  325. 

Span.  aglayo,  326. 

AS.  o^/eca,  327. 

Goth.  aglipa,  32(). 

Goth.  aj^Zo,  326. 

Goth.  aglvs,  326. 

Gr.  dypwffrai,  63. 

Egyp.  o7^,  4. 

Copt.  «/ie,  a/iaw,  4. 

Goth.  aiftr,  31. 

Gr.  aiyaffrpos,  41. 

OHG.  aigilaihi,  327. 

Tat.  ak-as,  316. 

Eth.  i4A:uils,  144. 

Fr.  alabranda,  307. 

Arab.  a'Zd^,  327. 

Arab.  'aZdg,  327. 

Copt.  olak,  192.^ 

Juk.  alatschawo,  315. 

Arab.  alazward,  118. 

Lat.  aZce,  59. 

LLat.  alcinus,  65. 

Ital.  Algarre,  li. 

Tat.  dZiA-,  45. 

Arab.  ainiZ,  335. 

Copt.  nlok,  327. 

Ger.  .1/iar,  xx.w. 

Assyr.  din,  45. 

LLat.  alurnen  jacmini,  I9h 

LLat.  timaricare,  234. 

LLat.  amaricatio,  235. 

Slav.  iiwbar,  237. 

LLat.  ambarium ,  237. 

LLat.  utnbarrum,  237. 


Copt. 

Arab. 

Eth. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Syr. 

Gr. 

OProv. 

Catal. 

LLat. 

Span. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Catal. 

Aram. 

Arab. 

Lang. 

Arab. 

Heb. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Gr. 

Fr. 

Span. 

Ger.  (dial 

Span. 

Eng. 

LLat. 

Gr. 

Prov. 

Span. 

Rum. 

Ger.  (dial 

Fr. 

Ger. 

Eng. 

LLat. 

Arab. 

Chald. 

Arab. 

LLat. 

OPers. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Lat. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Egyp. 

Tat. 

Arab. 

Egyp. 


ameri,  306. 

'amina,  233. 

amlre,  306. 

ammaricare,  237. 

ammaricatio,  234. 

amqatd,  303. 

d^Traarw,  330. 

ampar,  234. 

ampara,  236. 

amparamentum ,  233. 

arnparar,  234. 

amparare,  234. 

amparicare,  234. 

amparo,  236. 

'amy-  'iza,  Ivii. 

'amiin,  233. 

amund,  233. 

'anaq,  231. 

andqd,  303. 

'anbdr,  220. 

'anhar,  221. 

avebXof,  72. 

andouiller,  72. 

aniZ,  335. 
.)     anA:e,  231. 

anfe,  32. 

on</er,  72. 

antida,  72. 

ddpTTji,  27. 

apara,  236. 

aparcjo,  31. 

apSra,  237. 
.)     Apetlk,  xxxviii. 

appareil,  32. 

Appetit,  xxxviii. 

apricot,  298. 

aptalops,  72. 

'aqhbain,  62. 

aqmitd,  303. 

'aqrdt,  193. 

arcomus,  77. 

ariz,  243. 

armenius,  318. 

armerinae,  320. 

arminiae,  320. 

arnoglossa,  338. 

'arsah,  313. 

'arus,  312. 

'arusah,  313. 

'nrusdilah,  313. 

ds,  309. 

fls,  315. 

dsad,  286. 

ase?«,  305. 


360    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Djeb. 

asermesan,  309. 

Copt. 

asira,  309. 

Gr. 

do-KoXa/Sos,  303. 

Gr. 

d(rKaXa/3aiT77J,  303. 

Gr. 

a.<TKirii)S,  173. 

Gr. 

i<ririd6e<T(Ta^  239. 

Gr. 

affrepia^  307. 

Gr. 

dffTepLiov^  307. 

LLat. 

atalos,  72. 

OProv. 

atieirar,  3L 

OFr. 

atir,  31. 

OFr. 

atirance,  31. 

OFr. 

atourer,  31. 

Arab. 

'dtsa\  309. 

LLat. 

attula,  72. 

OProv. 

aturar,  31. 

Arab. 

'alwdr,  31. 

LLat. 

atistulapsa,  72. 

LLat. 

autala,  72. 

LLat. 

autalops,  70. 

LLat. 

autula,  71,  72. 

Aves. 

avaretd,  27. 

OFr. 

avarie,  30. 

OFr. 

aper  de  pozs,  Ixxvi. 

LLat. 

a^ere,  28. 

ItaL 

at'ere  di  peso,  Ixxvi. 

AS. 

averian,  30. 

LLat. 

averium  ponderis,  Ixxvi. 

Lat. 

averta,  27. 

LLat. 

axin,  63. 

Tamaz. 

azermuni,  309. 

Arab. 

'azlam,  333. 

Lat. 

bacalusiae,  197. 

Port. 

6acia,  202. 

Span. 

6acm,  202. 

Arab. 

Baaarma,  355. 

Pers. 

bd/ia/i,  219. 

Arab. 

ftaitr,  140. 

Boh.  (Am.)     baksna,  Ixxix. 

Sulu 

fcdZan,  xlii. 

Arab. 

balaqun,  297. 

Arab. 

feoZbai,  140. 

Arab. 

baZZilr,  118. 

Arab. 

balqa'u,  297. 

Span. 
OFr. 

banasta,  205. 

banastrCj  205. 

Annam. 

bang,  xliv. 

Ft. 

6anne,  205. 

LLat. 

barcanda,  201. 

LLat. 

Bardaicus,  200. 
bardocu£uilus,  200. 

LLat. 

OFr. 

?>anc/e,  120. 

Yak. 

barin,  110. 

LLat. 

baros,  29. 

Gr. 

/Sdpos,  27. 

LLat. 

barra,  237. 

LLat. 

barrare,  237. 

LLat. 

barrium,  237. 

Boh.  (Am.)     bdrum,  Ixxix. 

LLat. 

bascalda,  201. 

Lat. 

bascauda,  200. 

LLat. 

bascaula,  201. 

Fr. 

bassin,  202. 

LLat. 

bastauda,  201. 

Gr. 

jSorpdxtoy,  175. 

Boh.  (Am 

)  batrflaj,  bcxix. 

LLat. 

battulus,  98. 

MHG. 

bederich,  xxxviii 

OFr. 

6eZe<<e,  312. 

Sing. 

belisippiya,  141 

Smg. 

6eHd,  141. 

Smg. 

6eZZo,  141. 

Syr. 

belurd,  118. 

Welsh 

feenn,  206. 

LLat. 

fcenna,  203,  205. 

OFr. 

bennastre,  205. 

Taino 

beori,  35. 

OHG. 

berala,  119. 

Gr. 

/3^p/3epi,  141. 

OHG. 

berelon,  119. 

Eth. 

Bergdnd,  143. 

OFr. 

6mc,  120. 

OFr. 

bericle,  120. 

OHG. 

bemZ,  120. 

OHG. 

beriillis,  120. 

LLat. 

berillus,  118. 

OFr. 

berique,  120. 

OHG. 

6erZe,  119. 

OHG. 

berlin,  119. 

LLat. 

berolus,  118. 

Kab. 

bergec,  298. 

OHG. 

berre,  119. 

Kab. 

ftemfc,  298. 

Svr. 

berulhd,  118. 

Gr. 

^T^pvXKos,  117. 

OHG. 

berulon,  119. 

LLat. 

berulus,  118. 

Lat. 

beryllus,  114. 

MLG. 

beschudden,  223 

MLG. 

beschutten,  223. 

Fr. 

besides,  120. 

AS. 

besparrian,  237. 

Syr. 

Be(  Garma,  355. 

OFr. 

bezique,  120. 

Ital. 

bianco,  298. 

Arab. 

62A:r,  140. 

Goth. 

bilaikan,  328. 

WORD   INDEX 


361 


Arab. 

billaur,  IIS. 

AS. 

binn,  205. 

LLat. 

birillus,  118. 

Chald. 

blrla,  118. 

LLat. 

bisenlus,  99. 

Slav. 

bisir,  178. 

LLat. 

bisito,  99. 

Gr. 

jiiffKba,  201. 

LLat. 

biso,  99. 

Gr. 

^Iffovrei,  99. 

LLat. 

bisontus,  99. 

LLat. 

bissontus,  99. 

Lat. 

Bistones,  99. 

Gr. 

pi<ro)v,  99. 

LLat. 

bitrus,  333. 

AS. 

blac,  298. 

AS. 

blaec,  298. 

AS. 

blaecpa,  298. 

O  Norse 

blakkr,  298. 

OHG. 

Uanc,  298. 

Span. 

6/anco,  298. 

Fr. 

blanda,  307. 

OHG. 

fcZei/i,  298. 

ONorse 

6/ei/cr,  298. 

LLat. 

boisos,  99. 

Gr. 

p6\iveos  86,  99. 
6oZo^  xli. 

Mong. 

Gr. 

p6vaff09,  86. 

LLat. 

bnnassus,  99. 

Tat. 

fcor,  35. 

AS. 

borddeaca,  220. 

Gipsy 

hon,  312. 

Osm. 

fedrfc,  35. 

AS. 

borohaca,  220. 

(5ag. 

borilk,  35. 

Cag. 

borun,  110. 

MGr. 

jioffTeplr^a,  308. 

MGr. 

^6o-T«pos,  308. 

Gr. 

pov^dXios,  8. 

Gr. 

^oi^lSaXis,  101. 

Gr. 

^ovrpayos,  99. 

Boh.  (Am.)        brajdl,  Ixxix 

Ital. 

brillare,  120. 

OHG. 

fln7Ze,  120. 

Fr. 

6n«er,  120,  330. 

Ital. 

6n«o,  120. 

Berber 

6rA;,  298. 

Dan. 

brud,  311. 

Fr. 

6rane,  307. 

Lat. 

bubalus,  4. 

Lat. 

bubulus,  4. 

Boh.  (Am.)     bucr,  Ixxix. 

Koib. 

bulan,  47. 

Russ. 

6uto,  xli. 

Mong.  M/d^,  xli. 

Arab.  bulqun,  297. 

Arab.  fewZwr,  118. 

Karag.  bwr,  47. 

Tat.  ftttr,  35. 

Arab.  burdah,  200. 

Eng.  bwreZ,  xlv. 

Mong.  burial,  xli. 

Chald.  bwrZd,  118. 

Eng.  burnel,  xlv. 

Cag.  burun,  110. 

Osm.  burun,  110. 

Pers.  busad,  178. 

Arab.  busadz,  178. 

Arab.  busrah,  178. 

LLat.  byrillus,  118. 

Gael.  cabrach,  46. 

Catal.  cabrites,  Ivi. 

Catal.  cabrits,  Ivi. 

Prov.  cabritz,  Ivi. 

LLat.  cabrum,  Ivi. 

Lat.  caepulla,  xxxvii. 

Armor.  caerell,  312. 

LLat.  caerobolim,  290. 

LLat.  caladrius,  291. 

Arab.  calapag,  220. 

Lat.  camara,  92. 

Catal.  camelot,  Iviii. 

LLat.  camerus,  92. 

LLat.  camirus,  93. 

Lad.  Qamorza,  94. 

Ital.  camoscio,  94. 

Pied.  camoss.  94. 

Lad.  Qamouc,  94. 

Prov.  caynous,  94. 

LLat.  camox,  94. 

Ital.  camozza,  94. 

Port.  camtiqa,  94. 

Lad.  camuofsch,  94. 

Port.  carnurQa,  94. 

LLat.  camurus,  92. 

OFr.  camus,  94. 

Ital.  camuso,  94. 

LLat.  camusus,  93. 

Span.  camuzn,  94. 

Annam.  can,  xliv. 

OProv.  canabes,  liv. 

Ital.  cantaro,  Ixxvi. 

Annam.  can-t hang-bang,  xliv. 

Ital.  capretto,  Ivi. 

LLat.  capricium,  Iv. 

Gael.  car,  46. 

Sansk.  car,  22. 


362     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Tat. 

Bel. 

Armen. 

Lat. 

OProv. 

Gael. 

Aves. 

Osset. 

Kurd. 

Sansk. 

Rae.Rom 

Corn. 

Prov. 

Prov. 

Bret. 

Osset. 

Corn. 

Welsh 

Span. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Lat. 

Lat. 

Lat. 

Gr. 

Gr. 

Gr. 

LLat. 

Gr. 

Fr. 

OHG. 

Egyp. 

LLat. 

Egyp. 

Egyp. 

Chin. 

LLat. 

Egyp. 

Copt. 

Russ. 

Russ. 

Cech. 

Egyp. 

WRuss. 

WRuss. 

WRuss. 

WRuss. 

Fr. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

OFr. 

OProv. 


car,  23. 
carag,  22. 
carak,  22. 
carbasus,  Iv. 
carbe,  liv. 
carbh,  46. 
careman,  22. 
carm,  22. 
carm,  22. 
carma,  22. 
carmun,  318. 
carow,  46. 
carp,  Ivii. 
carpita,  Ivii. 
caru,  46. 
carun,  22. 
caruu,  46. 
carw,  46. 
cascabel,  114. 
cendatum,  1. 
centenarius,  xlv. 
centunclum,  38. 
cervarius,  66. 
cervus,  46. 
XaXo/3wT7;s,  303. 
XaXy/SSiov,  xliii. 
xdXu'/')  xliii. 
chama,  53. 
XO/uaiX^wv,  307. 
chamois,  94. 
char  mo,  320. 
xa<,  174. 
c/iait,  53. 
xemt,  306. 
xe<,  174. 
ch'e-tseu,  xlix. 
chiroboU,  290. 
xmm,  306. 
XOtts,  196. 
chorek,  317. 
chorjuk,  317. 
chramostyl,  317. 
xr?7i,  306. 
xvartuk,  xxxii. 
X^esi,  xxxii.  _ 
xvonar,  xxxii.^_ 
xvortuna,  xxxii. 
ciboule,  xxxvii. 
ciremn,  194. 
cizema,  194. 
cizeria,  194. 
clafos,  45. 
c/ar,  326. 
c/as,  326. 


OProv. 

classa,  325. 

Lat. 

classicum,  326. 

LLat. 

classum,  326. 

LLat. 

clauos,  45. 

Armor. 

coantic,  312. 

Lap. 

coarve,  46. 

LLat. 

conbenno,  203. 

LLat. 

conchus,  171. 

LLat. 

conuinna,  205. 

Lat. 

cornu,  46. 

Eng. 

court,  25. 

LLat. 

covinnarius,  204 

LLat. 

covinnus,  202. 

Ital. 

craueto,  Ivi. 

LLat. 

cristo,  Ixxvi. 

LLat. 

crotalia,  193. 

Arab. 

Qulfdka,  219. 

Heb. 

(Idbdr,  25. 

Arab. 

dabara,  25. 

Arab. 

dafer,  25. 

Syr. 

dafcrd,  25. 

Syr. 

dabrdyd,  25. 

Lat. 

dactylus,  xxxvii. 

Arab. 

datr,  25. 

Heb. 

jajo</i,  240. 

Pers. 

daZa,  314. 

Arab. 

dalaq,  314. 

Pers. 

daZZo,  314. 

Span. 

danta,  danie,  32. 

Arab. 

ddr,  25. 

Egyp. 

darana,  22. 

Arab. 

daraqah,  21,  32. 

Span. 

dargadante,  32. 

Fr. 

daZie,  xxxvii. 

Ger. 

Battel,  xxxvii. 

Ital. 

dattilo,  xxxvii. 

Goth. 

dour,  24. 

Tat. 

davar,  24. 

Heb. 

dayyah,  240. 

Syr. 

dfcar,  25. 

Syr. 

dbdrdta,  25. 

Heb. 

de6er,  25. 

Gr. 

5£//)w,  24. 

Lamut 

dehH,  315. 

MHG. 

deppich,  xxxvi. 

LGer. 

derdendei,  xlix. 

Tat. 

dm,  24. 

Gr. 

S^PAia,  24. 

Ger. 

dermentey,  xlix. 

LLat. 

desiallagium,  Ixi. 

Fr. 

detail,  Ixi 

LLat. 

detallium,  Ixi. 

Dutch 

dierteyn,  xlviii. 

LLat. 

diW,  335. 

WORD   INDEX 


363 


Ger. 

dilmedey,  xlix. 

OHG. 

OHG. 

dior,  25. 

OHG. 

Arab. 

dtV,  21. 

AS. 

Ger. 

diradey,  xlviii. 

AS. 

Ger. 

dirdenday,  xlviii. 

Ger. 

Ger. 

dirdumdey,  xlix. 

OHG. 

Ger. 

dirledey,  xlviii. 

OHG. 

Ger. 

dirmadey,  xlix. 

Gr. 

Lith. 

dirti,  24. 

OHG. 

Ger. 

dirtmedey,  xlix. 

Goth. 

Heb. 

dober,  25. 

OHG. 

Lat. 

Doberus,  26. 

OHG. 

Ger. 

Dom,  XXXV. 

Gr. 

Sard. 

dona  de  muru,  311. 

OHG. 

Port. 

doninha,  311. 

OHG. 

Ital. 

donnola,  311. 

AS. 

Gr. 

8wpfd,  198. 

Ger. 

Gr. 

56pl,  3. 

Russ. 

Syr. 

drd'd,  20. 

LLat. 

OBulg. 

drati,  24. 

AS. 

Sansk. 

driti,  24. 

AS. 

Tung. 

dsoloki,  315. 

Tat. 

Syr. 

dM//!n,  287. 

Lat. 

Syr. 

dura,  198. 

Lat. 

Russ. 

durak,  xlix. 

Lat. 

Russ. 

diiraley,  xlix. 

Lith. 

Russ. 

duranday,  durandas.  xlix. 

LLat. 

Russ. 

duraSman,  xlix. 

OProv 

Russ. 

duren',  xlix. 

LLat. 

Ger.  (dial.)       durendei,  xlix. 

Catal. 

Russ. 

durnoy,  xlix. 

Span. 

Arab. 

dwrra/i,  113,  191. 

OProv 

Russ. 

durynda,  xlix. 

LLat. 

Lith. 

durys,  24. 

OProv 

OPers. 

duvarayd,  25. 

Fr. 

Sansk. 

dt'dr,  25. 

Catal. 

Lith. 

dvaras,  24. 

Gr. 

OBulg. 

df;m,  25. 

OProv 

OBulg. 

dvoru,  25. 

OProv 

Boh.  (Am.)     dye,  Ixxix. 

LLat. 

Boh.  (Am.)     dypo,  Ixxix. 

LLat. 

Arab. 

dzar',  21. 

Fr. 

Arab. 

dzdri\  21. 

LLat. 

Tung. 

dzeeleki,  315. 

OProv 

Copt. 

dSeA;,  130. 

Copt. 

Tung. 

dzelaki,  315. 

OHG. 

Arab. 

dzimmah,  224. 

OProv 

Arab. 

dzird',  21. 

Bas. 
Bas. 

OHG. 

edechs,  308. 

Bas. 

OHG. 

edehsa,  308. 

AS. 

AS. 

e/dc,  308,  309. 

Gr. 

OHG. 

egedehsa,  309. 

Gr. 

OHG. 

egidehsa,  308. 

Lett. 

egidehse,  308. 
egidesse,  308. 
eglan,  326. 
egle,  326. 

Eidechse,  77,  308.     . 
eidechsun,  308. 
eidochso,  308. 
elSos,  l.xxiv. 
eikileihhi,  327. 
n7s,  228. 
ewgilihi,  327. 
eithesa,  308. 
eXoc^os,  45. 
eia/io,  47,  98. 
elaho,  elahun,  45. 
eZcft,  45. 
£;Zen,  48. 
eien',  47. 
elenchus,  191. 
cZ/i,  45. 
eZ/ia,  47. 
elik,  45. 
£;/isa,  227. 
EUsaeus,  227. 
£;itsue,  227. 
elnas,  47. 
clogia,  328. 
embarc,  234. 
embargare,  238. 
embarger,  236. 
embargo,  234. 
embarguier,  234. 
embargum,  234. 
embarrar,  234. 
embarras,  234. 
embrassar,  236. 
rintpa,  306. 
empara,  234. 
emparamen,  234. 
empar amentum ,  225. 
emparanza,  225. 
emparer,  234. 
emparo,  225. 
emparo,  234. 
emsah,  302. 
endechse,  308. 
englaziar,  320. 
enparantza,  236. 
enparau,  236. 
enparii,  236. 
eoZa,  47. 
ipiLKlva,  70. 

epLKlvT]^   70. 

ertnclihiia,  321. 


364    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Ital. 

ermellino,  318. 

Copt. 

erSon,  36. 

OFr. 

esclace,  326. 

OFr. 

esdache,  326. 

OProv. 

esclat,  326. 

OFr. 

esclice,  326. 

OSpan. 

escotus,  226. 

Span. 

escudar,  226. 

OProv. 

esglai,  326. 

OProv. 

esglat,  326. 

Catal. 

esglay,  326.. 

OProv. 

esglayer,  326. 

OProv. 

esglaziar,  326. 

Catal. 

eslay,  326. 

OFr. 

esparre,  237. 

Svr. 

'espes,  238. 

Ger. 

Essig,  xxxviii. 

Pruss. 

estureyto,  308. 

OHG. 

eudechs,  308. 

Or. 

evpvKipuz,  65,  106. 

OHG. 

euuidehsa,  308. 

OHG. 

euuithessa,  308. 

OFr. 

evenchine,  72. 

Lat. 

exaluminatum,  191. 

LLat. 

exhebenum,  181. 

AS. 

faenucae,  220. 

Boh.  (Am.)     fajtuju,  Ixxix. 

WRusi^. 

/aZ's,  xxxii. 

Arab. 

/and,  130. 

Arab. 

fasqiyyai,  201. 

WRuss. 

/e/er,  xxxii. 

Ger. 

Feige,  xxxvii. 

AS. 

/eZ<,  39. 

AS. 

/en^ce,  220. 

Lat. 

/era,  25. 

Lat. 

/ic«s,  xxxvii. 

Fr. 

_^(/ue,  xxxvii. 

WRuss. 

figura,  xxxii. 

Dutch 

Filander,  xxvii. 

LLat. 

^Z<rtZ,  39. 

LLat. 

/iZZrwrn,  37. 

Boh.  (Am.)    filuju,  hoax. 

OHG. 

^Zz,  38. 

LLat. 

^ZzoKi,  39. 

LLat. 

finocreta,  220. 

Arab. 

firsdd,  334. 

Gr. 

(pKTKiva,   201. 

Arab. 

fisqiyyai,  201. 

Cant. 

fo-lim,  xlii. 

Russ. 

Fomd,  xxxii. 

Lat. 

/oras,  24. 

Lat. 

/om,  24. 

Copt. 

/orfc,  36. 

OSpan. 

MHG. 

Goth. 

Goth. 

Goth. 

Ger. 

OHG. 

AS. 

Lang. 

Goth. 

Goth. 

AS. 

AS. 

OHG. 

OHG. 

ONorse 

OHG. 

OHG. 

OHG. 

AS. 

Lang. 

LLat. 

Boh.  (Am 

WRuss. 

Fr. 

LLat. 

Arab. 

LLat. 

MHG. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

AS. 

ONorse 

Sumer. 

Syr. 

Span. 

Arab. 

Gr. 

Gr. 

LLat. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Goth. 

LLat. 

Arab. 

Catal. 

Span. 

OHG. 

OPers. 

Kann. 

Tul. 

LLat. 

Ital. 


forro,  226,  230. 
forzaichen,  xxxviii. 
frahinpan,  196. 
frauja,  229. 
fraujinon,  229. 
frdulein,  311. 
fraiva,  230. 
'fred,  229. 
frea,  231. 
frei,  230. 
frei-hals,  230. 
freo,  229. 
freols,  230. 
frl,  230. 
frl-hals,  230. 
/r/aZs,  230. 
/ro,  230. 
fron,  frono,  230. 
fronisc,  230. 
frowe,  230. 
fulcfrea,  231. 
fulfrealis,  232_. 
.)     fulovat,  Ixxix. 
/wra,  xxxii. 
/tire<,  314. 
furetus,  314. 
/wrr,  230. 
furuncus,  314. 
furzog,  xxxviii. 

gabas,  324. 
gabas,  324. 
^ad,  74. 
gaddr,  74. 
^a/,  301. 
gdM,  218. 
galapago,  219. 
galas,  324. 
VaXcis,  308. 
7a\et6T7js,  303. 
gallacia,  219. 
galsamah,  192. 
galsamun,  331. 
gawalwjan,  300. 
gammiis,  92. 
gdmus,  2,  92. 
gamussa,  94. 
gamuza,  94. 
gamz,  94. 
gdomes,  2. 
garadi,  112. 
garddi,  112. 
garbesa,  Iv. 
garbexa,  Iv. 


WORD   INDEX 


365 


Ital. 

Ital. 

Span. 

Prov. 

Sansk. 

Kann. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

OPers. 

Goth. 

Arab. 

Goth. 

OFr. 

AS. 

Turk. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Ger. 

MHG. 

LLat. 

Eth. 

OHG. 

LLat. 

Fr. 

Mar. 

OFr. 

OFr. 

OFr. 

OFr. 

LLat. 

OFr. 

OFr. 

Eng. 

as! 

LLat. 
LLat. 
OFr. 

LLat. 

ONorse 

Eng. 

AS. 

AS. 

AS. 

AS. 

OFr. 

OFr. 

OFr. 

OHG. 

OHG. 

OHG. 

OProv. 

LLat. 


garbitta,  Iv. 
garbo,  li. 
garduna,  320. 
Garp,  liv. 
garia,  112. 
garudi,  112. 
gatasa,  144. 
gaitds,  144. 
gauhar,  113. 
gav,  2. 
gazds,  74. 
gaziyyah,  224. 
geba,  213. 
gebecier,  197. 
gehentan,  196. 
gelindzik,  311. 
gemini,  191. 
gemme,  191. 
Gem.se,  91. 
genick,  231. 
gequaria,  195. 
gerdb,  297. 
gerten,  74. 
geseria,  196. 
gesier,  195. 
gharatd,  112. 
gibecier,  197. 
gibeciere,  197. 
ffibeiei,  197. 
gibesser,  197. 
gibicere,  197. 
gibier,  197. 
gibiez,  197. 
^i6Ze<,  197. 
gifede,  214. 
firi//e,  214. 
gigeria,  194,  214. 
gileria,  195. 
ginsier,  195. 
ginzeria,  194. 
gipta,   214. 
gizzard,  195. 
glaed,  330. 
gldem,  331. 
glaer,  325. 
glaes,  325. 
glage,  326. 
^iaz,  326. 
j7Zais,  325. 
glanz,  331. 
gZas,  324. 
glasa,  325. 
glassa,  .325. 
glassum,  326. 


LLat. 

OHG. 

OFr. 

OFr. 

Ger. 

ONorse 

OFr. 

AS. 

OHG. 

AS. 

OHG. 

LLat. 

ONorse 

ONorse 

AS. 

ONorse 

AS. 

ONorse 

OHG. 

AS. 

Bret. 

AS. 

AS. 

Goth. 

AS. 

AS. 

OHG. 

OHG. 

OHG. 

OFr. 

AS. 

Serb. 

Rum. 

Russ. 

OBulg. 

OBulg. 

ONorse 

ONorse 

Pers. 

Pehl. 

LLat. 

Lat. 

Lat. 

Russ. 

Russ. 

Sansk. 

MGr. 

MGr. 

LLat. 

Eng. 

OFr. 

LLat. 

OFr. 

Arab. 


glaslum,  338. 
grZai,  331. 
(ad  wn)  gZai,  326. 
glatir,  326. 
^Za«,  331. 
glaumr,  332. 
grZay,  326. 
gleam,  331. 
gleimo,  331. 
gleoman,  331. 
jyZer,  325. 
glestim,  340. 
gleyma,  332. 
gleymr,  332. 
^Zig,  331. 
gllma,  332. 
gllman,  331. 
gllminn,  332. 
glimo,  331. 
glimo,  332. 
^Zisi,  325. 
glisian,  330. 
glitinian,  330. 
glitmunjan,  330. 
//Ziu,  331. 
^Ziw,  331. 
^h'z,  331. 
glizemo,  331. 
glizzo,  331. 
^/oi,  326. 
glom,  331. 
glumac,  332. 
glumS,  332. 
glumif ,  332. 
glume,  332. 
glumu,  332. 
ffZ^,  332. 
glyjari,  332. 
gohar,  113. 
{?d/jr,  113. 
golaia,  219. 
gorgia,  183. 
gorgonia,  183. 
gornostaj,  317. 
gornostal,  317. 
gotra,  113. 
yoijffTepa,  308. 
yovffTeplr^a,  308. 
grossarius,  Ixxi. 
grosser,  Ixviii. 
grassier,  Ixvii. 
{in)grosso,  Ixiii. 
grossour,  Ixviii. 
guabra,  Ivii. 


366    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


LLat. 

Goth. 

OFr. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

OBulg. 

LLat. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Bil. 

LLat. 

BU. 

AS. 

AS. 

AS. 

AS. 

AS. 

Goth. 

Goth. 

Boh.  (Am. 

Copt. 

AS. 

Assyr. 

Arab. 

Chin. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

AssjT. 

AS. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

AS. 

OHG. 

Goth. 

AS. 

ONorse 

AS. 

AS. 

Chald. 

Chald. 

Assyr. 

As.syr. 

Copt. 

Assyr. 

Arab. 

Copt. 

OHG. 

Arab. 

Arab. 


guastum,  333. 
guisdil,  333. 
guisier,  195. 
guleia,  219. 
guolatia,  220. 
gumdn,  130. 
gurdb  'ablaqu,  297. 
gusteru,  308. 
gyzeria,  194. 

haban,  174. 
habha,  174. 
habbd,  174. 
habere,  28. 
habhab,  174. 
hael,  227. 
hdelend,  227. 
haelsere,  227. 
haelsian,  227. 
haelsung,  227. 
Haileisaius,  227. 
hails,  227. 
)     hajdra,  Ixxix. 
hakelf,  307. 
hdl,  227. 
halalu,  303. 
halasa,  227. 
ha-liem,  xlii. 
/idiis,  227. 
halisat,  227. 
halluldia,  303. 
/idZor,  227. 

Mg.  192. 

halqah,  192. 
halqamah,  192. 
halqum,  193. 
/id/s,  227. 
/laZs,  230. 
hals-agga,  231. 
halsbec,  226. 
hdls-boc,  226. 
halsere,  227. 
halsian,  227. 
haltdd,  303. 
hdltatd,  303. 
M«,  303. 
haniatu,  303. 
hamkelf,  307. 
i?iarn(u,  303,  304. 
hnnas,  196. 
hankelf,  307. 
haramo,  318. 
haraq,  345. 
/sons,  243. 


OHG.  /^armo,  318. 

Talm.  iftasaZ,  114. 

Assyr.  ha§dlu,  114. 

Arab.  ^a§Z,  114. 

Heb.  ha§mal,  114. 

Copt.  ^a<,  175. 

Copt.  Aa</i,  175. 

LLat.  hatubus,  98. 

Syr.  hawdn,  173. 

AS.  heals-baec,  226. 

AS.  hearma,  318. 

OHG.  heidehsse,  308. 

OHG.  /m7,  227. 

OHG.  heilisod,  227. 

OHG.  heilison,  227. 

Chin.  heng-ping,  xlv. 

AS.  hentan,  196. 

AS.  hecrot,  heorut,  46. 

LLat.  hereminae,  320. 

LLat.  hericina,  70. 

OFr.  hericine,  72. 

OHG.  herihunta,  197. 

Ger.  hermelin,  318. 

Fr.  hermine,  318. 

Syr.  hesHd,  114. 

Copt.  /je«,  175. 

LLat.  hiameo,  130. 

LLat.  hiamio,  130. 

LLat.  hianio,  130. 

Copt.  /)i6OT,  90. 

Arab.  hida'ah,  240. 

Arab.  higamdnah,  130. 

AS.  /iind,  47. 

LLat.  hinio,  130. 

OHG.  /iinna,  47. 

OHG.  /iin<a,  47. 

OHG.  hintcalb,  47. 

LLat.  hircaniae  aves,  342. 

Arab.  hirdaun,  54. 

Ger.  Hirsch,  46. 

OHG.  hiruz,  hirz,  46. 

OHG.  /(iruz,  47.  ' 

Fin.  /lim,  46. 

Esth.  hirwe,  46. 

Esth.  hirzwe,  46. 

ONonse  hjortr,  46. 

Egyp.  %,  192. 

OHG.  /inac,  231. 

AS.  hnecca,  231. 

Magy.  holgy-menyet,  311. 

Chin.  ho-liem,  xlii. 

Copt.  Aoi/c,  192. 

Heb.  ^ome<,  303. 

OSpan.  /lorro,  230. 


WORD   INDEX 


367 


Span. 

horro,  230. 

Copt. 

hot,  175. 

AS. 

hran,  48. 

Cech. 

hranostaj,  317. 

ONorse 

hreinn,  48. 

Egyp. 

hsmn,  114. 

Copt. 

hthai,  175. 

Copt. 

hthai,    175. 

Copt. 

khe,  175. 

Arab. 

hubdrd,  90. 

AS. 

hude,  197. 

Arab. 

hulkat,  303. 

Assyr. 

hullu,  303. 

Syr. 

hulmdtd,  303. 

Assyr. 

hulmittu,  303. 

Kott. 

hulup,  317. 

Heb. 

humiah,  303. 

AS. 

hunt,  196. 

Goth. 

hunps,  196. 

Chin. 

/)wo  s/iie,  306. 

Arab. 

hurr,  226. 

Arab. 

hurrah,  230. 

Arab. 

hurriyyah,  230. 

Arab. 

^Mrs,  193. 

Chin. 

hwo-liem,  xlii. 

LLat. 

iace,  178. 

Arab. 

'iftnM  'irsin,  312. 

Arab. 

'i/iZds,  226. 

Arab. 

'iZog,'  327. 

Arab. 

'^7^,  327. 

LLat. 

iinparamentum,  234. 

LLat. 

irnparcamentum,  237 

LLat. 

imparcare,  237. 

LLat. 

indicum,  335. 

LLat. 

ingluuiae,  331. 

LLat. 

Inguiomerus,  355. 

LLat. 

insallim,  336. 

LLat. 

insallum,  336. 

Gr. 

topKos,  65. 

Lett. 

irzis,  46. 

Arab. 

'istisqd,  173. 

Arab 

'iswddd,  308. 

Gr. 

ivpKCi,  66. 

Arab. 

'iyyalah,  47. 

Arab. 

'izlim,  333. 

LLat. 

jacmini,  191. 

Russ. 

jaicerica,  308. 

OBulg. 

7as<e7M,  308. 

OBulg. 

jaSturu,  308. 

Pol. 

jaszczur,  308. 

OFr. 

jeftier,  197. 

Tung. 

ieZefc,  315. 

Manch. 

Tung. 

Tung. 

Cech. 

LLat. 

Tat. 

OFr. 

T'.t. 

Ger. 

Vot. 

Russ. 

Ger. 

Syr. 

Gr. 

Gr. 

Arab. 

Boh.  (Am. 

Gr. 

Alb. 

Hind. 

Gr. 

Pers. 

Tat. 

Tat. 

Esth. 

Esth. 

Esth. 

Talm. 

Rae.Rom. 

Esth. 

Fin. 

Esth. 

Sansk. 

Lith. 

Copt. 

Gr. 

Boh.  (Am. 

Tat. 

Tat. 

Ger. 

Tat. 

Chin. 

Gr. 

OHG. 

Egyp. 

Gr. 

Boh.  (Am. 

Ger. 

Chin. 

Mar. 

Russ. 

Kamass. 

Chin. 


jelken,  315. 
jeloky,  315. 
jeluky,  315. 
ie^^er,  308. 
jocalia,  113. 
jon,  26. 
juisier,  195. 
jttn,  26. 

jungferchen,  311. 
jiirmdk,  317. 

Kadet,  Ixxx. 
Kdfig,  xxxviii. 
kdkustd,  316. 
KaXa^djTijs ,  303. 
Ka\an(jbT7)s ,  303. 
kalkusa,  317. 
)     kampan,  Ixxix. 
Ka//7ra»'6s,  xlv. 
kandar,  xliv. 
kdntd,  xliv. 
Kavrdpi,  xliv. 
kapdn,  xlv. 
kara-kuijerok,  316. 
kara-kuzuruk,  316. 
Mfbi,  317. 
kardi,  317. 
A-afA;,  317. 
karkustd,  316. 
karmun,  320. 
Aarp,  317. 
kdrppd,  317. 
A-art,  317. 
AarZa,  112. 
karve,  46. 
kasabel,  114. 
KaOapbs,  xxxi. 
)     AejA,  Ixxix. 
AeZas,  304. 
keluskd,  304. 
Kelch,  xxxviii. 
Ae/er,  304. 
keng-pang,  xlv. 
Ktvra.v6.piov,  xlv. 
Aepo,  214. 
kerker,  193. 

K^pKOS,  316. 

,)     kerpet,  Ixxix. 
Ketzer,  xxxi. 
keuen-hdng,  xlv. 
khalagd,  112. 
khidigan,  Ixxx. 
khiiro,  317. 
Ain,  xliv. 


368    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Ger.  (dial.)     Klapfer,  xxxiii. 

Behar 

Boh.  (Am.)     klazet,  Ixxix. 

Pers. 

Ger.  (dial.)     Klumpfen,  xxxiii. 

Arab. 

Copt. 

knos,  196. 

Syr. 

Or. 

KOl^lVOS,  205. 

Syry. 

Tat. 

kojorok,  316. 

OBulg. 

Gr. 

Ku\d)TT}S,  303. 

MLG. 

Copt. 

kons,  196. 

MLG. 

Ost. 

kor,  317. 

Perm. 

Russ. 

Korinf,  xxxii. 

MLG. 

Copt. 

korks,  193. 

MLG. 

OBuIg. 

krava,  46. 

Russ. 

Slav. 

Kren,  xxxvii. 

Copt. 

Ger. 

Kreuz,  xxxv. 

Goth. 

Sansk. 

krikaldsa,  304. 

Esth. 

Sansk. 

krikiddsa,  304. 

Esth. 

Boh.  (Am.)     Krizmus,  Ixxix. 

Copt. 

Gr. 

Kp0K6d€l\0S,  303. 

LLat. 

Copt. 

kros,  193. 

Syr. 

Vogn] 

kiiinus,  317. 

Heb. 

Tat. 

kujruk,  316. 

LLat. 

Y.  Ost. 

kulap,  317. 

Gr. 

Pol. 

kuna,  317. 

Gr. 

Vogul 

kunasi,  317. 

Copt. 

Russ. 

kunica,  317. 

Fr. 

Ost. 

A:«r,  317. 

OFr. 

Syr. 

kUTQa,  193. 

Boh.  (Am 

Ost. 

kurru,  317. 

Egyp. 

Tat. 

kuruk,  316. 

Goth. 

Tat. 

kuzuruk,  316. 

OBulg. 

Koib. 

AyrroZ,  317. 

OFr. 

Yak. 

kyrynas,  316. 

Heb. 
Chin. 

AS. 

iaac,  328. 

OFr. 

Talm. 

Idbad,  35. 

OFr. 

Arab. 

labida,  35. 

Olr. 

Copt. 

Za6o",  36. 

Arab. 

Fr. 

labreno,  307. 

Talm. 

AS. 

Zdc,  328. 

Copt. 

AS. 

Zdcan,  328. 

Arab. 

LLat. 

Zace,  178. 

Eng. 

Lat. 

lacerna,  222. 

OBulg. 

Lat. 

lacerta,  303. 

Copt. 

Lat. 

lacinia,  222. 

AS 

AS. 

Zdece,  327. 

Chin. 

ONorse 

laeknari,  327. 

Tung. 

Arab. 

lahabun,  330. 

Gr. 

OHG. 

Zd/i/!i,  327. 

Gr. 

Esth. 

Za/ii^s,  315. 

Copt. 

Kaz.Tat. 

lahlschae,  315. 

Copt. 

Goth. 

laikan,  328. 

Copt. 

Goth. 

Zai/fs,  328. 

Copt. 

OFr. 

laitisse,  316. 

Chin. 

Esth. 

Zai<«,  315. 

Arab. 

lajhurud,  118. 
lajwdrd,  118. 
lamt,  32. 
lam{d,  35,  37. 
laschiza,  315. 
lasica,  315. 
lassicz,  316. 
lassiczin,  316. 
lassiza,  315. 
lasteken,  316. 
lasten,  316. 
lastka,  315. 
Zaw,  36. 

lauhmuni,  330. 
lazits,  315. 
laznits,  315. 
Zaz^e,  327. 
lazuli,  118. 
Zfearf,  35,  37. 
Zebed,  35. 
lebetes,  37. 
\ePriTd)v,  37. 
\e^r]T(i}pipiov,  37. 
lebiton,  36. 
lebrando,  307. 
lectice,  316. 
.)     Zej^,  Ixxix. 
Zefc,  326. 
Ze/ceis,  327. 
ZeM,  327,  328. 
lestote,  316. 
Ze^dd,  303. 
le-tang,  xliv. 
letice,  316. 
letisse,  315. 
Ziaigr,  327. 
Zi6d,  35. 
Zibjd,  35. 
libitu,  36. 
ZiZ,  335. 
ZiZac,  335. 
ZiZcM,  328. 
Zo,  326. 
Zoffa,  222. 
Zofc,  45. 
ZoH,  45. 
\Qfia,  36. 

XtijUttTO,  37. 

Zoz,  326. 
ZoS/-,  327. 
Zozi,  326. 
Zo5<,  327. 
ZwA,  45. 
Zu/iaA;a(,  303. 


WORD  INDEX 


369 


Arab. 

lu'lu',  113. 

Talm. 

margdnHd,  113. 

Lat. 

lupus  cervarius,  66. 

Gr. 

/jApyapa,  113. 

Gr. 

Hapyapls,  113. 

Sumer. 

ma,  Ixxvii. 

Lat. 

margarita,  113. 

Olr. 

mace,  Ixxviii. 

Gr. 

Hapyaplrrji,  113. 

Drav. 

maga,  Ixxviii. 

Gr. 

fj.dpyapov,  113. 

Goth. 

magus,  Ixxviii. 

Gr. 

lidpyapos,  113. 

Chin. 

mah,  109. 

LLat. 

maricatio,  235. 

Polyn. 

maha,  Ixxvii. 

Nam. 

marimense,  238. 

Arab. 

mahdr,  140,  141. 

Nam. 

marir,  238. 

Heb. 

mdhar,  111. 

Nam. 

marissemerU,  238. 

Syr. 

mahar,  111. 

Nam. 

marisson,  238. 

Arab. 

mahara.  111. 

Arab. 

mar'izd',  Ivii. 

Assyr. 

mahdr u,  111. 

Wall. 

marmense,  238. 

Assyr. 

mahlru.  111. 

Nam. 

marrement,  238. 

Sansk. 

mahisha,  2. 

LLat. 

marricio,  235. 

Arab. 

mahr,  112. 

LLat. 

maricio,  238. 

Syr 

mahrd,  111.  ^ 

LLat. 

marrire,  238. 

Arab. 

mahr'al-murgdn,  213. 

LLat. 

marritio,  236. 

Assyr. 

mahru,  111. 

OHG. 

marrjan,  238. 

Car. 

mat  piure,  35. 

LLat. 

marsio,  312. 

Gal. 

mnipuri,  35. 

LLat. 

marsus,  312. 

Gr. 

^idXayfjLa,  301. 

Span. 

marta,  313. 

OHG. 

malan,  301. 

LLat. 

martalus,  314. 

OHG. 

malm,  301. 

LLat. 

martarus,  314. 

Goth. 

malma,  301. 

LLat. 

martha,  314. 

Goth. 

malo,  300. 

LLat. 

martira,  314. 

OHG. 

malon,  301. 

LLat. 

martola,  312. 

Span. 

mamparar,  234. 

LLat. 

martra,  314. 

Tat. 

man,  110. 

LLat. 

martrina,  314. 

Kir. 

manap,  110. 

LLat. 

martures,  314. 

6ag. 

manlai,  110. 

Goth. 

marzjan,  238. 

Bret. 

mann,  206. 

Assyr. 

ma§ahu,  301. 

Yak. 

mannai,  110. 

Svr. 

masdrd,  287. 

LLat. 

maptola,  312. 

LLat. 

mascauda,  201. 

Eng. 

mar,  238. 

Assyr. 

mast,  301. 

Nam. 

mar,  238. 

Gondi 

massor,  111. 

LLat. 

maracio,  236. 

Assj^r. 

mai§u,  301. 

OFr. 

marance,  238. 

Assyr. 

malM,  301. 

Ital. 

marasandola,  307. 

Annam. 

ma<,  110. 

LLat. 

maratio,  238. 

M.Pol. 

ma<a,  110. 

OHG. 

mardero,  314. 

Lat. 

matutinale  donum,  214 

LLat. 

mardolum,  314. 

Goth. 

maurgins,  213. 

LLat. 

mardores,  314. 

Eth. 

mdzrd'e,  20. 

LLat. 

mardrinus,  314. 

Guar. 

mborobi,  35. 

LLat. 

mardubina,  314. 

AS. 

meard,  314. 

OFr. 

maremance,  238. 

AS. 

mearth,  314. 

Nam. 

marement,  238. 

Copt. 

meere,  306. 

Talm. 

m,argdll,  113. 

Ger. 

Meerrettig,  xxxvii. 

Talm. 

margdlii,  113. 

OHG. 

meZo,  301. 

Syr. 

margaUld,  113. 

AS. 

me/w.,  301. 

Talm. 

margdlltls,  113. 

Tat. 

men,  110. 

Arab. 

margdn,  113. 

Welsh 

men,  206. 

Syr. 

29 

ynargdnltd,  113. 

LLat. 

merhazi,  Ivii. 

370    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Copt.  meri,  306. 

LLat.  mermecolion,  144. 

OHG.  merran,  238. 
AS.  merrian,  238. 

Assyr.  me§hu,  301. 
Ital.  mezzalana,  xlviii. 

Heb.  midbdr,  25. 

Nah.  miec,  Ixxvii. 
Chin.  mien,  109. 

Drav.  viigu,  Ixxvii. 

Assyr.  mihirtu,  111. 

Assyr.  mihru,  111. 

Drav.  mikku,  Ixxvii. 

AS.  miln,  301. 

Arab.  minbar,  220. 

Arab.  miqrad,  313. 

Kann.  modal,  108. 

Chin.  TOo/i,  109. 

Heb.  mohar,  111. 

Hind.  mohra,  111. 

Bas.  TOoA;o,  110. 

OHG.  TOoZ,  301. 

Lat.  mola,  301. 

OHG.  molm,  301. 

OHG.  moZ/,  301. 

Gr.  fidvairoSj  86. 

Ger.  Monch,  xxxviii. 

Kann.  mone,  108. 

Kann.  monne,  108. 

Gr.  /iivc^,  89. 

Gr.  ii6v(oTos,  89. 

OHG.  morgan,  213. 

LLat.  morganegyba,  214. 

AS.  morgen,  213. 

Lang.  morgincapud,  214. 

Goth.  morgingeba,  213. 

Kann.  »iqn,  108. 

Kann.  mosaic,  301. 

Egyp.  OT.sai^'  302. 

Kann.  wm,  108. 

Maor.  WMa,  109. 

Arab.  mubidz,  355. 

Lat.  mucus,  111. 

Malayal.  mudal,  109. 

Malayal.  mudale,  301. 

Assyr.  mudbaru,  25. 

Malayal.  mudiruga,  109. 

Sansk.  tnudrd,  112. 

Malayal.  mudu,  109. 

Tul.  muduru,  109. 

LLat.  mufrius,  muftius,  197. 

Gr.  ixvydXri,  314. 

Tul.  muganu,  109. 

Kann.  »i%w,  108. 


Chin. 

Prak. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Syr. 

Pers. 

Hind. 

Pers. 

Pers. 

Kann. 

Tul. 

Jap. 

Jap. 

Jap. 

Jap. 

Jap. 

Jap. 

Tul. 

Sansk. 

Jap. 

Malayal. 

Malayal. 

Sansk. 

Sansk. 

Gr. 

Jap. 

Tul. 

OHG. 

OHG. 

Kann. 

Tul. 

Kann. 

Kann. 

Kann. 

Tarn. 

Malayal. 

Sansk. 

Kann. 

Kann. 

Tul. 

Tul. 

Kann. 

Tul. 

Lat. 

Kann. 

Kann. 

Malayal. 

Tam. 

Tul. 

Syr. 

Tah. 

Arab. 

Malayal. 

Cag. 


muh,  109. 
muhallao.  111. 
muhallls,  228. 
muhassal,  114. 
muhbtd,  355. 
muhr,  112. 
muhrd,  111. 
muhra,  112,  141. 
muhur,  112. 
muk,  108,  111. 
muku,  109. 
mukaba,  109. 
mukaeru,  109. 
mukai,  109. 
mukamomo,  109. 
mukashi,  109. 
mukau,  109. 
muke,  109. 
mukha,  110. 
muki,  109. 
mukka,  109. 
mukku,  109. 
mukta,  112. 
muktdgdra,  112. 

llVKT-flp,  111. 

muku,  109. 
muZa,  109. 
mwii,  301. 
muljan,  301. 
mum,  108. 
mum,  109. 
munibu,  108. 
mttA;,  108. 
mwn,  108. 
muw,  109. 
muna,  109. 
muncati.  111. 
munce,  108. 
muncu,  108. 
munda,  109. 
mundana,  109. 
mundu,  108. 
mungei,  109. 
mungere.  111. 
munkanisu,  108. 
munna,  108. 
munni,  109. 
munta,  109. 
muppu,  109. 
viupid,  355. 
muraa,  109. 
murgdn,  113. 
muru,  112. 
murun,  110. 


WORD  INDEX 


371 


Sumer. 

mtis,  .301. 

Ger. 

norz,  317. 

Sansk. 

musala,  301. 

Ger. 

norz,  317. 

Kann. 

inusali,  301. 

Syr. 

nsar,  287. 

Assyr. 

mus-gallu,  301. 

MGr. 

vTop^ai,  29. 

Sumer. 

mushid,  302. 

MGr. 

vvft-^lT^a,  311. 

Sumer. 

musmah,  302. 

Esth. 

niirk,  317. 

Kann. 

musudu,  108. 

Pol. 

nurka,  317. 

AssjT. 

mussu,  301. 

Ger. 

niirz,  317. 

Lat. 

mustela,  314. 

Alb. 

nus  e  Ijnljese,  312. 

Kann. 

musuli,  108. 

0  Norse 

nykr,  302. 

Tarn. 

mutal,  108. 

Kann. 

muti,  108. 

Russ. 

olen',  47. 

Tam. 

mutir,  108. 

OHG. 

olm,  301. 

Tarn. 

mutla,  112. 

OHG. 

olmoht,  301. 

Tam. 

midte,  109. 

Tab. 

omua,  109. 

Kann. 

muitu,  112. 

Tat. 

on,  26. 

Tam. 

mutu,  108. 

Tat. 

on^,  26. 

Sansk. 

mutya,  112. 

OHG. 

ougmale,  301. 

ONor.se 

mylna,  301. 

OHG. 

ouuedehssa,  308. 

Heb. 

•or,  27. 

Arab. 

nabara,  220. 

Tat. 

or,  26. 

Arab. 

nabrah,  220. 

Bas. 

oren,  47. 

LLat. 

nabun,  50. 

AS. 

orlaeg,  327. 

OHG. 

nac,  231. 

AS. 

orZa^,  327. 

OFr. 

nacaire,  141. 

AS. 

orleg,  327. 

LLat. 

nacara,  141,  190. 

ONorse 

orZd?,  328. 

OFr. 

nacle,  141. 

Tung. 

oron,  47. 

OFr. 

nacre,  141. 

Tat. 

OS,  26. 

Fers. 

namad,  35,  37. 

Lat. 

osanna,  228. 

Arab. 

namat,  35,  37. 

Goth. 

ovisdelem,  333. 

Arab. 

namir,  52. 

Aram. 

namtd,  35. 

Ger. 

Faar,  xxx. 

Arab. 

namur,  2,  82. 

Ger. 

Pacht,  xxx. 

Arab. 

nagr,  141. 

MHG. 

packt,  xxxvi. 

Arab. 

nasara,  288. 

Aves. 

■paitimaoc,  111. 

Eng. 

nec/c,  231. 

Turk. 

2)a?a,  xli. 

Magy, 

nemez,  37. 

Eth. 

paZtdn,  297. 

Ger. 

ners,  317. 

Ger. 

Palme,  xxx. 

Rum. 

nevastuica,  311. 

MHG. 

panzier,  panzer,  xxxvi 

Bulg. 

nevestulka,  311. 

LLat. 

papa,  XXXV. 

Arab. 

Jiibr,  220. 

LLat. 

papades,  xxxv. 

AS. 

nicer,  302. 

Gr. 

TTttTras,  XXXV. 

OHG. 

nicAw-s,  302. 

Ger. 

Papst,  x-xxi,  XXXV. 

Eng. 

nicfc,  302. 

Eng.  (dial.)     var,  varr,  237. 

AS. 

nicor,  302. 

Pol. 

parafia,  xxxv. 

Gr. 

nidira,  300. 

Ital. 

para-occhi,  236. 

OHG. 

wi/tMS,  302. 

Gr. 

7rapair€Tti5ttt,  236. 

Arab. 

7ai,  335. 

Ital. 

para-petto,  236. 

Esth. 

nif^i,  317. 

Ital. 

para-sole,  236. 

E.sth. 

7uffc,  317. 

LLat. 

parens,  237. 

Ger. 

ntxe,  302. 

LLat. 

paricus,  237. 

Fin. 

nokka,  110. 

Prov. 

parofi,  perofia,  xxxv. 

Rus.s. 

wor/ca,  317. 

LLat. 

parojia,  xxxv. 

Russ. 

noroA;,  317. 

Prov. 

paropi,  paropia,  xxxv. 

372    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


LLat.  parricus,  237. 

LLat.  parrochia,  xxxv. 

Prov.  parrofi,  parrofia,  xxxv. 

OHG.  paryll,  120. 

LLat.  pascaudria,  201. 

Hoc.  pdslip,  xlii. 

Ger.  (dial.)  Patak,  xxxviii. 

Tag.  patalim,  xlii. 

LLat.  patata,  xxxviii. 

Eng.  peach,  xxxvii. 

Samoy.  peak,  47. 

Samoy.  peang,  47. 

Eng.  pearl,  114. 

AS.  pearroc,  237. 

AS.  pearuc,  237. 

Ger.  PecA,  xxx. 

Fr.  peche,  xxxvii. 

Ger.  Pein,  xxxv. 

Mai.  pSlandok,  pSlandu,  xxvii. 

Syr.  peluid,  37. 

LLat.  pensum,  Ixxvi. 

OHG.  peraZa,  119. 

OHG.  perela,  119. 

LLat.  perset,  334. 

LLat.  persum,  334. 

OHG.  pentZa,  119. 

Copt.  pe-§6s,  7. 

Ger.  Petersilie,  xxx. 

Ger.  Pfaffe,  xxxi. 

Ger.  Pfahl,  xxx,  xxxvi. 

Ger.  pfanzer,  xxxvi. 

Ger.  Pfarre,  xxxv. 

Ger.  Pfarrer,  xxxi. 

Ger.  Pfirsich,  xxxvii,  xxxviii. 

MHG.  pfldge,  xxxv,  xxxvi. 

Ger.  Pflanze,  xxx. 

MHG.  pfloge,  xxxv,  xx-xvi. 

Ger.  Pfosten,  xxx,  xxxvi. 

MHG.  phacht,  etc.,  xxxvi. 

Ger.  (dial.)     P/iaA;,  xxxiv. 

MHG.  phar,  etc.,  xxxvi. 

MHG.  pharreherre,       pharraere, 

xxxv. 

MHG.  pharrhof,  xxxv. 

MHG.  /j/taiene,  etc.,  xxxvi. 
Ger.  (dial.)     Phaidi,  xxxiv. 
Ger.  (dial.)     Phersu,  xxxiv. 

MHG.  pheteraere,  xxxviii. 

Eng.  Philander,  xxvii. 

MHG.  phtne,  xxxv. 
Ger.  (dial.)     Phinunse,  xxxiii. 

MHG.  phlanzen,  xxxvi. 

MHG.  phorzich,     phorzeich, 

xxxviii. 


Ger.  (dial, 

Pol. 

Kurd. 

Gr. 

Copt. 

Copt. 

Lat. 

Gr. 

Gr. 

Lat. 

Lat. 

Gr. 

Gr. 

Gr. 

Copt. 

Lat. 

Syr. 

Talm. 

Talm. 

Chin. 

OHG. 

Ger. 

MHG. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Gr. 

Syr. 

Esth. 

Kurd. 

Tib. 

Pehl. 

Armen. 

Gr. 

Bulg. 

Fin. 

Lat. 

Ger. 

Ger. 
MHG. 

Armor. 
Pers. 
Sov. 
Alt. 

Bil. 

Eth. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Syr. 

Arab. 


)     phur,  xxxiv. 
pieniadze,  xxxiii. 
pila,  xli. 
vl\r)fia,  36. 
pi-leon,  36. 
pi-leos,  36. 
pileus,  35. 
iriKiyrin,  36. 
vCklov,  36. 
pilleus,  35. 
pilo,  35. 
iri\6w,  35. 
jrrXoj,  35. 
irtXwT6s,  35. 
pi-lou,  36. 
pilus,  36. 
piluid,  37. 
pllyon,  36. 
pilyos,  36. 
ping,  xliv. 
plach,  298. 
Plage,  xxxv. 
planzen,  xxxvi. 
platocerus,  45,  92. 
platoceruus,  45,  92. 
TrXoTVKepwy,  92. 
pld,  xli. 
podr,  47. 
pola,  xli. 
p'olad,  xlii. 
poldwat,  xli. 
polovat,  xli. 

TToXl/TTOTaf,    xlii. 

popadijka,  311. 
poro,  47. 
porta,  xxx. 
predigen,       xxxi, 

xxxviii. 
Priester,  xxxv. 
prisilig,  xxxviii. 
propic,  312. 
puldd,  xli. 
pulan,  47. 
piiriik,  35. 

90  &d,  174. 
qabam,  174. 
qabbdn,  xlv. 
qaZa',  129. 
qanas,  196. 
qdni§ah,  196. 
qantdr,  xliv. 
gdgd,  295. 
qdqum,  317. 


xxxv, 


WORD   INDEX 


373 


Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Geor. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Syr. 

Syr. 

Ital.  (dial 

LLat. 

Vogul 

LLat. 

Arab. 

Lat. 

OFr. 

OProv. 

Guj. 

OHG. 

LLat. 

Egyp. 

LLat. 

Eng. 

Ger. 

ItaL 

Ital. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Egyp. 

Sansk. 

Arab. 

Gr. 

Arab. 

Lat. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Pers. 

Arab. 

Boh.  (Am, 

Boh.  (Am, 

Gr. 

Fr. 

Ital. 

LLat. 

LLat. 

Egyp. 

Talm. 

Syr. 

Arab. 

Arab. 


qdqun,  317. 
qard,  313,  317. 
qarqadun,  317. 
qarqadzaun,  317. 
qarqumi,  318. 
qarts,  317. 
qaunisah,  196. 
qete,  238. 
qrdqsd,  297. 
)     qxmranteno,  Ixxvi. 
quartaronus,  Ixxvi. 
quinus,  317. 
quovenna,  203. 
qurt,  193. 
rachina,  38. 
radis,  xxxvii. 
raditz,  rais,  xxxvii. 
rdjdvaral,  118. 
rangleih,  327. 
raphium,  53. 
rek,  326. 
retaglum^  Ixii. 
retail,  hai. 

Reliig,  xxxvii,  xxxviii. 
riparo,  237. 
ritaglio,  Ixi. 
rubus,  Ixxvi. 
rufium,  53. 

sab,  66. 
sabara,  26. 
Sabb,  191. 
sabea,  144. 
sabiyyah,  141,  148. 
so^a,  38. 
sagarat,,  289. 
sagara\an,  69. 
sdhen,  292. 
sahliyyah,  309. 
soiljrai,  289. 
sdhwdr,  126. 
sairah,  22. 
)     sajboch,  Ixxix. 
)     sa/n,  Ixxix. 
ffaXaixdvBpa,  307. 
salamandro,  307. 
salamita,  307. 
saZ  gemme,  191. 
salsim,  336. 
saw,  306. 
sflT/l,  305. 
sajrt,  305. 
sarnaha,  305. 
samdm,  305. 


Syr. 

Pers. 

Pers. 

Pers. 

Pers. 

Pers. 

Pers. 

Pers. 

Assyr. 

Sansk. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Talm. 

Talm. 

Pers. 

Heb. 

Arab. 

Arab. 

Assyr. 

Assyr. 

Arab. 

OHG. 

Arab. 

Syr. 

Syr. 

Chald. 

Arab. 

Tat. 

Arab. 

Heb. 

Lett. 

Ital. 

Lett. 

Assyr. 

Lap. 

Esth. 

Fin. 

Gr. 

Gr. 

Sansk. 

Ital. 

Ital. 

AS. 

AS. 

AS. 

AS. 

Ger.  (dial, 

Ger. 

Ger. 

OHG. 

Ger. 

MDut. 

MHG. 


samdmltd,  304. 
samandal,  307. 
samandar,  307. 
samandir,  307. 
samanduk,  307. 
samandul,  307. 
samandun,  307. 
samandur,  307. 
samas,  304. 
sambara,  26. 
§amlm,  305. 
samm,  305. 
samma,  305. 
sammdn,  305. 
sammdnd,  305. 
sdmmi  abra^,  307. 
sammum,  305. 
Sams,  305. 
samsar,  xlv. 
samsu,  304. 
samu,  304. 
sanaz/;w;ar,  19. 
sancleih,  327. 
§an/,  208. 
sanurd,  19. 
sanwarM,  19. 
sanwar\d,  19. 
saqrat,  292. 
lar,  23. 
sdrd,  22. 
§dnr,  22. 
sarma,  321. 
sarmandola,  307. 
sarmulinsch,  321. 
5drM,  22. 
sarva,  46. 
sarwe,  46. 
sarwi,  46. 
ffaiipa,  309. 
(rai^pa  rfKidK-q,  306. 

^avara,  26. 
sbarra,  237. 
sbarrare,  237. 
sceo<,  223. 
sceatline,  223. 
sceldreda,  220. 
sce<e,  222. 
)     Schepper,  xxxiii. 
schondinglein,  312. 
schonthierlein,  312. 
sc/iMto,  222. 
sc/iM«,  223. 
schutten,  223. 
schutzen,  223. 


374    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


AS. 

scildan,  221. 

OHG. 

scilti,  222. 

Slav. 

scit,  222. 

AS. 

scot,  226. 

OHG. 

scoza,  223. 

AS. 

scudan,  223. 

AS. 

scutel,  223. 

LLat.  (cum)  scuio,  224. 

MDut. 

scutte,  223. 

AS. 

scyte,  222. 

AS. 

scytel,  223. 

AS. 

scyttan,  223. 

AS. 

scyttel,  223. 

Egyp. 

sem,  306. 

Heb. 

semdmlt,  305. 

Talm. 

semdmll,  305. 

Egyp. 

§emem,  306. 

Egyp. 

semt,  306. 

Or. 

o-i}^,  300. 

Or. 

tr#ts,  300. 

Egyp. 

semu,  306. 

Syr. 

sera,  22. 

Or. 

S^pei,  xliii. 

Lett. 

sermulis,  321. 

LLat. 

serro,  77. 

Syr. 

serydnd,  22. 

Copt. 

ses,  7. 

Or. 

<n)s,  300. 

Eng. 

Siberia,  26. 

Russ. 

Sifeir,  26. 

AS. 

side,  204. 

AS. 

si^de,  204. 

Arab. 

silhafa,  219. 

Talm. 

slnar,  20. 

Assyr. 

siriarn,  22. 

Babil. 

siriam,  22. 

Palm. 

§ir<o,  22. 

OPruss. 

sirwis,  46. 

Heb. 

sirya,  22. 

Heb. 

sirydn,  22. 

LLat. 

sisM,  97. 

Goth. 

sycaif^s,  223. 

Syr. 

sili{id,  150. 

Syr. 

Smayd,  305. 

Syr. 

smes,  305. 

Manch. 

soloki,  314. 

Mong. 

solongga,  315. 

Vogul 

SoZsi,  315. 

Sansk. 

soma,  304. 

Copt. 

son/,  208. 

Heb. 

§or,  22. 

Copt. 

gol,  7. 

OHG. 

sparro,  237. 

LLat. 

species,  Ixxiv. 

OHG. 

sperran,  237. 

LLat. 

spola,  Ixxvi. 

Ital. 

stadera,  Ixxvi. 

Boh.  (Am 

.)  stapuju,  Ixxix. 

Lat. 

statera,  Ixxvi. 

Eng. 

steelyard,  Ixxvi. 

MEng. 

stellere,  Ixxvi. 

Lat. 

stellio,  307. 

Ger. 

Stier,  23. 

MEng. 

stiller e,  Ixxvi. 

Slav. 

stit,  222. 

Eng. 

stoat,  316. 

Eng. 

stole,  316. 

Lith. 

stumbras,  19. 

Lett. 

stumbrs,  19. 

Assyr. 

subartu,  26. 

Arab. 

suhlafd,  219. 

Arab. 

suiahfa,  219. 

Arab. 

sulhdfah,  219. 

Assyr. 

sumu,  304. 

Gr. 

ffwatpyj,  208. 

Arab. 

smto/,  208. 

Ger.  (dial.)  Supfe,  xxxiii. 

Heb. 

§Mr,  22. 

Arab. 

swrr,  22. 

Assyr. 

sitrw,  23. 

Tat. 

syr,  23. 

Lith. 

szarma,  321. 

Lith. 

szarmonys,  321. 

Magy. 

szart',  46. 

Magy. 

szarvas,  46. 

Chin. 

S2e,  xliii. 

Lith. 

szermu,  318. 

Ger. 

Tabak,  xxxiii. 

MHG. 

tabur,  xxxvi. 

Ger. 

To/eZ,  xxxi. 

Arab. 

{agallus,  325. 

MGr. 

Ta7dpioi',  29. 

MGr. 

TayiffTpov,  30. 

MGr. 

Ta7/fw,  30. 

Arab. 

(afa  iiUUka,  330. 

Arab. 

<oZlg,  233. 

LLat. 

tallium,  Ixi. 

Arab. 

toi?,  233. 

MHG. 

tambur,  etc.,  xxxvi. 

Arab. 

tdmur,  2. 

Gr. 

Tdi'Tj,  rdvos,  rdws,  69 

Chin. 

Mn!7,  xliv. 

Lat. 

tangomena,  197. 

MHG. 

tapeiz,  xxxvi. 

Guar. 

topie,  35. 

MHG. 

topt<,  xxxvi. 

Tupi 

tapij'ra,  35. 

WORD   INDEX 


375 


Arab.  tar,  32. 

Egyp.  tarayna,  22. 

Pol.  tar  za,  21. 

Pers.  targ.  21. 

OFr.  targe,  21. 

Prov.  tarlanlano,  xlviii. 

Prov.  tarlatano,  xlviii. 

OFr.  tarletan,  xlvii. 

OFr.  tartaine,  xlvi. 

Eng.  tartan,  xlvi. 

OFr.  tartar,  tartarin,  xlvi. 

OFr.  tartar eus,  xlvi. 

OFr.  tartarin,  xlvii. 

LLat.  tartariscus,  xlvi. 

LLat.  tartarium,  xlvi. 

OFr.  tartarne,  xlvi. 

OFr.  tarterne,  xlvi. 

MHG.  tartsche,  21. 

Mzab  tasim^eramt,  309. 

Syr.  taiira,  23. 

Gr.  TttCpoy,  23. 

Arab.  ^aw,  23. 

Jap.  taioara,  24. 

Arab.  <auT,  31. 

Cech  <c/ior,  317. 

Pol.  tchorz,  317. 

Tat.  tearie,  24. 

MHG.  tebich,  xxxvi. 

Chin.  teen-ping,  xliv. 

Copt.  <eZ^,  307. 

Jap.  tembin,  xliv. 

Jap.  tempin,  xliv. 

MHG.  <epi<,  iep^,  etc.,  xxxvi. 

Ger.  Teppich,  xxxvi,  xxxviii. 

Arab.  /erbui,  290. 

LLat.  terebolim,  290. 

Tat.  <m",  24. 

LLat.  terrobvli,  290. 

OFr.  iertaine,  xlvi. 

Egyp.  ieser,  4. 

MHG.  tewich,  xxxvi. 

Annam.  thang,  xliv. 

Copt.  tharmi,  22. 

Wars.  thazermumith,  309. 

Gr.  tfijp,  25. 

LLat.  thereboleni,  290. 

Annam.  thicn-binh,  xliv. 

Gr.  fiwp,  23. 

Copt.  </iorl,  3. 

AS.  <i6er,  31. 

Goth.  pvahan,  202. 

Ger.  Tiegel,  xxxvi. 

OProv.  tieira,  31. 

Dutch  tiereteyn,  xlviii. 


AS.  <r/er,  31. 

Mai.  timbang,  xliv. 

Arab.  timsdh,  302. 

OS.  /ins,  xxxiv. 

Prov.  tinteino,  xlviii. 

Prov.  tirangeino,  xlviii. 

Prov.  tiranteino,  xlviii. 

Prov.  tiratagno,  xlviii. 

OFr.  tire,  31. 

Fr.  tiretaine,  xlv. 

OFr.  tiretier,  xlviii. 

LLat.  tiretum,  1. 

Prov.  (dial.)  tirintin,  xlviii. 

Span.  tiritaina,  xlvii. 

Span.  tiritana,  xlvi. 

Prov.  tirlanteino,  xlviii. 

LGer.  tirletei,  xlix. 

Prov.  tirlinteino,  xlviii. 

LGer.  tirumtei,  xlix. 

Ch.in.  t'o,  23. 

Ger.  (dial.)  Tobich,  xxxiii,  xxxviii. 

Turk.  tobra,  29. 

Kann.  togal,  24. 

Tul.  togalu,  24. 

OFr.  toivre,  31. 

Cant.  i'oA;,  23. 

Kann.  tokku,  24. 

Tam.  tol,  24. 

Rum.  <oZ6d,  29. 

Malayal.  toli,  24. 

Tel.  <6/m,  24. 

MGr.  Totidpi,  27. 

Tat.  ton,  26. 

MHG.  toppich,  xxxvi. 

Uig.  <or,  20. 

Rum.  <or5a,  29. 

Alb.  torbe,  29. 

Cag.  tore,  20. 

Ger.  Tornister,  30. 

Toda  <orra,  24. 

Copt.  tors,  3. 

Alb.  torve,  29. 

MGr.  Toi//3pas,  29. 

MGr.  TOKp^as,  29. 

Kann.  toval,  24. 

Ruth.  tofar,  27. 

OBulg.  tovarinu,  27. 

OBulg.  tovaru,  27. 

Copt.  tragalafo,  7. 

Fr.  (dial.)  tredaina,  xlviii. 

Fr.  (dial.)  tredan,  tredon,  xlviii. 

Fr.  (dial.)  trepelanna,  xlviii. 

Ger.(dial.)  Trepfe,  xxx,  xxxiii. 

Ger.  Treppe,  xxk. 


376    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Port. 

tricana,  xlvii. 

OHG. 

urlac,  328. 

Fr. 

tricot,  xlviii. 

OHG. 

urliugi,  328. 

Prov. 

tridagno,  xlviii. 

AS. 

urum,  98. 

Prov. 

tridaino,  xlviii. 

LLat. 

urus,  68,  76. 

Prov. 

trideino,  xlviii. 

Tat. 

its,  26. 

LGer. 

triitendei,  xlLx. 

LLat. 

uuas  dvs,  334. 

Eng. 

irone,  Ixxvi. 

OHG. 

uueith,  332. 

Boh.  (Am.)  trublovat,  Ixxix. 

AS. 

uuetma,  210. 

Yen. 

tschoel-ass,  315. 

OHG. 

uuimstun,  98. 

Pers. 

tubra,  29. 

OHG. 

uuinta,  47. 

LLat. 

tuctalani,  xlviii. 

Goth. 

uuisdile,  333. 

Till. 

tugaiu,  24. 

OHG. 

uuistun,  99. 

Arab. 

tuhallisnd,  228. 

AS. 

uuituma,  210. 

Egyp. 

tuirana,  22. 

AS. 

uusend,  98. 

Goth. 

iidgipa,  233. 

Goth. 

tidgjan,  233. 

Ital.  (dial.)  vacile,  202. 

OS. 

tulgo,  233. 

Mar. 

vaidugra,  118. 

Goth. 

tulgus,  233. 

Hind. 

vaidurya,  118. 

Goth. 

tvl  tvl,  329. 

Sansk. 

vaidurya,  117. 

Arab. 

tuhtq,  233. 

Ital. 

f;asca,  202. 

Tat. 

tiin,  26. 

Ital.  (dial.)vaschetta,  202. 

Russ. 

tur,  20. 

Ital.  (dial.)mstHo,  202. 

6ag. 

tilr,  20. 

Kann. 

vdyaja,  118. 

Ger. 

Turm,  xxxi,  xxxviii. 

LLat. 

ma,  203. 

MHG. 

turm,  turn,  xxxvi. 

LLat. 

venna,  205. 

OHG. 

turri,  turra,  xxxi,  xxxvi. 

LLat. 

iJeson^MS,  99. 

Lat. 

turris,  xxxvi. 

LLat. 

visallin,  336. 

Mong. 

turtum,  xlix. 

LLat. 

visalsin,  336. 

Manch. 

turtun,  xlix. 

LLat. 

visontus,  99. 

Ital. 

tuttalana,  xlviii. 

LLat. 

visuntus,  97,  99. 

Kota 

tuval,  24. 

LLat. 

vitrum,,  336. 

Tat. 

tuvar,  24. 

LLat. 

vitidus,  97. 

Toda 

tuwars,  24. 

MHG. 

vorzich,  xxxviii. 

Sansk. 

^mc,  24. 

OHG. 

?Tm,  98. 

Kann. 

tvakku,  24. 

OHG. 

vuarca,  333. 

Fuch. 

iio'afc,  23. 

OHG. 

vuarencibla,  333. 

AS. 

<yi^,  233. 

OHG. 

vuistun,  98. 

Lat. 

tympanis  margaritis,  190. 

OHG. 

fwe/i<e,  332. 

OHG. 

t)fetii/i,  332. 

LLat. 

ualuus,  98. 

OHG. 

uarix,  334. 

Arab. 

wabar,  Ivii. 

LLat. 

vnttuus,  98. 

AS. 

waescan,  202. 

Copt. 

vbahse  nterh,  4. 

AS. 

waescern,  202. 

Egyp. 

MXe(i,  174. 

AS. 

w;aid,  waisd,  335 

Egyp. 

Mxe^w',  174. 

OHG. 

waido,  332. 

Egyp. 

MX^it',  174. 

Arab. 

w;a'Z,  54. 

Arab. 

't/^/tl<,  308. 

Arab. 

toaraZ,  64. 

Arab. 

'M2/M/,  308. 

Arab. 

waran,  54. 

LLat. 

uescada,  201. 

Arab. 

warar,  54. 

Redam. 

vjizzam,  309. 

Ger. 

TFare,  29. 

Arab. 

'umm-hubain,  175. 

Eng. 

wares,  29. 

Arab. 

'wng,  231. 

AS. 

toaru,  29. 

Arab. 

'unsah,  47. 

OHG. 

wascan,  202. 

Tat. 

«r,  26. 

OHG. 

irasd,  334. 

WORD   INDEX 


377 


AS. 

waxan,  202. 

AS. 

waxsan,  202. 

Arab. 

wazal,  54. 

Arab. 

wazan,  54. 

AS. 

a'eard,  332. 

Chin. 

weilei,  Ixxiv. 

Sing. 

xceluriija,  118. 

OHG. 

?<jerw/,  332. 

AS. 

weosend,  98. 

AS. 

weotuma,  210. 

Ger. 

IFzsenL  19. 

Boh.  (Am.)    wiska,  Ixxix. 

Pruss. 

ivissambris,  19. 

Burg. 

mttimo,  212. 

OHG. 

wurmmelo,  301. 

Heb. 

yahmur,  2. 

Syr. 

yahmura,  2. 

Arab. 

ydmur,  2,  69. 

Arab. 

ydqut,  131. 

Arab. 

2/asr,  178. 

Arab. 

yaiflvia,  140. 

Arab. 

yatlmah,  138,  210 

Arab. 

yr/sr,  178. 

WRuss. 

Xador,  xxxii. 

WRuss. 

Xados,  xxxii. 

WRuss. 

Xvedos,  xxxii. 

WRuss. 

Xvjodor,  xxxii. 

LLat. 

Zabadia,  213. 

Ger. 

Za6eZ,  xxxi. 

OBulg. 

zabru,  19. 

MHG. 

zambur,  xxxvi. 

Arab. 

zardfah,  53. 

Eth. 

zartdne,  69. 

OHG. 

se6ar,  31. 

LLat. 

Zebdi,  213. 

Heb. 

sefted,  214. 

LLat. 

Zebedaeus,  213. 

Lith. 

zebris,  19. 

Heb. 

2ee6,  66. 

MHG. 

zeppet,  xxxvi. 

Heb. 

zero'a,  20. 

Ger. 

Ziegel,  xxxi. 

Rum. 

zimbru,  19. 

Ger. 

Zt?is,  xxxiv. 

LLat. 

zizeria,  194. 

Gr. 

f^MiSpos,  19. 

Gr. 

^uvdpioVj  20. 

Lett. 

zumbrs,  19. 

Assyr. 

zuru'u,  20. 

OBulg. 

2ferf,  25. 

Lith. 

zrms,  25. 

Lett. 

rf;er5,  25. 

Pruss. 

ziim'Tjs,  25. 

Ger. 

Zvnebel,  xxxvii 

SUBJECT  INDEX 


Achaine,  in  Antigonus  of  Carystia, 
ApoUonius,  Aristotle,  63;  in  An- 
thologia  Palatina,  Babrius,  64;  in 
Oppian,  65. 

Achasium,  in  Salic  law,  215  f. 

Achates,  and  the  pearl,  131;  not  in 
Ethiopia  version  of  the  pearl, 
144;  and  John  the  Baptist,  144; 
and  the  dropsy  stone,  175;  and 
fishing  for  pearls,  183,  216. 

Achlin,  in  Pliny,  61  f. 

Ada  MS.,  and  Rufinus'  Benedic- 
tions compared,  280. 

Ad-Damlrl,  and  the  giraffe,  59;  and 
the  vahmur,  68;  and  the  kite, 
240  "f.;'and  the  unicorn,  243  f.; 
and  the  lion,  285. 

Aelian,  and  the  tarandus,  55;  and 
the  monops,  89;  and  the  pearl, 
123;  and  Arabic  pearl  names,  130. 

Aeschylus,  and  bubalis,  102. 

Aethicus,  and  Francus,  11;  and  the 
Hercynian  Forest,  342. 

Affrication,  in  German,  still  going 
on,  xxxii. 

Agate,  and  pearl,  131;  see  Achates. 

Agriculture,  and  Second  Sound 
Shifting,  xxxvi  f. 

"" AypQffTai,  in  ApoUonius,  63. 

ALCE,  THE,  59-67. 

Alee,  in  Caesar,  60;  in  Pausanias 
60f.;  in  Pliny,  61;  in  Solinus,  62 
in    Isidore    and    Calpurnius,    64 
in  Augustan  histories,  64  f . ;  in  an 
early  document,  65. 

Alcuin,  and  the  Benedictions  of  the 
Patriarchs,  267,  272  ff. 

Alexander,  and  the  Paeonians,  13. 

Al-Qazwlnl,  and  the  yahmur,  68. 

Alumen,  in  mediaeval  alchemy,  191. 

Amber,  its  etymological  history,  221. 

Ambrose,  his  Benedictions  of  the 
Patriarchs,  261  f. 

American  influence  on  Bohemian, 
Ixxix. 

Amiens,  and  the  fishmongers,  Ixvi. 


Ammianus,  and  the  bubalus,  9,  102; 
and  unio,  207  f. ;  and  Hyrcania, 
347  f. 
Anglo-Saxon  laws,  and  dower,  212. 
Anthologia  graeca,  and  the  Paeonian 

bull,  17. 
ANTHOLOPS,  THE,  68-74. 
Antholops,   in  the  Liber  glossarum, 
70;  in   Berne  MS.  233,  70  f.;  in 
eleventh  century  MS.,  71;  various 
forms  of  the  word,  72;  leads  to 
Eng.  antler,  72;    development  of 
Esopic  stag  story,  72  ff. 
Antigonus  of  Carystia,  and  tarandus, 
57;  and  achaine,  63;  and  monops, 
89. 
Antiquitas,  and  Hermeneumata  leid- 

ensia,  74;  and  urus,  82  f. 
Apicius  Caelius,  and  the  "gizzard" 

words,  194. 
ApoUonius,  and  achaine,  63. 
Aqhabain,  Arabic  name  for  buffalo 
and    elephant,    2,    62;    leads    to 
Pliny's  achlin,  axin,  62  f. 
Arabic,      in       foreign       languages, 
Ixxviii;       and      the      Germanic 
languages,      Ixxxi;      genealogies, 
11;     origin     of     pearl     story     in 
Physiologus,   148;    magic  in  Ger- 
manic laws,  227;    Morris  dance 
and  the  Goths,  328  ff. 
Architectural  terms,  and  the  Second 

Sound  Shifting,  xxxvi. 
Aristotle,  bonasus  in,  an  interpola- 
tion, 42  f.,  85  ff.;  and  tarandus, 
56;  and  achaine,  63;  and  mon- 
apos,  85  f.;  and  camurus,  95  f.; 
and  bubalis,  102;  and  the  vulture, 
295  f. 
Ascites,  dropsy  stone,  translation  of 

Egyptian  hat,  175. 
Aspidochelone,  and  the  whale,  238; 

in  Basil,  238  f.;  in  Oppian,  239. 
Aspiration,     and     Upper     German 
peculiarity,  xxxi. 


SUBJECT  INDEX 


379 


Athenaeus,  and  the  Paeonian  bull, 
15  ff.;  on  Oppian,  an  interpola- 
tion, 104;  and  the  pearl,  126  ff.; 
and  "berberi,"  141. 

Atharva-veda,  and  the  pearl,  121. 

Augustan  History,  and  alee,  64  f.; 
and  bardocucuilus,  200. 

Autolops,  its  etymology,  74;  see 
Antholops. 

Avienus,  and  camurus,  94  f. 

Avoir-du-pois,  what  constituted, 
Ixxi. 

Axin,  in  Pliny,  63. 


Bardaicus,  in  Juvenal  and  Augustan 
History,  200. 

Bardocucuilus,  in  Martial  and  Au- 
gustan History,  200. 

Bascaudn,  in  Martial,  200  f. ;  its 
further  history  and  etymology, 
201  f. 

Basil,  De  contubernalibus  ascribed 
to,  of  late  origin,  239. 

Bede,  and  the  One  Pearl,  157. 

Benedictions  of  the  Patriarchs,  and 
the  lion  in  Ambrose,  253  ff.;  in 
St.  Augustine,  259  ff.,  266;  St. 
Augustine's  based  on  Ambrose, 
261;  and  Jerome,  262;  and  Cyril 
of  AJexandria,  262;  and  Theodoret, 

263  f . ;  and  Epiphanius  of  Cyprus, 

264  ff. ;  in  Ildefonsus,  266;  in 
Isidore,  266  ff.;  in  Alcuin,  267, 
272  ff.;  in  Rufinus,  a  forgery, 
270  f.,  279  ff.;  in  Paulinus,  271  f.; 
and  Ad-Damirl,  285;  see  Lion 
and  the  Cub. 

Benna,  in  Flodoardus,  205. 

Beryl,  its  history,  114  ff.;  in  Pliny, 
114  ff.;  in  Sanskrit  and  the  Semit- 
ic languages,  117  f.;  in  the  Latin 
glosses,  118;  in  the  Germanic 
glosses,  119;  in  the  Romance 
languages,  119  f.;  confused  with 
the  crystal,  120. 

BISON,  THE,  97-107. 

Bison,  the,  not  the  Paeonian  bull, 
18;  the  word  due  to  a  misread 
vitulus,  97,  99;  in  the  Graeco- 
Latin  glosses,  97  f.;  in  the  Ger- 
manic glosses,  98  f. ;  in  Dio  Cas- 
sius  an  interpolation,  99  f . ;  meat- 
eating,    in    Timotheus    of    Gaza, 


taken  from  Strabo,  100;  in  Pliny, 
an  interpolation,  100  f.;  in  Seneca, 
102;  in  Martial,  102;  in  Pausanias, 
103;  in  Oppian,  103;  Oppian's, 
based  on  Strabo,  106. 

Black,  history  of  the  word,  297  ff. 

Bloomfield,  as  a  critic,  xxiv. 

Bohemian,  in  America,  its  Angli- 
cisms, Ixxix. 

Boihemum,  its  etymology,  355. 

Bolsheviks,  and  linguistic  abbrevia- 
tions, Ixxx. 

Bonasus,  in  Aristotle,  42  ff. ;  its  ety- 
mology, 99. 

Bos  cervi  figura,  59;  in  Caesar,  60. 

Bradley,  Henry,  as  a  critic  and 
philologist,  XXV  ff. 

Brevis  Expositio  in  Verg.  Georg., 
and  urus,  77. 

Bubalis,  in  Herodotus,  101;  in 
Eustathius,  101;  due  to  "in 
bubalis"  in  the  Bible,  102;  in 
Oppian,  107. 

BUB  ALUS,  THE,  IN  THE 
BIBLE,  1-10. 

Bubalus,  the,  in  the  Bible,  1; 
translation  of  Heb.  yahmur,  2; 
animal  raised  for  slaughter,  4; 
translation  of  Heb.  baqar,  4; 
understood  as  "bos  Silvester," 
5  f.;  in  Jerome,  5;  in  Lausiac 
History,  6;  not  the  antelope,  6; 
in  the  Life  of  Abbot  Paul,  7;  in 
Palaephatus,  8;  in  Diodorus  Si- 
culus,  8;  in  Dioscorides,  8;  in 
Leo,  8  f.;  in  Ammianus,  9;  in 
Gregory,  10;  in  Pseudo-Rufinus, 
10;  identified  with  gazelle,  75; 
in  Martial,  75;  in  Isidore,  75; 
introduced  into  Italy  in  595  A.D., 
82;  in  the  dosses,  97;  in  Aristotle 
and  Ammianus,  102;  in  Oppian, 
106;  see  Bison,  Buffalo,   Urus. 

BUFFALO  HIDES,   19-39. 

Buffalo,  in  Ad-Damlrl,  3;  -skins, 
their  influence  upon  early  civili- 
zations, 21;  and  transportation, 
23  ff.;  substitutes  in  Africa,  32  f.; 
in  the  Congo,  33;  in  America,  33  f. 
BULL  OF  PA  EON  I  A,  THE,  Il- 
ls. 

Burgundians,  and  Dispargum,  15; 
their  laws  and  the  dower,  212. 


380    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Bustard,  in  Aelian,  89;  in  Ad- 
Damlri,  90;  its  excrement  as  a 
weapon,  90  f.;  confused  with  mo- 
nops,  91;  see  Monops. 

Caesar,  and  alee,  60;  and  urus,  84; 

and  woad,  338;  and  the  Hercyn- 

ian  Forest,  342  f.,  346  f. 
Calpurnius,  and  aloe,  64. 
Cam,  in  Pliny,  53. 
Camelopard ,  49  ff . ;  in  Solinus  called 

nabun,  50;  in  Pausanias,  60. 
Camlet,   its  history,  Iviii. 
Camurus,  in  Vergil,  78;  in  Macro- 

bius^  78  f.;  in  Isidore,  78,  92  f.; 

not  m  Codex  Bernensis  XVI,  83  f . ; 

in  Paulus  Diaconus,  92;  in  Nonius, 

92;  in  the  glosses,  93;  in  Servius, 

93;    stands    for    camusus,    93  f.; 

produces  the   "chamois"    words, 

94;  in  Prudentius,  94;  in  Avienus, 

94  f.;  in  Aristotle,  95. 
Cantarus,    not    the    same    as    cen- 

tenarius,  Ixxvi. 
Caravan  route,  and  philology,  23  £f. 
Cassiodorus,  and  Tacitus,  340. 
Cerda,  an  interpolation  in  Vergil,  76. 
Chameleon,  in  Isidore,  49;  confused 

with  pardus  and  tragelaphus,  54. 
Chamois,    its    etymology,    94;    see 

Camurus. 
CHARADRIUS,  THE,  291-293. 
Charadrius,  in  the  Ldber  glossarum, 

291  f.;  from  Arabic  §agrat,    292. 
China,  and  philology,   xli;   and   its 

relations      with      Greece,       xliii; 

and  European  cloth,  xlv. 
Church,    and    philology,    xxxi;    and 

retarded    Sound    Shifting,    xxxiv. 
Claudianus,  and  tattooing,  339. 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  the  One 

Pearl,  150  f. 
Cloth,  and    philology,    xlv,    at    re- 
tail, Ixii. 
Codex  Alexandrinus,  and  the  tragel- 
aphus, 40. 
Codex  Cassinensis  402,  and  camurus, 

93. 
Codex    Florentinus,    of    the    VIII . 

century,  164  f. 
Cod.  Reg.  2  C.  XII.,  and  the  pearl, 

144  ff. 
Coninglon,  his  dating  of  Mediceus, 

79. 


Coral,  the,  and  its  properties,  176  ff.; 
in  Isidore,  179;  in  Solinus,  180; 
in  Zoroaster,  180;  and  ebony, 
180  ff.;  in  the  Arabic  writers, 
182  f.;  and  the  gorgonia,   183  f. 

Covinnarius,  in  Tacitus,  204  f. 

Covinnus,  its  history,  202  ff.;  in 
Martial,  202,  in  Lucan,  202,  205; 
arose  from  misunderstanding  of 
passage  in  Pseudo-Berosus,  203; 
in  Silius  Italicus,  205;  in  Mela, 
205. 

Critics,  and  the  author,  the  differ- 
ence between  them,  Ixxxi. 

Crotalia,  in  Pliny,  193;  in  Petronius, 
193  f. 

Crystal,  and  beryl,  120;  and  glaesum, 
324. 

Cunningham,   and    the    grocer,    Ix. 

Cyprian's  Liber  de  habitu  virginum, 
basis  for  Tertullian's  forgery, 
162  ff. 

Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and  the  lion 
and  the  cub,  262  ff. 

Darius,  and  the  Paeonians,   13  f. 

Davidsohn,  and  garbo  wool,  li  f. 

De    Candolle,    and   plums,   xxxvi  f. 

De  cultu  foeminarum,  of  TertuUian, 
a  forgery,  161  ff. 

De  Nolhac,  dates  Romanus  as  of 
yill.  century,  80. 

Detail,  not  the  same  as  retail, 
Ixiv. 

Digest  of  Justinian,  interpolated, 
164  ff.;  and  unio,  165  f.;  and  tym- 
panis  margaritis,  190;  and  elen- 
chi,  191  ff. 

Diocletian's  Edict,  and  lynx,  66. 

Dio  Cassius,  and  the  bison,  100. 

Diodorus  Siculus,  and  bubalus,  8. 

Dioscorides,  and  bubalus,  8. 

Dispargum,  and  the  Burgundians, 
14  f. 

Doberus,  its  etymology,  26. 

Do  item,  in  Isidore,  198  f. 

Doren,  and  garbo  wool,  lii. 

Dos,  in  Pliny,  197  f.;  in  Hilary,  198; 
see  Dower. 

Dower,  and  the  pearl,  198  ff.;  in 
Arabic  law,  199;  in  Anglo-Saxon 
law,  210;  in  Burgundian  law, 
210  ff.;  in  Gothic  law,  213;  in 
Gregory  of  Tours,  214;  in  Salic 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


381 


law,  214  flf.;  see  Achasium,  Pearl, 
Morgingeba. 
Dropsy  stone,  in  Physiologus,  172  ff.; 
in  Syriac  version,  173;  in  Arabic 
version,  173  f.;  in  Greek  version, 
174;  in  Greek  version  based  on 
Arabic  source,  175. 

Ebony,  and  coral,  180  ff.;  in  Pliny, 

181  f. 
ECONOMIC   HISTORY   AND 

PHILOLOGY,  xxxix-bocvii. 
Elenchus,    in    the   Digest,    191;     in 

Juvenal,  192;  its  etymology,  192 1. 
Elk,  its  etymology,  45  f . 
Elk  horns,  in  an  early  document,  65. 
Emancipated    slave,    in    Langobard 

law,  231  ff. 
Empar amentum,    its    meaning    and 

etymology,  225,  233  ff. 
Engrossing,   not   cause  for  naming 

grocers,  Ixxii. 
Ephraem,  his  Rhythm  of  The  Pearl, 

149  f.;  his  Third  Rhythm,  166  f.; 

his   Second   Rhythm,  167  f.;  and 

the   One   Pearl,    169  ff.;  and  the 

pelican,  294  f. 
Epiphanivs  of  Cyprus,  and  the  lion 

and  the  cub,  264  f. 
Ermine,     its     philological     history, 

318  ff. 
Esop,  and  the  stag,  72  ff. 
Ethiopic  version  of  the  pearl  story, 

143  f. 
Eucherius,  and  the  tragelaphus,  45. 
Euryceros,    in    Oppian,    65;=platy- 

ceros,  106. 
Eusebius-Jerome,     on     Oppian,     an 

interpolation,  104. 
Eustathius,  and  the  bubalis,  101  f. 

F  in  Slavic  languages,  xxxii  f. 
Felt,  its  history,  35  ff. 
FIREBEARING  STONES,   THE, 

289-290. 
Firebearing    Stones,    in    Pliny    and 

Origen,  289;    in  the  Physiologus, 

290. 
Fireflies,  in  Pliny,  344;  see  Hereyn- 

ian  Birds. 
Flodoardus,  and  benna,  205. 
France,  and  agriculture,  xxxvii. 
Francus,  in  Aethicus,  11. 


Franks,  no  history  of,  before  VIII. 
century,  11;  story  of  their  origin, 
11  ff.;  their  genealogy-,  14. 

Fredegar,  and  the  Fraiiks,  11  ff.; 
and  the  unicorn,  243. 

Friga,  and  the  Paeonians,  13. 

Fulcfreal,  in  Langobard  law,  231  ff. 


Galaad,  in  Jerome,  217  ff. 

Gdmus,  see  Gammu^. 

GAM M US,  THE,  92-96. 

Gammus,  in  the  glosses,  92;  leads  to 
"chamois"  words,  94. 

Garb,  of  the  Arabians,  Hi. 

Garbitta  paper,  Iv. 

Garbo,  wool,  li  ff.;  and  wool  from 
Garb  not  the  same,  liii;  paper, 
Iv;  cloth  originally  made  from 
goat's  hair,  lix. 

Garp,  cloth,  defined,  liv. 

Gennadius,  and  Rufinus'  Benedic- 
tions of  the  Patriarchs,  271. 

Geoponica,  and  coral,  180  f. 

GERMAN  LOAN-WORDS  AND 
THE  SECOND  SOUND  SHIFT- 
ING, xxix-xxxix. 

Germanic  languages,  and  Arabic, 
Ixxviii. 

Giraffe,  in  Pliny,  53;  in  Ad-Damlrl, 
59  f. ;  see  Camelopard. 

Gizeria,  in  Apicius  Caelius,  195;  in 
Petronius,  195. 

Gizzard,  its  etymology,  195  ff. 

GLAESUM,  322-341. 

Glaesum,  in  Solinus,  322;  in  Plinv, 
322  ff.;  in  Arabic,  324  f.;  in  the 
Germanic  and  Celtic  vocabu- 
laries, 324  f.;  the  "terror"  words 
derived  from  it  in  Arabic,  325;  in 
the  Romance  languages,  325  f. ; 
in  the  Germanic  languages,  326; 
the  "shine"  words  derived  from  it 
in  the  Germanic  languages,  330  f . ; 
originally  leads  to  "yellow^" 
words,  332;  and  the  "woad" 
words,  332  ff.;  in  Pliny  and 
Solinus,  interpolations,  338;  in 
Tacitus,  340;  in  Cassiodorus,  340  f. 

Goats,  abhorred  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
Iviii;  -hair,  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
Ivff. 

Gorgia,  in  Solinus,  183. 

Gorgonia,  in  Pliny,  183. 


382     HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Gothic  Bible,  translated  from  Graeco- 
Arabic  originally,  228. 

Goths,  and  the  Morris  dance,  329. 

Greek  relations  with  China,  xliii  flf. 

Gregory  of  Tours,  and  the  Franks, 
11. 

Gregory  the  Great,  and  the  bubalus, 
10;  and  the  ibex,  42;  and  the  One 
Pearl,  157;  and  the  unicorn, 
244  ff.;  his  Moralia  interpolated, 
248  ff. 

Grial,  and  the  Benedictions  of  the 
Patriarchs,  266  f. 

Grocer,  his  history,  Ix  ff.;  an  iron 
worker,  Ixi;  not  a  wholesale 
dealer  but  a  commission  mer- 
chant, Ixvff.;  fishmongers,  Ixvi; 
wine  merchant  who  sells  to  "good- 
men",  Ixviii;  who  sells  grosses, 
Ixxi  f.;  not  so  called  from  engross- 
ing, Ixxii. 

Gross  goods,  defined,  Ixiii;  not  the 
same  as  "wholesale,"  Ixiv;  the 
undivided  mass  as  received  in 
commission,  Ixvii. 

Grossier,  see  Grocer. 

Harz  Murgdnah,  141  f.,  152. 

Hermeneumata  leidensia,  and  Ger- 
man Antiquitas,  74. 

Hermeneumata  montepessulana,  and 
sisu,  97. 

Hercynian  Birds,  in  Aethicus,  342; 
in  Pliny,  342;  in  Solinus,  343  f.; 
in  Isidore,  344;  an  adaptation  of 
the  Arabic  word  for  "firefly," 
345. 

HERCYNIAN  FOREST,  THE, 
342-356. 

Hercynian  Forest,  in  Aethicus,  342; 
in  Pliny,  342  f.;  in  Solinus,  343; 
in  Isidore,  344;  and  Hyrcania, 
345;  in  Caesar,  346  f. ;  in  Livy, 
347;  confused  with  Hyrcanian 
Forest  of  Julian,  347  f.;  in  Strabo, 
349  f . ;  in  Tacitus,  352  ff . ;  in  the 
Periegesis,  355;  confusion  with 
Hyrcanian  Forest  very  common, 
356. 

Herodianus,  and  tattooing,  339. 

Herodotus,  and  Paeonia,  13;  and  the 
bubalis,  101. 

Hesychius,  and  bubalis,  101. 

Hexaemeron,  and  tarandus,  50. 


Hilary,  and  the  One  Pearl,  151  ff. ; 

and    the    harz    Murganah,    152; 

and  the  dos,  198. 
Hind,  its  etymology,  46  f . 
Hippalector,  40. 
Hippelaphus,   and  interpolation    in 

Aristotle,  43  f.;  88. 
History,  and  Philology,  xl  f. 
Historia  tripartita,  an  interpolation 

in  the,  104  f. 
Hoffmann's  dating  of  Mediceus,  79. 
Horapollo,  and  the  vulture,  296. 
Huart,  as  a  critic,  xxv. 
Hyrcania,  origin  of  Hercynian  For- 
est, 345;  and    Ammianus,    347  f.; 

and  Julian,  348;  and  Strabo,  349; 

see  Hercynian  Forest. 

Ibex,  the  same  as  tragelaphus,  and 
confused  with  ibis,  42;  and  trage- 
laphus, 54;  and  yahmur,  68;  and 
gamtis  confused,  91. 

Iberia,  and  Hyrcania,  349. 

Ibis,  confused  with  ibex,  42;  and 
monops,  90  f. 

Ildejonsxis,  and  the  lion  and  the 
cub,  266. 

Indian  ink,  and  indigo,  confused,. 
337  f. 

Indian  stones,  see  Dropay  stones. 

Indigo,  its  etymological  history, 
335  ff.;  in  Pliny,  336;  confused 
with  Indian  ink,  337;  in  Oribasius, 
337. 

Indo-European  philology,  its  faults, 
Ixxvii  ff. 

Indo-Germanic  civilization,  never 
existed,  xl. 

lorcos,  in  Oppian,  65. 

Isidore,  and  ibex  and  ibis,  42;  and 
tragelaphus,  44;  and  lynx,  52; 
and  alee,  64;  and  bubalus,  75; 
and  urus,  78;  and  camurus,  78; 
and  coral,  179;  and  do  item, 
198  f.;  and  lacerna,  222;  and 
unicorn,  240;  and  the  Benedic- 
tions of  the   Patriarchs,   266. 

Jerome,  and  tragelaphus,  42;  on 
Oppian,  an  interpolation,  103; 
and  the  pearl,  137  f.;  to  Rusticus 
Monachus,  a  forgery,  160  f.;  and 
Galaad,  217  f. 

John  the  Baptist,  and  achates,  144. 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


383 


Jordanes,  and  scythed  chariot,  206; 

and  tattooing,  339. 
Julian,  and  the  Hyrcanian  Forest, 

348  f. 
Juvenal,    and    elenchus,    192;    and 

Bardaicus,  200. 

K,  Gothic,  and  the  Second  Sound 
Shifting,  xxxiv. 

Karpura-Manjarl,  and  the  pearl, 
121  f. 

Kite,  in  Ad-Damiri,  240  f . ;  in  Sep- 
tuagint,  changed  to  a  stag  and 
unicorn,  241  f.;  in  the  Arabic  ver- 
sion of  the  Physiologus,  242. 

Kluge,  and  Second  Sound  Shifting, 

XXX. 


Ldmmergeier,  see  Vulture. 

Lana  di  garbo,  defined,  liii. 

Lana  francesca,  defined,  liii. 

Langobard  law,  and  fulcfreal,  231  f. 

Laterculus,  and  urus,  76;  and  other 
animals,  77;  and  ablinda,  307. 

Latin,  in  European  languages,  Ixxx. 

Lausiac  History,  and  bubalus,  6  f. 

Leo  the  Wise,  and  bubalus,  8  f. 

Lex  Alamannorum,  and  bison,  99. 

Liber  glossarum,  and  autolops,  70; 
and  urus,  83;  and  camurus,  93; 
and  bubalus,  97;  and  the  pearl, 
171  f.;  and  charadrius,  291  f.;  and 
pelican,  294  f. 

LION,  THE,  253-286. 

Lion  and  the  Cub,  in  St.  Augustine, 
253,  259  ff.,  266;  in  Ambrose, 
253  ff.;  Augustine's  based  on  Am- 
brose's, 261  f.;  in  Cyril  of  Alexan- 
dria, 262  f.;  in  Theodoret,  263;  in 
Procopius  of  Gaza,  263;  of  the 
Physiologus,  not  in  patristic 
literature,  264;  in  Epiphanius, 
264  ff.;  in  Ildefonsus,  266;  in 
Isidore,  266,  269  f.;  in  Pseudo- 
Eucherius,  270;  in  Isidore  taken 
from  Rufinus,  270;  in  Isidore's 
Etymologiae,  an  insertion,  278;  in 
Rufinus,  analyzed,  282  ff.;  in  Ad- 
Damiri,  very  old,  285  f.;  occupies 
first  place  on  account  of  the 
Arabic  word,  286. 

Livi/,  and  the  Hercvnian  Forest,  347. 

LIZARD,  THE,  300-310. 


Lizard  words,  in  OHGerman,  301; 
Sanskrit  musala  and  related 
words,  301  f.;  in  European  lan- 
guages from  As.syrian,  303;  and 
"sun"  words,  304;  and  "poison" 
words,  305;  the  "sun  lizard"  of  the 
Physiologus,  306;  "salamander" 
words  in  Romance  languages, 
307;  related  to  Lat.  stellio,  307  f.; 
and  German  Eidechse,  308  f . ;  and 
AS.  efete,  309. 

Lucan,  and  covinnus,  202. 

Lycaon,  52. 

Lynx,  50  ff. ;  and  lycaon,  52;  and 
iorcos,  66;  in  Diocletian,  66. 


Macrobius,  and  urus,  78;  and  cam- 
urus, 92. 

Madder  words,  in  the  Romance 
languages,  333  f. 

Marcellus,  and  woad,  336. 

Morgan  =  coTa\,   182. 

Margarita  soluta,  in  Digest,  165  f. 

Mar  si,  and  the  weasel,  311  f. 

Martial,  and  bubalus,  75,  102;  and 
bison,  102;  and  unio,  200  ff.,  206  ff. ; 
and  bardocucullus,  200;  and  bas- 
cauda,  200f.;  and  covinnus,  202  ff. 

Marvels  of  India,  and  the  pearl,  138. 

Mediceus,  dating  of,  79. 

Megasthenes,  and  the  pearl,  122  f. 

Meillet,  as  a  critic,  xxiv. 

Mela,  and  lycaon,  52. 

Mermecolion,  a  misreading  of  Arabic 
margan,  148. 

Meroveus,  its  etymology,  243. 

Merovingians,  and  their  eponymous 
hero,  11;  their  origin  from  the 
unicorn,  243. 

Milyukov,  and  Russian  abbrevia- 
tions, Ixxx. 

Morgain,  see  Morgan,  Harz  Mur- 
gdnah. 

Morgan,  talisman,  141  f. 

Morgingeha,  its  historv,  213  ff. 

MONO  PS,  THE,  85-91. 

Monops,  in  Aristotle,  85;  not  a  bison, 
89. 

Monotos,  its  etymologj',  91;  see 
Monops. 

Morris'  Austral  English,  and  phil- 
ander, xxvii. 

Morris  dance,  of  Arabic  origin,  328. 


384    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


see 


Murgdnah,  in  Hilary,   152  ff.; 

Morgan. 
Mut  of  the  Egyptian  religion  the 

mother  par  excellence,  296. 

Nabun,  in  Solinus  and  Pliny,  an- 
other name  for  camelopard,  50; 
its  etymology,  52. 

Nonius,  and  camerus,  92. 


Olympiodorus,  and  the  pearl  and 
tragelaphus,  41. 

One,  the,  and  Ephraem,  150;  in 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  150;  in 
Hilary,  161  ff.;  in  St.  Augustine, 
156  f.;  in  Gregory,  157;  in  Bede, 
157;  in  Paschasius,  158  f.;  in 
Jerome,  159;  in  his  letter  to 
Rusticus  Monachus,  160. 

Oppian,  and  the  achaine,  65;  and  the 
iorcos,  65  f.;  a  forgery,  66;  in 
Jerome,  an  interpolation,  103  f . ; 
in  Athenaeus,  104;  in  Sozomenus, 
104;  in  Historia  tripartita,  104; 
in  Syncellus,  104;  and  the  bison, 
105;  and  euryceros,  106;  and  the 
bubalis,  107;  and  aspidochelone, 
239. 

Oribasius,  and  woad,  333;  and 
indigo,  337. 

Origen,  and  the  tragelaphus,  41; 
and  the  pearl,  131  ff.;  and  fire- 
bearing  stones,  289  f . 

Otis,  and  bubalus  confused,  91. 

Oxford  Dictionary,  and  Bradley, 
xxvi;  and  its  philology,  xxvii;  and 
philander,  xxvii;  its  philological 
blunders,  xlvi;  confuses  history 
of  the  grocer,  Ix;  and  the  broker, 
Ixxii. 

Pa£onia,  Bull  of,  11  ff.;  and  Herodo- 
tus, 13;  mistaken  for  Pannonia, 
14;  and  Athenaeus,  15;  in  Anthol- 
ogia  graeca,  17;  not  the  bison,  18. 

Palaeography,  of  manuscripts  of 
Georgica,  79  f.;  of  Rufinus'  Bene- 
dictions of  the  Patriarchs,  280  f . 

Palaephatus,  and  the  bubalus,  8. 

Palatinus,  its  dating.  80. 

Pannonia,  and  Paeonia,  14. 

Paper,  garbo,  garbexa,  Iv. 


Parandrus,  in  Solinus,  54;  see 
TarandiLS. 

Pardus,  and  chameleon,  confused,  54. 

Paschasius,  and  the  One  Pearl,  158  f. 

Paul,  Abbot,  and  the  bubalus,  7. 

Paulus'  Festus,  and  gizeria,  195;  and 
benna,  203. 

Paulinus  of  Milan,  and  the  lion  and 
the  cub,  274  ff.;  his  letter  to 
Rufinus,  277  f . ;  confused  by  Isi- 
dore with  Paulinus  of  Nola,  278. 

Pausanias,  and  the  camelopard, 
60  f.;  and  the  bison,  103. 

Peaches,  and  the  Second  Sound 
Shifting,  xxxvii. 

PEARL  IN  ARABIC  LITERA- 
TURE, THE,  129-142. 

PEARL  IN  GREEK  LITERA- 
TURE, THE,  121-128. 

PEARL  IN  PLINY,  THE,  176- 
199 

PEARL  IN  THE  PHYSIOLOGUS, 
THE,  143-175. 

Pearl,  the,  its  philological  history, 
108  ff.;  derived  in  Indian  lan- 
guages from  an  "in  front"  word, 
112  f.;  derived  in  European  lan- 
guages from  beryllus,  114  ff.;  in 
the  Atharva-veda,  121;  in  the 
KarpUra-Manjarl,  121  f.;  in  Ar- 
rian,  122;  in  Megasthenes,  122  f.; 
in  Aelian,  123;  called  "royal",  125 
f.;  128;  in  Athenaeus,  126  ff.;  in 
IX.  century,  Arabic  author,  129  f.; 
called  "the  separated,"  129  f.;  as 
the  Virgin,  130;  in  Coptic  litera- 
ture, 130  f.;  connected  with  the 
agate,  131;  in  Origen,  131  ff.;  in 
Pseudo-Athanasius  and  Theophy- 
lactus,  136;  in  Jerome,  137  f.;  in 
The  Book  of  the  Marvels  of  India, 
138;  its  relation  to  the  Virgin  and 
its  birth  in  the  morning  due  to 
an  Arabic  pun,  140;  in  Masudi, 

140  f.;   as  the  Morgan  talisman 

141  f.;  and  the  Fee  Morgain,  142 
in  the  Ethiopic  Physiologus,  143  f . 
the  oyster  shell  and  John  the 
Baptist,  144;  in  the  Physiologus 
originally  in  Arabic,  144  f.;  and 
the  Virgin  Mary  and  the  birth  of 
Christ,  144  ff. ;  in  the  Latin  version 
based  on  a  Svriac  source,  148  f.; 
in  Ephraem's  Fifth  Rhythm,  149f.; 


SUBJECT  INDEX 


385 


conceived  as  "the  One,"  150  ff.; 
in  Clement  of  Alexandria,  150  f.; 
in  Hilary,  151  ff.;  in  Jerome,  159; 
in  St.  Augustine,  159  f.;  in  Jer- 
ome's letter  to  Rusticus  Mon- 
achus,  160 f.;  in  TertuUian,  161  ff.; 
in  Cyprian,  162  ff.;  in  the  Digest, 
164  ff.;  and  the  agate,  in  Eph- 
raem's  Third  Rhythm,  166  f . ;  in 
the  Coptic  version,  167;  in 
Ephraem's  Second  Rhythm, 
167  ff. ;  in  the  Latin  version  of  the 
Physiologus,  171  ff.;  in  the  Syriac 
version,  173;  and  the  dropsy 
stone,  173  f. ;  in  the  Greek  version, 
174  f.;  in  Pliny,  176  ff.;  and  the 
coral,  178  ff.;  in  Solinus,  180;  in 
Zoroaster,  180;  in  Idrlsl  and 
QazwInI,  183;  in  Solinus,  183  f.; 
and  unio,  in  Pliny,  184  ff.;  and 
elenchiis,  in  the  Digest,  191;  in 
Pliny,  193;  and  crotalia,  in  Pliny, 
193;  in  Petronius,  193  f.;  and  dos, 
in  Pliny,  197;  in  Hilary,  198;  in 
Isidore,  198;  and  uniones,  in 
Sulla,  199;  in  Martial,  200  206  f.; 
in  Ammianus,  207;  in  Spanish 
inscription,  208;  and  Arab,  yatl- 
mah,  in  Anglo-Saxon,  210;  in 
the  Burgundian  laws,  210  ff.;  in 
the  Arabic  Exodus,  212  f.;  as 
morgingeba,  in  Gothic,  213;  in 
Gregory  of  Tours,  214;  in  the 
Germanic  laws,  214;  in  the  Lex 
salica,  214  ff. 

Peerlkamp,  on  an  interpolation  in 
Vergil,  76. 

PELICAN,  THE,  294-299. 

Pelican,  the,  in  the  Liber  glossarum, 
294;  as  told  by  Ephraem,  294  f.; 
and  the  vulture,  295  ff. ;  confused 
with  the  vulture,  297;  in  the 
Arabic  and  the  vulture,  298  f. 

Pepperers,  and  grocers,  Ix. 

Periegesis,  and  the  Hercynian  For- 
est, 355. 

Petronius,  his  Cena,  a  forgery,  194; 
and  ^izeria,  195  ff. 

Pf  in  Silesian  dialects,  xxxiii. 

Ph  and  pf  in  German  dialects, 
xxxiii. 

Philanderer,  as  a  term  for  Old 
School  Philologi.sts,  xxvii. 

Philocalia,  and  zombros,  19. 


PHILOLOGICAL  HISTORY  OF 
THE  PEARL,  THE,  108-120. 

Philology,  Old  School,  criticized, 
xxv;  and  the  World  War,  xxv  f.' 
and  the  philanderers,  xxvii;  ana 
the  Oxford  Dictionary,  xxvii;  and 
Economic  History,  xxxix;  cannot 
dissociate  itself  from  History,  xl; 
cannot  succeed  with  literary  ref- 
erences, Ixxvii;  exclusive  Indo- 
European,  a  crime,  Ixxvii;  and  the 
element  of  time,  Ixxviii  f.;  and 
caravan  route,  23. 

Photius,  and  the  tarandus,  57  f. 

Physiologus  scrihii,  in  Rufinus,  a 
proof  of  forgery,  284. 

Pliny,  and  the  tragelaphus,  44; 
and  the  giraffe,  53;  and  the  alee, 
61;  and  the  achlin,  61  f.;  and  the 
axin,  63;  and  the  bison,  100  f.; 
and  the  beryl,  114  ff.;  and  the 
pearl,  176  ff. ;  and  the  coral,  179  ff. ; 
and  the  ebony,  181  f.;  and  the 
gorgonia,  183  f  ;  and  unio,  184  ff.; 
and  the  elenchi  and  crotalia,  193; 
and  dos,  197  f.;  and  the  fire-bear- 
ing stones,  289;  and  glaesum, 
322  ff . ;  and  indigo,  335  ff . ;  and  the 
Hercvnian  birds,  342;  and  fire- 
flies, 344. 

Pomponius  Mela,  and  woad,  338. 

Pondus,  history  of,  Ixxv. 

Pretium,  nuptiale,  212;  puellae,  212; 
see  Dower. 

Procopius  of  Gaza,  and  the  lion  and 
the  cub,  263. 

Protective  armor  from  Tatar  sources, 
20  ff. 

Prudentius,  and  camurus,  94  f. 

Pseudo-Athanasius,  and  the  pearl, 
136. 

Pseudo-Berosxis,  and  covinnus,  203  f . 

Pseudo-Epiphaniiis,  and  the  urus, 
68  f.,  75. 

Pseudo-Eucherius,  270. 

Pseudo-Rujinus,  and  the  bubalus,  10. 

Qazmni,  and  the  coral,  183. 

Rabanus  Maurus,  his  etymology  of 

migale,  318  f. 
Radishes,    probably    from    France, 

xxxvii. 
Raf,  in  Pliny,  53. 


386    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Regrater,  in  Byzantium,  Ixxiii. 
Red  Heifer,  its  etymology,  4  ff . 
Retail,  its  history,   Ixi  ff.;   the  term 

originated    in    the    cloth    trade, 

Ixii;  meaning  of  "inminuto,"  Ixiii; 

dealer  at  an  advantage,  Ixiv;  and 

the  fishmongers,  Ixv. 
Ribbeck,  on  an  interpolation  in  Vergil, 

76;  places  MSS.  of  Georgica  in  V. 

century,  79. 
Romanus,  its  dating,  80. 
Rufinus,   and  the  bubalus,   10;   his 

Benedictions  of  the  Patriarchs  a 

forgery,    270  flf.;    and  Gennadius, 

271;   the   Benedictions  based   on 

Ambrose,  282. 
Russian    Loan-Words,    and    Sound 

Substitution,  xx-xii. 
Rusticus    Monachus,    Letter   to,    in 

Jerome,  a  forgery,  160. 


2o55oe£/t,  in  the  Septuagint,  a 
corruption  of  2a\a«/u,  41. 

Saint  Augustine,  and  the  tragel- 
aphus,  42;  and  the  One  Pearl, 
159  f. ;  and  the  Benedictions  of 
the  Patriarchs,  259  ff. ;  his  Bene- 
diction of  Judah  a  restatement 
of  Ambrose,  261. 

Salic  Law,  and  achasium  215  f.;  and 
dower,  214  ff.;  and  morgangeba, 
214. 

Sanqallensis  912,  83,  93,  224. 

SAW,  THE,  287-288. 

Schedae  Veronenses,  dating  of,  80. 

Schulte,  and  garbo  wool,  iii. 

Scutum,  in  Langobard  law,  221;  in 
Anglo-Saxon  law,  221  f. 

Scythed  chariot,  its  history,  204;  in 
Jordanes,  206. 

Second  Sound  Shifting,  and  German 
loan-words,  xxix  ff. ;  affricata  pf 
not  sign  of  old  borrowing,  xxx; 
change  of  t  to  z  not  sign  of  an- 
tiquity, xxxi;  and  Upper  Gerrran 
aspiration,  xxxi;  still  operative, 
xxxii:  due  to  locality,  not  time, 
xxxii;  in  Silesian  dialects,  xxxiii; 
in  the  Kerenz  dialects,  xxxiii;  re- 
trogressive in  OSaxon  tins,  xxxiv; 
still  active  in  loan-words,  xxxiv  f.; 
and  the  Church,  xxxiv;  not  con- 
sistent in  MHGerman,  xxxvi;  and 


architectural  terms,  xxxvi;  and 
agriculture,  xxxvi  f.;  inapplicable 
in  finals,  xxxviii. 

Segovesus,  in  Livy,  347. 

Seneca,  and  the  urus.  76;  and  the 
bison,  102;  and  unio,  206  f. 

Sequestration,  its  relation  to  pro- 
tection in  Spanish  law,  233  f. 

Serrius,  and  urus,  77;  and  camurus, 
93. 

Shoot,  its  relation  to  "shield,"  224. 

Siberia,  its  etymology,  26. 

Silesian  dialects,  and  treatment  of 
pf,  xxxiii. 

Silius  halicus,  and  covinnus,  205. 

Solinus,  and  the  tragelaphu.s,  44 
and  the  parandrus,  50,  54;  and 
nabun,  50;  and  the  lycaon,  52 
and  the  alee,  62;  and  the  urus 
81;  and  ebony,  181;  and  gorgia 
183;  and  unio,  199;  and  glaesum 
322;  and  the  Hercynian  birds 
343  f. 

Soluta  margarita,  in  the  Digest, 
translation  of  Arab,  qala',  166. 

Soma,  Vedic,  its  origin,  304. 

Sophocles,  and  bubalis,  101. 

Sound  Substitution,  in  Russian  loan- 
words, xxxii;  retrogressive  in 
Silesia,  xxxiii;  see  Second  Sound 
Shifting. 

Sozomenus,  on  Oppian,  an  inter- 
polation, 104. 

Specie  grosse,  Ixxv;  see  Gross  goods. 

Spice,  its  etymology,  Ixxiv. 

Spicerer,  at  Byzantium,  Ixxiii. 

Stag,  Esopic,  the,  and  the  unicorn, 
252. 

Steel,  its  philological  history,  xlif.; 
its  chief  use  in  China,  xlii. 

Steelyard,  its  philological  history, 
xliv  f . 

Strabo,  and  the  Hvrcanian  Forest, 
349. 

Syncellus,  on  Oppian,  an  interpola- 
tion, 104. 


Tacitus,  and  covinnarius,  204  f.;  and 
glaesum,  340;  in  Cassiodorus, 
340  f.;  and  Hercvnian  Forest, 
352  ff. 

T  ARAN  BUS,  THE,  49-58. 


SUBJECT   INDEX 


387 


Tarandus,  the,  in  Solinus,  50  f.,  54  f.; 
in  Plinv,  52;  in  Aelian,  55  f.;  in 
Aristotle,    56;    in    Eustathius    of 
Antioch,     56;    in     Antigonus    of 
Carystia,    57;    in    Theophrastus, 
57;  in  Philo,  58  f.;  grew  out  of  the 
camelopard,   59. 
Tartan,    its    history,   xlvi  ff.;    ulti- 
mately    derived    from     Chinese, 
xlix. 
Tattooing,  in  Claudianus,  Jordanes, 
and  Strabo,  339;  in  Britain,  based 
on  misunderstanding  of  a  passage 
in  Herodianus,  339  f. 
7'eZas  primas,  defined,  liv. 
Tertullian,  and  unio,  161  f.;  his  De 
cultu  foeminarum  a  forgery,  161  ff- 
Th,  and  the  Russian  /,  xxxii. 
Theodoret,  and  the  lion  and  the  cub, 

263. 
Theophrastus,  and  the  tarandus,  57. 
Theophyladus,  and  the  pearl,   136. 
Thuringi,  and  the  Paeonians,  13  f . 
Timotheus  of  Gaza,  and  the  bison, 

100. 
Tiretaine,  its  etymology,  xlv  ff . 
Torci,  and  the  Paeonians,  13  f . 
Torquotus,  and  the  Paeonians,  13  f. 
TRAGELAPHUS,   THE,  40-48. 
Tragelaphus,  the,  in  the  Bible,  1;  in 
the  Coptic  Bible,  7;  in  Diodorus 
Siculus,    8;    in    Greek   literature, 
40;  got  into  the  Bible  by  mistake, 
40;  based  on  the  Coptic  reading 
of   the    Greek    for    "rock    deer," 
41;    in    Origen,  41;    in    Olympio- 
dorus,  41  f.;  in  St.  Augustine,  42; 
in  Aristotle,  42  f.;  in  Pliny,  44;  in 
Isidore,  44;  in  the  glossaries,  45; 
in  Eucherius,  45. 
Traube,  his  dating  of  Romanus,  80. 
Troy,  and  the  Franks,   11. 
Turkish  looms,  in  Europe,  lix. 
Turtle,  the,  in  the  glosses,  219. 

UNICORN,  THE,  240-252. 

Unicorn,  the,  in  Isidore,  240;  in 
the  Physioloqus,  241  f.;  confused 
with  the  kite,  242  ff. ;  and  the 
Merovingians,  243;  in  Ad-Damirl, 
243  f.;  in  Fredegar,  244;  in  Grep:- 
ory,  244  ff.;  and  the  Virgin,  in 
Gregory,  an  interpolation,  247  ff.; 
and  the  Esopic  stag  story,  252. 


UNIONES   IN    MARTIAL,    200- 

209. 

Uniones,  not  in  Jerome  and  St. 
Augustine,  159;  in  Jerome's  Let- 
ter to  RuFticus  Monachus,  160  f.; 
in  Tertullian,  a  forgerv.  161  ff.;  in 
the  Digest,  164  ff.;  in  Phny,  184  ff.; 
in  Solinus,  199;  in  Martial,  200  ff., 
206;  in  Seneca,  206;  in  Ammianus, 
207;  in  a  Spanish  inscription,  208; 
from  the  Coptic  and  Greek,  208  f . 

Upper  German  aspiration,  and  Sec- 
ond Sound  Shifting,  xxxi. 

URUS,  THE,  75-84. 

Urus,  the,  in  Pseudo-Epiphanius, 
68  f.,  75;  in  Vergil,  75  f.;  in  the 
Latcrculus  of  Polemius  Silvius,  76; 
in  Servius,  77  f.;  in  Macrobius, 
78  ( . ;  in  Solinus,  81  f . ;  in  Pliny,  81 ; 
in  the  Liber  glossarum,  83;  in  the 
Graeco-Latin  glosses,  83;  not  in 
the  Glossae  Vergilianae,  83;  in 
Caesar,  84. 

Utrecht  Psalter,  its  palaeography 
compared  with  Romanus,  80  f.; 
and  Codex  Florentinus,  164  f . 


Vassus,  in  Aethicus,  1 1 . 

Vergil,  and  urus,  75;  the  Georgics 
interpolated,  76. 

Virgin,  Marv,  and  the  pearl,  130  f.; 
in  the  Cod.  Reg.  2  C.  XII,  144  ff.; 
based  on  an  Arabic  text,  148. 

Virgin,  the  virtuous,  and  the  uni- 
corn, developed  from  the  virtuous 
female  kite,  243;  in  Gregory,  an 
interpolation,  246  ff.;  due  to  con- 
fusion with  the  Esopic  stag  story, 
252. 

Visuntus,  a  misread  vitulus,  97. 

Vitrum,  see  Wood. 

Vifruvins,  and  woad,  336. 

Vulture,  the,  and  Aristotle,  295; 
and  the  pelican,  295  ff.;  and 
Horapollo,  296;  in  Egyptian  relig- 
ion, 296  f.;  Arabic  original  of  the 
pelican  story,  297  ff. 


Walnfrid  Strnlm,  and  haramo,  318. 
Warrgang,  in  Spain,  226. 
WEASEL,  THE,  311-321. 


388    HISTORY  OF  ARABICO-GOTHIC  CULTURE 


Weasel,  the,  and  the  Marsi,  311; 
"virgin"  words  for,  311  ff.;  as  a 
young  woman,  312;  derived  from 
Marsus,  312  f.;  its  "bride"  words 
from  the  Arabic,  313;  its  "mus- 
tela"  words  from  the  North 
Asiatic  languages,  314  f.;  in  the 
.  Tatar  and  the  European  lan- 
guages, 315  ff. ;  and  the  "ermine" 
words,  318  ff. 

Weighing,  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
Ixix. 

WHALE,  THE,  217-239. 

Whale,  the,  and  ambergris,  221;  in 
the  Physiologus,  239. 

Wholesale,  and  retail,  clothdealers, 
Ixii  f.;  meanings  of  "in  grosso," 
Ixiii;  foreigners  permitted  to  sell 


only  at,  Ixiv;  and  the  fishmongers, 

Ixv. 
Wittimo,   in   Burgundian  law,   212; 

a  misread  Arab,  wa-yatimah,  213. 
Woad,     its     etymological     history, 

332  f. ;  in  Oribasius,  333 ;  in  ASaxon, 

333  f.;  in  Capitulare  de  villis,  334; 
in  Arabic,  334;  in  Vitruvius,  336; 
in  Pliny,  336,  338;  in  Marcellus, 
336;  in  Dioscorides,  336  f.;  in 
Caesar,  338;  in  Mela,  339. 


Yahmiir,  translated  by  bubalus,  4; 
taken  from  a  Syriac  source,  72. 


Zombros,  in  Philocnlia,  19. 


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